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The  Scriptores  HistoriaeAugustae,  or  Historia 
Augusta,  is  a  collection  of  biographies  of 
Roman  emperors,  heirs,  and  claimants 
from  Hadrian  to  Numerianus  (AD  117 
2 84). The  work,  which  is  modelled  on  Sue- 
tonius, purports  to  be  written  by  six  dif- 
ferent authors  and  quotes  documents  and 
public  records  extensively.  Since  we  pos- 
sess no  continuous  account  of  the  emper- 
ors of  the  second  and  third  centuries,  the 
Historia  Augusta  has  naturally  attracted 
keen  attention.  In  the  last  century  it  has 
also  generated  the  grayest  suspicions. 
Present  opinion  holds  that  the  whole  is  the 
work  of  a  single  author  ( who  lived  in  the 
time  of  Theodosius)  and  contains  much 
that  is  plagiarism  and  even  downright 
forgerv. 

O         J 

The  Loeb  Classical  Library  edition  of  the 
Historia  Augusta  is  in  three  volumes. 


August 
99023 
vol  .3 


t.nii 


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THE  LOEB  CLASSICAL  LIBRARY 

FOUNDED   BY  JAMES   LOEB 
EDITED  BY 

G.  P.  GOOLD 

PREVIOUS  EDITORS 
T.  E.  PAGE  E.  CAPPS 

W.   H.  D.  ROUSE          L.  A.  POST 
E.  H.  WARMINGTON 


HISTORIA  AUGUSTA 
III 

LCL  263 


THE  SCRIPTORES 
HISTORIAE 
AUGUSTAE 

VOLUME  III 

WITH  AN  ENGLISH  TRANSLATION  BY 

DAVID  MAGIE 


HARVARD  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

CAMBRIDGE,  MASSACHUSETTS 
LONDON, ENGLAND 


First  published  1932 
Reprinted  1954,  1961,  1968,  1982,  1998 

LOEB  CLASSICAL  LIBRARY®  is  a  registered  trademark 
of  the  President  and  Fellows  of  Harvard  College 


ISBN  0-674-99290-3 


Printed  in  Great  Britain  by  St  Edmundsbury  Press  Ltd, 

Bury  St  Edmunds,  Suffolk,  on  acid-free  paper. 
Bound  by  Hunter  6-  Foulis  Ltd,  Edinburgh,  Scotland. 


CONTENTS 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  vii 

EDITORIAL  NOTE  xi 

THE  TWO  VALERIANS  2 

THE  TWO  GALLIENI  16 

THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS  64 

THE  DEIFIED  CLAUDIUS  152 

THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN  192 

TACITUS  294 

PROBUS  334 

FIRMUS,  SATURNINUS,  PROCULUS,  BONOSUS  386 

CARUS,  CARINUS,  NUMERIAN  416 

INDEX  OF  NAMES  453 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 
(1919-1967) 

Scriptores  Historiae  Augustae  I,  II,  ed.  E.  Hohl,  rev.  W. 
Seyfarth  and  C.  Samberger,  Leipzig,  Teubner,  1965 
(1st  ed.  1927). 


Alfoldi,  A.     Das  Problem  des  "  verweiblichten  "  Kaisers  Galli- 

enus;  Zeitschrift  filr  Numismatik,  xxxviii.  (1928),  156- 

203. 
Bassett,    H.    J.      Macrmus    and    Diadumenianus ;    Menasha, 

Wisconsin,  1920. 
Baynes,  N.  H.     The  Date  of  the  Composition  of  the  Historia 

Augusta;    Classical  Review,  xxxviii.  (1924),  165-169. 

The  Historia  Augusta :    its  Date  and   Purpose ;   Oxford, 

1926. 

Birt,  T.     Zu  Marius  Maximus  (S.H.A.  Geta  2,  1) ;  Philologus, 
Ixxvi.  (1920),  362-366. 

Zu  den  S.H.A. ;  Phiiologus,  Ixxxiii.  (1927),  177-178. 

Dessau,   H.      Die  Samaritaner  bei  den   S.H.A. ;    in  Janus : 

Arbeiten    zur    alien    und    Byzantinischen    Geschichte 

(Vienna,  1921),  124-128. 
Fisher,  W.  H.    The  Augustan  Vita  Aureliani ;  Journal  of  .Rowan 

Studies,  xix.  (1929),  125-149. 
Geffcken,  J.     Religionsgeschichtliches  in  der  Historia  Augusta ; 

Hermes,  Iv.  (1920),  279-295. 
Hadas,  M.     Rabbinic  Parallels  to  S.H.A. ;  Classical  Philology, 

xxiv.  (1929),  258-262. 
Harrer,  G.  A.      The  Chronology  ot  the  Revolt  of  Pescennius 

Niger;  Journal  of  Roman  Studies,  x.  (1920),  155-168. 
Henderson,  B.  W.     The  Life  and  Principate  of  the  Emperor 

Hadrian,  A.D.  76-138;   London,  1923. 

vii 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Hohl,  E.    Ueber  den  Ursprung  der  Historia  Augusta :  Hermes, 
Iv.  (1920),  296-310. 

Bericht  iiber  die  Literatur  zu  den  S.H.A.  fur  die  Jahre 

1916-1923;    Jahresberichte  uber    die    Fortschritte  der 
klassischen  Altertumswissenschaft,  cc.   (1924),   167-210. 

Grundsatzlich.es  zur  Textgestaltung  der  S.H.A. ;   Philo- 

logisclie  Wochenschrift,  xlviii.  (1928),  1115-1118. 
Homo,  L.    La  grande  Grise  de  1'an  238  ap.  J.C.  et  le  Problems 
de  1'Histoire  Auguste ;    Revue  Historique,  cxxxi.  (1919), 
209-264;  cxxxii.  (1919),  1-38. 

Les  Documents  de  1'Histoire   Auguste  et    leur    Valeur 

historique;  Revue  Historique,  cli.  (1926),  161-198:  olii. 

(1926).  1-31. 
Jarde1,  A.     Etudes  critiques  sur  la  Vie  et  le  Eegne  de  Severe 

Alexandre;  Paris,  1926. 
Jorga,  N.     Le  Probleme  de  1'Abandon  de  la  Dacie  par  I'Empereur 

Au re" lien ;   Revue  Historique  du   Sud-Est    European,  i. 

(1924),  37-58. 
Klotz,   A.      Beitrage  zur  Textgeschichte   und    Textritik    der 

S.H.A.;   Rheinisches  Museum,  Ixxviii.  (1929),  268-314, 

432. 
Mattingly,  H.,  and  Sydenham,  E.  A.     The  Roman  imperial 

Coinage,  Vol.  v.,  Part  1  (Valerian  to  the  Interregnum), 

by  P.  H.  Webb ;  London,  1927. 
Milne,  J.  G.     Aemilianus  the  "  Tyrant "  ;  Journal  of  Egyptian 

Archaeology,  x.  (1924),  80-82. 
Orth,  E.     Zu  den  S.H.A;  Philologische  Wochenschrift,  xlix. 

(1929).  1470-1471. 

Von  Orpheus  bis  Grillius  (on  Tac.,  10,  3) ;  Philologische 

Wochenschrift,  1.  (1930),  395-400. 
Pasoli,  A.     L'Uso  di  Erodiano  nella  «'  Vita  Maximini " ;  Milan, 

1927. 
Sulla  Composizione  die  due  Brani  parallel!  degli  "  S.H.A," 

(Max.  13, 5 — 19  e  Oord.,  7,  2—16)  in  Annali  del  R.  Liceo- 

Gimnasio  Ugo  Foscolo  di  Pavia  del  Anno  1927-1928', 

Voghera,  1929. 
Ferret,  L.     L'Histoire  de  I'Empereur  G6ta ;  Revue  des  Etudes 

Historiques,  xci.  (1925),  119-130. 
Pichlmayr,  F.      Zu  den  S.H.A.;    Philologus,   bocx.    (1925), 

345-350. 
Beuss,  W.      Der  historische  Wert  der  Garacallavita  in  den 

S.H.A.;  Elio,  Beiheft  24  (1931). 

viii 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Rohde,    J.       Die    Marcomanenkriege    Marc    Aurels;     Halle, 

1924. 
Rosenberg,  A.      Ein  Document  zur  Beichsreform  des  Kaisers 

Gallienus;  Hermts,  Iv.  (1920),  319-321. 
Rostovtseff,   M.      La   Crise  sociale   et   politique  de  L'Empire 

Boinain  au   III  Siecle  ap.   J.C. ;   Jfus&   Beige,   xxvii. 

(1923),  233-242. 
Schmiedler,  B.     Adam  von  Bremen  und  die  S.H.A. ;  Historische 

Vitrtelialirsclir.it,  1920.  3381. 

Die  S.H.A.  and  dor  Heilige  Hieronymus.  Ein   Beitrag 

zur  Entstehungszeit  der  falschen    Kaiserviten;   Plu.o- 
logisclie  WocJi<*nschr:ft,  xlvii.  (1927),  955-960. 

Sohnabel,  P.     Die  Chronologic  Aurelians;   Klio,  xx.  (1925-6), 

863-368. 
Sohwendemann,  J.     Der  historische  Wert  der  Vita  Marci  bei 

den  S.H.A. ;  Heidelberg,  1923. 
Sedgwick,  H.  D.     Marcus  Aurelius;  Oxford,  1921. 
Sjogren,  H.     Kleine  textkritische  Beitra^e  (Hadr.  13,  3  ;  A^ex. 

13,  6)  ;  Eranos,  xix.  (1923),  163-172. 
Stein,  A.     Zur  Chronologie  der  Bomischen  Kaiser  von  Decius 

bis  Diocletian;  Arclriv  fiir  Papifrusftjrschutig,  vii.  (1923), 

30-51;  viii.  (1926),  11-18. 

Zeitbestimmuncjen  von  Gallienus  bis  Aureliau ;  K'.io,  xxi. 

(1926-7),  78-82. 

Obsen-ations  on  the  Chronology  of  the  Roman  Emperors 

in  the  Second  Half  of  the  Third  Century ;    Jcmmal  of 
Egyptian  Archaeology,  xiv.  (192S),  16-19. 
Thomell,  G.     Ad  diversos  Scriptores  Couiectanea  et  Intoi-pret- 
atoria;  in  Strenaphilologica  Upsalien$:s  ^Upsala.  1922), 
383-392. 

Ad   S.H.A.    et  Araniianmn   Marcellinum  Adnotatioues; 

Leipzig,  1927. 

Tidner,  E.     De  Particulis  copulativis  apud  S.H.A.  Quaestiones 

selectao ;  Upsala,  1922. 
•  In  S.H.A.  Adnot-atiunculae ;    in  Strma  philotogica   Up- 

saliensis  (Upsala,  1922),  149-162. 
Townsend,  P.  W.     The  Chronology  of  the  Year  28S  A.P.  ;  Yal* 

Classical  Studies,  i.  (192S),  231-238. 
Van  Sickle,  C.  E.     A  hypothetical  Chronology  for  the  Year  of 

the  Gordians ;  Classical  Philology,  xxii.  (1927),  416-417. 

The  Legal  Status  of  Clodius  Albinua  in  the  Years  193-196  ; 

Classical  Philology,  xxiii.  (192S),  128-127. 

iz 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Van  Sickle,  C.  E.  Some  further  Observations  on  the  Chro- 
nology of  the  Year  238  A.D.  ;  Classical  Philology,  xxiv. 
(1929),  284-289. 

Vorbrodt,  T.     Kaiser  Gallienus  (253-268) ;  Halle,  1923. 

Westermann,  W.  L.  The  Papyri  and  the  Chronology  of  the 
Reign  of  the  Emperor  Probus ;  Aegyptus,  i.  (1920), 
297-301 


The  various  contributions  made  to  the  study  of  the  Scriptores 
Historiae  Augustae,  especially  since  1945,  are  recorded  annually 
in  Marouzeau,  UAnnte  Philologique 

For  the  date  etc.,  and  some  partial  editions,  see  especially  : 
H.  Stern.     Date  et  Destinataire  de  1'Histoire  Auguste,  Paris, 

1953. 
Bonner.     Historia  Augusta  Colloquium,  1964-65.     Antiquitas, 

Reihe  4,  3. 
P.    White.     The     Authorship     of    the     Historia     Augusta. 

Journal  of  Roman  Studies,  Ivii.  (1967),  115  ff. 
A.  Momigliano.     An  Unsolved  Problem  of  Historical  Forgery, 

Journal  of  the  Warburg  and  Gourtauld  Institutes,  xvii. 

(1954),  22  ff. 

J.  Schwarz,  in  B.F.S.  xl.  (1961-2),  169  ff. 
T.  Zawadzki,  in  Studii  Clasice,  v.  (1963),  249  ff. 
E.  Manni.     Trebellio   Pollione.     Le  vite  di   Valeriano   e  di 

Gallieno.  Text,  introd.  notes,  etc.  Palermo.     1952. 
E.     Hohl.     Maximini     Duo.     lulius     Capitolinus     (edition), 

Berlin,  1949. 

For  other  special  aspects  : 

W.    Hartke.     Geschichte  und  Politik  im  spatantiken    Rom. 

Klio,  Beiheft  xlv,  1940. 
A.    Reintjes.     Untersucliungen    zu    den    Beamten    bei    den 

Scriptores  Hist.  Aug.,  Bonn,  1961. 
A.   Cameron.     Literary  Allusions  in  the   Historia  Augusta, 

Hermes,  xcii.  (1964),  313  ff. 
Atti  del  Colloquio  patavino  sulla  Historia  Augusta.     Publl. 

ist.  di  Storia  Antica.  Padua,  Rome,  1964. 
A.  Bellezza.    Hist.  Aug.  I.  Le  Edizioni,  Genoa,  1959. 


EDITORIAL  NOTE  (1991) 

SCHOLARLY  research  pursued  since  the  first  publication  of 
this  work  in  1922  now  requires  modification  of  some  of  the 
editor's  views.  Most  authorities  today  are  persuaded  that 
die  ostensible  multiple  authorship  of  these  lives  is  a  wilful 
deception,  that  one  person  is  responsible  for  the  collection 
and  the  insertion  into  it  of  documents  which  are  sheer 
fabrications,  and  that  the  date  of  this  activity  is  about 
A.D.  395. 

To  the  bibliography  above  the  following  important 
works  (die  first  two  with  extensive  bibliographies)  may 
now  be  added: 

SYME,  SIR  RONALD:  Ammianus  and  the  Historia  Augusta, 

Oxford,  1968. 
SYME,  SIR  RONALD:  Emperors  and  Biography:  Studies  in 

the  Historia  Augusta,  Oxford,  1971. 
BARNES,  T.  D.:  Sources  of  the  Historia  Augusta,  Bruxelles 

1978. 
SYME,  SIR  RONALD:  Historia  Augusta  Papers,  Oxford 

1983. 

G.  P.  G. 


XI 


SCRIPTORES 
HISTORIAE    AUGUSTAE 


THE  TWO  VALERIANS 

inferioribus  1  nihil  dico.  Mithradates  Ponticus  totam 
Asiam  tenuit ;  certe  victus  est,  certe  Asia  Roman- 
6orum  est.  si  meum  consilium  requiris,  utere  oc- 
casione  pacis  et  Valerianum  suis  redde.  ego  gratulor 
felicitati  tuae,  si  taraen  ilia  uti  tu  scias." 

II.  Velenus  rex  Cadusiorum  sic  scripsit :  "  Remissa 
mihi    auxilia  integra  et  incolumia  gratanter  accepi. 
at  captum  Valerianum  principem  principum  non  satis 
gratulor,  magis  gratuler,  si  redderetur.     Romani  enim 

2graviores  tune  sunt,  quando  vincuntur.  age  igitur  ut 
prudentem  decet,  nee  fortuna  te  inflammet,  quae 
multos  decepit.  Valerianus  et  filium  imperatorem 
habet  et  nepotem  Caesarem,  et  quid  ad  omnem 
orbem  ilium  Romanum,  qui  contra  te  totus  insurget  ? 

3  redde  igitur  Valerianum  et  fac  cum  Romanis  pacem, 
nobis  etiam  ob  gentes  Ponticas  profuturam." 

III.  Artavasdes  rex  Armeniorum  talem  ad  Saporem 
epistulam    misit :    "  In    partem   gloriae   venio,    sed 

2vereor  ne  non  tarn  viceris  quam  bella  severis.  Valeri- 
anum et  filius  repetit  et  nepos  et  duces  Romani  et 
omnis  Gallia  et  omnis  Africa  et  omnis  Hispania  et 
omnis  Italia  et  omnes  gentes  quae  sunt  in  Illyrico 
atque  in  oriente  et  in  Ponto,  quae  cum  Romanis 

1  inferioribus  Obrecht,  Peter ;  interioribus  P,  S. 


1  A  Median  people,  living  on  the  S.W.  coast  of  the  Caspian 
Sea,  also  called  Gaeli. 

3  i.e.,  Gallienus. 

3  There  were  three  Armenian  kings  of  this  name  during  the 
second  and  first  centuries  before  Christ  and  the  first  century 
after  Christ,  but  none  in  the  third  century.  If  the  author  is 
not  merely  using  a  well-known  name  to  give  verisimilitude  to 
the  letter,  as  seems  most  likely,  he  may  have  in  mind 
Artavasdes  the  Mamiconaean,  regent  for  the  young  Tiridates 
IIT.  during  tho  period  whioh  followed  the  death  of  his  father, 


THE  TWO  VALERIANS  I.  6— III.  2 

them  now.  Examples  more  remote  and  perhaps  less 
important  I  will  not  cite.  Mithradates  of  Pontus 
held  all  of  Asia  ;  it  is  a  fact  that  he  was  vanquished 
and  Asia  now  belongs  to  the  Romans.  If  you  ask  my 
advice,  make  use  of  the  opportunity  for  peace  and  give 
back  Valerian  to  his  people.  I  do  indeed  congratulate 
you  on  your  good  fortune,  but  only  if  you  know  how 
to  use  it  aright." 

II.  Velenus,  King  of  the  Cadusii,1  wrote  as  follows : 
"  I  have  received  with  gratitude  my  forces  returned 
to   me  safe  and   sound.     Yet  I  cannot  wholly   con- 
gratulate you  that   Valerian,    prince   of  princes,   is 
captured  ;  I  should  congratulate  you  more,  were  he 
given  back  to  his  people.     For  the  Romans  are  never 
more  dangerous  than  when  they  are  defeated.     Act, 
therefore,  as   becomes  a  prudent  man,  and  do  not 
let  Fortune,  which  has  tricked  many,  kindle   your 
pride.     Valerian  has  an  emperor  for  a  son  2  and  a 
Caesar  for  a  grandson,  and  what  of  the  whole  Roman 
world,  which,  to  a  man,  will  rise  up  against  you? 
Give  back  Valerian,  therefore,  and  make  peace  with 
the  Romans,  a  peace  which  will  benefit  us  as  well 
because  of  the  tribes  of  Pontus." 

III.  Artavasdes,3  King  of  the  Armenians,  sent  the 
following  letter  to  Sapor :  "  I  have,  indeed,  a  share 
in  your  glory,  but  I  fear  that  you  have  not  so  much 
conquered  as  sown  the  seeds  of  war.     For  Valerian 
is  being  sought  back  by  his  son,  his  grandson,  and 
the  generals  of   Rome,  by  all    Gaul,  all  Africa,  all 
Spain,  all  Italy,  and  by  all  the  nations  of  Ilyricum, 
the  East,  and  Pontus,  which  are  leagued  with  the 

Chosroes  I.,  about  250,  as  is  supposed  by  P.  Asdourian,  Polit. 
Beaif-hnnge-n  ew.  Armenien  u.  Rom.,  p.  127  f. 


THE  TWO  VALERIANS 

3  consentiunt  aut  Romanorum  sunt.  unum  ergo  senem 
cepisti  sed  l  omnes  gentes  orbis  terrarum  infestissimas 
tibi  fecisti,  fortassis  et  nobis,  qui  auxilia  misimus,  qui 
vicini  sumus,  qui  semper  vobis  inter  vos  pugnantibus 
laboramus." 

IV.  Bactriani  et  Hiberi  et  Albani  et  Tauroscythae 
Saporis    litteras    non    receperunt    sed   ad     Romanes 
duces  scripserunt  auxilia  pollicentes  ad  Valerianum 
de  captivitate  liberandum. 

2  Sed  Valeriano  apud  Persas  consenescente  Odae- 
nathus  Palmyrenus  collecto  exercitu  rem  Romanam 

8  prope  in  pristinum  statum  reddidit.  cepit  regis 
thesauros,  cepit  etiam,  quas  thesauris  cariores  habent 

4reges  Parthici,  concubinas.  quare  magis  reformidans 
Romanos  duces  Sapor  timore  Ballistae  atque  Odae- 
nathi  in  regnum  suum  ocius  se  recepit.  atque  hie 
interim  finis  belli  fuit  Persici. 

V.  Haec  sunt  digna  cognitu  de  Valeriano,  cuius  per 
annos  sexaginta  vita  laudabilis  in  earn  conscenderat 
gloriam   ut  post   omnes  honores   et   magistratus   in- 
signiter  gestos  imperator  fieret,  non,  ut  solet,  tumul- 
tuario  populi  concursu,  non  militum  strepitu,  sed  iure 
meritorum    et   quasi    ex   totius   orbis   una   sententia. 

2  denique    si   data    esset    omnibus    potestas    promendi 
arbitrii  quern  imperatorem  vellent,  alter   non    esset 
electus. 

3  Et    ut    scias    quanta   vis   in   Valeriano    meritorum 

1  cepisti  sed  Petschenig,  Hohl ;  cepistis  et  P. 


1From  Trans-Caucasia.  2  See  note  to  Hadr.,  xxi.  18. 

8 In  S.  Russia,  north  of  the  Crimea. 

4 See  Tyr.  Trig.,  xv.  5See  Tyr.  Trig.,  xviii. 


THE  TWO  VALERIANS  III.  3— V.  3 

Romans  or  subject  to  them.  So,  then,  you  have 
captured  one  old  man  but  have  made  all  the  nations 
of  the  world  your  bitterest  foes,  and  ours  too,  perhaps, 
for  we  have  sent  you  aid,  we  are  your  neighbours, 
and  we  always  suffer  when  you  fight  with  each 
other." 

IV.  The  Bactrians,  the  Hiberians,1  the  Albanians,2 
and  the  Tauroscythians  3  refused  to  receive  Sapor's 
letters    and    wrote    to    the     Roman     commanders, 
promising  aid    for   the   liberation   of  Valerian  from 
his  captivity. 

Meanwhile,  however,  while  Valerian  was  growing 
old  in  Persia,  Odaenathus  the  Palmyrene  4  gathered 
together  an  army  and  restored  the  Roman  power 
almost  to  its  pristine  condition.  He  captured  the 
king's  treasures  and  he  captured,  too,  what  the 
Parthian  monarchs  hold  dearer  than  treasures, 
namely  his  concubines.  For  this  reason  Sapor  was 
now  in  greater  dread  of  the  Roman  generals,  and 
out  of  fear  of  Ballista  5  and  Odaenathus  he  withdrew 
more  speedily  to  his  kingdom.  And  this,  for  the 
time  being,  was  the  end  of  the  war  with  the  Persians. 

V.  This  is  all  that  is  worthy  of  being  known  about 
Valerian,  whose  life,  praiseworthy  for  sixty  years  long, 
finally   rose   to   such    glory,    that   after  holding   all 
honours    and    offices  with  great  distinction    he    was 
chosen  emperor,  not,  as  often  happens,  in  a  riotous 
assemblage   of  the   people   or  by   the    shouting   of 
soldiers,  but  solely  by  right  of  his  services,  and,  as  it 
were,  by  the  single  voice  of  the  entire  world.      In 
short,  if  all  had  been  given  the  power  of  expressing 
their  choice  as  to  whom   they  desired  as   emperor, 
none  other  would  have  been  chosen. 

Now  in  order  that  you  may  know  what  power  lay 


THE  TWO  VALERIANS 

fuerit 1  publicorum,  ponara  senatus  consulta,  quibus 
animadvertant  omnes  quid  de  illo  semper  amplissi- 
mus  ordo  iudicaverit. 

4  Duobus  Deciis  consulibus  sexto  kal.  Novenibrium 
die,  cum  ob  imperatorias  litteras  in  Aede  Castorum 
senatus    haberetur,  ireturque    per   sententias   singu- 
lorum,  ,cui    deberet   censura    deferri    (nam  id    Decii 
posuerant    in    senatus    amplissimi     potestate),     ubi 
primum  praetor  edixit :   "  Quid  vobis  videtur,  patres 
conscripti,  de  censore  deligendo  ? '"  atque  eum,  qui 
erat    princeps    tune    senatus,     sententiam     rogasset 
absente  Valeriano  (nam  ille  in  procinctu  cum  Decio 
tune   agebat),    omnes  una  voce  dixerunt  interrupto 
more  dicendae  sententiae  :    "  Valeriani  vita  censura 

5  est.     ille  de  omnibus  iudicet,  qui  est  omnibus  melior. 
ille    de   senatu    iudicet,    qui    nullum    habet    crimen. 
ille  de  vita  nostra  sententiam  ferat,  cui  nihil  potest 

Cobici.  Valerianus  a  prima  pueritia  fuit  censor. 
Valerianus  in  tota  vita  sua  fuit  censor,  prudens 
senator,  modestus  senator,  gravis  senator,  amicus 
bonorum,  inimicus  tyrannorum,  hostis  criminum, 

7  hostis  vitiorum.  hunc  censorem  omnes  accipimus, 
hunc  imitari  omnes  volumus.  primus  genere,  nobilis 

1  fuerit  Z,  Peter,  Hohl  ;  fuit  P. 


1  The  spuriousness  of  this  "  seuatus  consultum  "  is  sufficiently 
shown  by  the  fact  that  Decius  died  in  the  summer  of   251. 
For    other    such    "  senatus    consulta "    see    Maxim.,    xvi. ; 
Oord.,  xi. ;   Tyr.  Trig.,  xxi.  3-4  ;  Claud.,  iv. ;  Aur.,  xix. ;  xli. ; 
Tac.,  iii. ;  Prob.,  xi.  5-9. 

2  See  note  to  Maxim.,  xvi.  1. 

3  The  attempt  to  revive  the  censorship,  as  described  here,  is 
as  fictitious  as  the  "  senatus  consultum  "  itself,  and  is  merely 
a  part  of  the  biographer's  tendency  to  magnify  the  importance 
of  the  senate.     It  is  true,  however,  that  Derius  in  250  conferred 

8 


THE  TWO  VALERIANS  V.  4-7 

in  the  public  services  of  Valerian,  I  will  cite  the 
decrees  of  the  senate,1  which  will  make  it  clear  to  all 
what  judgement  concerning  him  was  always  expressed 
by  that  most  illustrious  body. 

In  the  consulship  of  the  two  Decii,  on  the  sixth  27  Oct.,  251 
day  before  the  Kalends  of  November,  when,  pursuant 
to  an  imperial  mandate,  the  senate  convened  in  the 
Temple  of  Castor  and  Pollux,2  and  each  senator  was 
asked  his  opinion  as  to  the  man  to  whom  the  censor- 
ship 3  should  be  offered  (for  this  the  Decii  had  left  in 
the  power  of  the  most  high  senate),  when  the  praetor 
had  first  announced  the  question,  "  What  is  your 
desire,  Conscript  Fathers,  with  regard  to  choosing 
a  censor  ?  '  '  and  then  asked  the  opinion  of  him  who 
was  then  the  chief  of  the  senate  4  in  the  absence  of 
Valerian  (for  at  that  time  he  was  in  military  service 
with  Decius),  then  all,  breaking  through  the  usual 
mode  of  giving  the  vote,  cried  out  with  one  voice  :  * 
"  Valerian's  life  is  a  censorship.  Let  him  judge  all, 
who  is  better  than  all.  Let  him  judge  the  senate, 
who  is  free  from  guilt.  Let  him  pronounce  sentence 
on  our  lives,  against  whom  no  reproach  can  be  brought. 
From  early  childhood  Valerian  has  been  a  censor. 
All  his  life  long  Valerian  has  been  a  censor.  A  wise 
senator,  a  modest  senator,  a  respected  senator.  The 
friend  of  the  good,  the  enemy  of  tyrants,  the  foe  of 
crimes,  the  foe  of  vices.  He  it  is  whom  we  all  accept 
as  censor,  whom  we  all  desire  to  imitate.  Foremost 


on  Valerian  some  important  position  —  77  TU>V  irpay/j-drcav 
according  to  Zonaras,  xii.  20. 

4  Valerian  is  said  to  have  held  this  office  as  early  as  238  ; 
see  Gord.,  ix.  7. 

5  On  such  acclamations  in  the  senate  see-  note  to  Alex.,  vi.  1. 
They  are  also  found  in  Claud.,  iv.  3-4  ;  xviii.  2-3  ;  Toe.,  iv. 
1-4  ;  v.  1-2  ;  vii.  1  ;  Prob.t  xi.  6-9  ;  xii.  8. 


THE  TWO  VALERIANS 

sanguine,  emendatus   vita,  doctrina   clams,  moribus 

Ssingularis,  exemplum  1  antiquitatis."  quae  cum 
esseiit  saepius  dicta,  addiderunt,  "omnes/'  atque  ita 
discessum  est. 

VI.  Hoc  senatus  consultum  ubi  Decius  accepit, 
omnes  aulicos  convocavit,  ipsum  etiam  Valerianum 
praecepit2  rogari,  atque  in  conventu  summorum 

2virorum  recitato  senatus  coiisulto,  "  Felicem  te,"  in- 
quit,  "  Valerianum,  totius  senatus  sententia,  immo 
animis  atque  pectoribus  3  totius  orbis  humani.  suscipe 
ceiisuram,  quam  tibi  detulit  Romana  res  publica,  quam 
solus  mereris,  iudicaturus  de  moribus  omnium,  iudica- 

3  turus  de  moribus  nostris.  tu  aestimabis  qui  manere 
in  Curia  debeant,  tu  equestrem  ordinem  in  antiquum 
statum  rediges,  tu  censibus  modum  pones,  tu  vecti- 
galia  firmabis  divides  statues,  tu  4  res  publicas  recen- 

4sebis;  tibi  legum  scribendarum  auctoritas  dabitur,  tibi 

5  de  ordinibus  militum  iudicandum  est ;  tu  arma  respicies  ; 

6  tu  de  nostro  Palatio,  tu  de  iudicibus,  tu  de  praefectis 
eminentissimis   iudicabis  ;   excepto  denique  praefecto 
urbis  Romae,  exceptis    consulibus    ordinariis   et    sac- 
rorum  rege  ac   maxima  virgine  Vestalium   (si  tamen 
incorrupta  permanebit)  de  omnibus  sententias  feres, 
laborabunt  autem  etiam  illi,  ut  tibi  placeant,  de  quibus 

7non  potes  iudicare."  haec  Decius.  sed  Valeriano 
sententia  huiusmodi  fuit :  "  Ne,  quaeso,  sanctissime 
imperator,  ad  hanc  me  necessitatem  alliges,  ut  ego 

1  exemplo  P,  Hohl.  2 praecepit  E\  praecipit  P,  Peter. 

8 pectoribus  2 ;  peccatoribus  P.  4  statues  tu  Hohl ;  statues 

2 ;  statu  P ;  tu  Peter. 


1  Sec  note  to  Carac.,  iv.  8. 
10 


THE  TWO  VALERIANS  V.  8— VI.  7 

in  family,  noble  in  blood,  free  from  stain  in  his  life, 
famed  for  his  learning,  matchless  in  character,  a  sample 
of  the  olden  times."  When  all  this  had  been  said 
repeatedly,  they  added,  "  All  with  one  accord,"  and 
so  they  departed. 

VI.  When  this  decree  of  the  senate  was  brought 
to  Decius,  he  called  all  his  courtiers  together  and 
gave  orders  that  Valerian,  too,  should  be  summoned. 
Then,  having  read  the  decree  before  this  assemblage 
of  the  foremost  men,  he  said :  "  Happy  are  you,  Vale- 
rian, in  this  vote  of  the  entire  senate,  or  rather  in  the 
thoughts  and  the  hearts  of  the  whole  world  of  men. 
Receive  the  censorship,  which  the  Roman  common- 
wealth has  offered  you  and  which  you  alone  deserve, 
you  who  are  now  about  to  pass  judgement  on  the 
character  of  all  men,  on  the  character  of  ourselves  as 
well.  You  shall  decide  who  are  worthy  to  remain  in 
the  Senate-house,  you  shall  restore  the  equestrian 
order  to  its  old-time  condition,  you  shall  determine  the 
amount  of  our  property,  you  shall  safeguard,  apportion 
and  order  our  revenues,  you  shall  conduct  the  census 
'n  our  communities ;  to  you  shall  be  given  the  power 
to  write  our  laws,  you  shall  judge  concerning  the 
rank  of  our  soldiers,  and  you  shall  have  a  care  for 
their  arms ;  you  shall  pass  judgement  on  our  Palace, 
our  judges  and  our  most  eminent  prefects ;  in  short, 
except  for  the  prefect  of  the  city  of  Rome,  except 
for  the  regular  consuls,1  the  king  of  the  sacrifices, 
and  the  senior  Vestal  Virgin  (as  long,  that  is,  as  she 
remains  unpolluted),  you  shall  pronounce  sentence  on 
all.  Even  those  on  whom  you  may  not  pass  judge- 
ment will  strive  to  win  your  approval."  Thus  Decius ; 
but  Valerian's  reply  was  as  follows  :  "  Do  not,  I  pray 
you,  most  venerated  Emperor,  fasten  upon  me  the 

11 


THE  TWO  VALERIANS 

iudicem  de  populo,  de  militibus,  de  senatu,  de  omni 

Spenitus  orbe  iudicibus  et  tribunis  ac  ducibus.     haec 

sunt  propter l  quae  Augustum  nomen  tenetis  ;  apud 

vos  censura  desedit,  non  potest  hoc  implere  privatus. 

9veniam  igitur  eius  honoris  peto,  cui   vita   impar  est, 

impar  est  confidentia,  cui  tempora  sic  repugnant,  ut 

censuram  hominum  natura  non  quaerat." 

VII.  Poteram   multa   alia  et   senatus  consulta  et 
iudicia  principum  de 2  Valeriano  proferre,  nisi  et  vobis 
pleraque  nota  essent,  et  puderet  altius  virum  extollere, 
qui   fatali   quadam   necessitate  superatus  est.     nunc 
ad  Valerianum  minorem  revertar. 

VIII.  Valeria  n  us  i  uni  or,  aliaquam  Gallienus 
matre  genitus,   forma  conspicuus,  verecundia  proba- 
bilis,  eruditione  pro  aetate  clarus,  moribus  periucundus 
atque  a  fratris  dissolutione  seiunctus,  a  patre  absente 
Caesar  est  appellatus,  a  fratre,  ut  Caelestinus  dicit, 

2  Augustus,     nihil  habet  praedicabile  in  vita,  nisi  quod 
est  nobiliter  natus,  educatus  optime  et  miserabiliter 
interemptus. 

3  Et  quoniam  scio  errare  plerosque,  qui  Valeriani  im- 
peratoris  titulum  in  sepulchro  legentes  illius  Valeriani 
redditum  putaiit  corpus,   qui  a  Persis  est  captus,  ne 
ullus  error  obrepat,  mittendum  in  litteras  censui  hunc 
Valerianum  circa  Mediolanum  sepultum  addito  titulo 
Claudii  iussu  :   "  Valerianus  imperator." 

1  propter  om.  in  P  and  2.  2  de  2,  Peter ;  sen  P. 


1  See  note  to  Oall.t  xiv.  10.  a  Otherwise  unknown. 

12 


THE  TWO  VALERIANS  VI.  8— VIII.  3 

necessity  of  passing  judgement  on  the  people,  the 
soldiers,  the  senate,  and  all  judges,  tribunes  and 
generals  the  whole  world  over.  It  is  for  this  that 
you  have  the  name  of  Augustus.  You  it  is  on  whom 
the  office  of  censor  devolves,  for  no  commoner  can 
duly  fill  it.  Therefore  I  ask  to  be  excused  from  this 
office,  to  which  my  life  is  unequal,  my  courage  un- 
equal, and  the  times  so  unfavourable  that  human 
nature  does  not  desire  the  office  of  censor." 

VII.  I  could,  indeed,  cite  many  other  senatorial 
decrees  and  imperial  judgements  concerning  Valerian, 
were  not  most  of  them  known  to  you,  and  did  I  not 
feel  ashamed  to  extol  too  greatly  a  man  who  was 
vanquished  by  what  seems  a  destined  doom.     Now 
let  me  turn  to  the  younger  Valerian. 

VIII.  Valerian  the  younger,1  the  son  of  a  different 
mother  from  Gallienus,  conspicuous  for  his  beauty, 
admired  for  his  modesty,  distinguished  in  learning  for 
one  of  his  years,  amiable  in  his  manners,  and  holding 
aloof  from  the  vicious  ways  of  his  brother,  received 
from  his  father,  when  absent,  the  title  of  Caesar  and 
from  his  brother,  so  says  Caelestinus,2  that  of  Augustus. 
His  life  contains  nothing  worthy  of  note,  save  that 
he  was  nobly  born,  excellently  reared,  and  pitiably 
slain. 

Now  since  I  know  that  many  are  in  error,  who  have 
read  the  inscription  of  Valerian  the  Emperor  on  a 
tomb,  and  believe  that  the  bodv  of  that  Valerian  who 

*  •> 

was  captured  by  the  Persians  was  given  back  again, 
1  have  thought  it  my  duty,  that  no  error  might  creep 
in,  to  set  down  in  writing  that  it  was  this  younger 
Valerian  who  was  buried  near  Milan  and  that  by 
Claudius'  order  the  inscription  was  added  :  "  Valerian 
the  Emperor." 

13 


THE  TWO  VALERIANS 

4  Non  puto  plus  aliquid  vel  de  maiore  Valeriano  vel 

5  de    iuniore   requirendum.       et   quoniam   vereor    ne 
modum  voluminis  transeam,  si  Gallienum,  Valerian! 
filium,  de  quo  iam  multus  et  forlasse  nimius  nobis  fuit 
sermo  in  illius  vitn,  vel  Saloninum  filium  etiam  Gallieni, 
qui  et  Saloninus  et  Gallienus  est  dictus  in  historia  sui 
temporis,    huic   libro    adiunctos   edam,  nunc   ad  aliud 
volumen  transeamw.?,   ut  iubetur.     semper  enim  nos 
vobis  dedimMj  et  famae,  cui  negare  nihil  possumus.1 

1  Italics  are  supplements  of  Peter  to  fill  lacunae  in  P. 


THE  TWO  VALERIANS  VIII.  4-5 

Nothing  further,  I  think,  should  be  demanded  con- 
cerning either  older  or  younger  Valerian.  And  since 
I  fear  to  exceed  the  proper  limit  of  a  volume,  if  I  add 
to  this  book  Valerian's  son  Gallienus,  concerning 
whom  we  have  already  said  much,  and  perchance  too 
much,  in  the  life  of  his  father,  or  even  Gallienus'  son 
Saloninus,1  who  is  called  in  the  history  of  his  time 
both  Saloninus  and  Gallienus,  let  us  now  pass,  as  we 
are  bidden,  to  another  volume.  For,  indeed,  we  have 
ever  submitted  to  you  and  to  Fame,  to  whom  we  can 
make  no  refusal. 

1  See  Qall.t  xix  1-4. 


GALLIENI     DUO 

TREBELLII  POLLIONIS 

I.  Capto  Valeriano  (enimvero  unde  incipienda  est 
Gallieni  vita,  nisi  ab  eo  praecipue  malo,  quo  eius  vita 
depressa  est  ?),  nutante  re  publica,  cum  Odaenathus 
iam  orientis  cepisset  imperium,  Gallienus  comperta 
patris  captivitate  gauderet,  vagabantur  ubique  exer- 
citus,  murmurabant  omnibus  in  provinciis  duces,  erat 
omnium  in  gens  maeror,  quod  Valenanus  imperator 
Romanus  in  Perside  serviliter  teneretur.  sed  erat 
etiam  maior  omnium  maestitia  quod  Gallienus  n&fictus 
imperium  ut  pater  fato  sic  ipse  moribus  rem  publicatn 
perdiderat.1 

1  Italics  are  supplements  of  Obrecht  and  Peter  to  fill  lacunae 
in  P. 


1  P.  Licinius  Egnatius  Gallienus  Augustus  (253-260  with 
Valerian ;  260-268  sole  emperor).  The  biographer,  like 
Eutropius  and  Aurelius  Victor,  portrays  Gallienus  in  the 
worst  possible  light — a  tendency  due,  parti}',  to  senatorial 
hostility  aroused  by  his  exclusion  of  senators  from  military 
commands  (Aur.  Victor,  Cats.,  33,  33  f ),  but  particularly  to  the 
desire,  by  blackening  Gallienus,  to  enhance  the  glories  of  his 
successor  Claudius,  who,  as  the  reputed  ancestor  of  Constantius 
Chlorus  (see  note  to  Claud.,  xiii.  2),  is  made  the  hero  of  this 
series  of  biographies.  Consequently,  the  depreciation  of 
Gallienus,  as  neglecting  the  welfare  of  the  Empire  and 
interested  only  in  amusements  and  debauchery,  and  the 

II. 


THE  TWO  GALLIENI 

BY 

TREBELLIUS  POLLIO 

I.  When  Valerian  was  captured  (for  where  should 
we  begin  the  biography  of  Gallienus,1  if  not  with 
that  calamity  which,  above  all,  brought  disgrace  on  his 
life  ?),  when  the  commonwealth  was  tottering,  when 
Odaenathus  had  seized  the  rule  of  the  East,  and  when 
Gallienus  was  rejoicing  in  the  news  of  his  father's 
captivity,  the  armies  began  to  range  about  on  all 
sides,  the  generals  in  all  the  provinces  to  murmur, 
and  great  was  the  grief  of  all  men  that  Valerian,  a 
Roman  emperor,  was  held  as  a  slave  in  Persia.  But 
greater  far  was  the  grief  of  them  all  that  now  having 
received  the  imperial  power,  Gallienus,  by  his  mode 
of  life,  as  his  father  by  his  fate,  brought  ruin  on  the 
commonwealth.2 

exaltation  of  Claudius  (and  his  descendant)  form  the  prin- 
cipal theme  of  the  series.  A  more  favourable  and,  as  it  ia 
now  generally  believed,  a  more  truthful,  account  of  his  reign 
is  given  by  the  Greek  writers  Zosimus  (i.  30-40)  and  Zonaras 
(xii.  24-25).  The  modern  point  of  view  (based  on  these 
writers  and  supported  by  the  evidence  of  inscriptions  and 
archaeological  research),  which  represents  Gallienus  as  an 
active  and  able  ruler,  has  been  excellently  presented  by 
L.  Homo  in  Rev.  Hist.,  cxiii.  pp.  1-22 ;  225-267. 
8Cf.  Tyr.  Trig.,  xii.  8. 

17 


THE  TWO  GALLIENI 

2  Gallieno  igitur  et  Volusiano  consulibus  Macrianus 
et  Ballista  in  unum  coeunt,  exercitus  reliquias  con- 
vocant  et,  cum  Romanum  in  oriente  nutaret  imperium, 
quern  facerent  imperatorem  requirunt,  Gallieno  tarn 
neglegenter  se  agente  ut  eius  ne  mentio  quidem  apud 

3  exercitum  fieret.     placuit  denique  ut  Macrianum  cum 
filiis  suis  imperatores  dicerent  ac  rem  publicam  de- 
fendendam .  .  capesserent   sic  igitur  ... 

4  imperium  ...  delatumest  ...  Macriano  causae 

Macriawo   imperandi 1  cum  filiis  haec  fuerunt : 

primum  quod  nemo   eo  tempore   sapientior   ducum 
habebatur,  nemo  ad  res  regendas  aptior  ;  deinde  ditis- 
simus  et  qui  privatis  posset  fortunis  publica  explere 

6  dispendia.  hue  accedebat  quod  liberi  eius,  fortissimi 
iuvenes,  tota  mente  in  bellum  ruebant,  ut  essent 
legionibus  exemplo  ad  omnia  munera  2  militaris.. 

II.  Ergo  Mzcrianus undique  auxilia  ...  petiit 

occupa^  a  se  ...  partibus,  quas  ipse  ...  posuerat 1  ita 
ut  Jirmaret  imperium.  deinde  bellum  ita  instruxit  ut 
par  esset  omnibus,  quae  contra  eum  poterant  cogitari.3 

2 idem  Macrianus  Pisonem,  unum  ex  nobilibus  ac4 
principibus  senatus,  ad  Achaiam  destinavit  ob  hoc  ut 
Valentem,  qui  illic  proconsulari  imperio  rem  publicam 

Sgubernabat,  opprimeret.  sed  Valens,  comperto  quod 
Piso  contra  se  veniret,  sumpsit  imperium.  Piso  igitur 

1  So  P;  lacunae  closed  up  in  Z".  2  munera  suppl.  by 

Editor;  lacuna  in  P.  3 Italics  are  supplements  of  Jordan 
to  fill  lacunae  in  P.  4  ac  Kellerbauer,  Hohl ;  a  P  ;  et  Peter. 


1  The  date  261  is  incorrect,  for  papyri  show  that  Macrianus 
and  Quietus  were  recognized  as  emperors  in  Egypt  in  Sept., 
260.  On  this  revolt  see  Tyr.  Trig.,  xii-xiv. ;  xviii.  This  vita, 
beginning  as  it  does  with  this  event,  omits  any  account  of 
Gallienus'  success  in  repelling  the  Germans  who  attempted  to 

18 


THE  TWO  GALLIENI  I.  2— II.  3 

So  then,  when  Gallienus  and  Volusianus  were  261 
consuls,  Macrianus  and  Ballista  met  together,  called 
in  the  remains  of  the  army,  and,  since  the  Roman 
power  in  the  East  was  tottering,  sought  someone  to 
appoint  as  emperor.1  For  Gallienus  was  showing 
himself  so  careless  of  public  affairs  that  his  name  was 
not  even  mentioned  to  the  soldiers.  It  was  then 
finally  decided  to  choose  Macrianus  and  his  sons  as 
emperors  and  to  undertake  the  defence  of  the  state. 
And  so  the  imperial  power  was  offered  to  Macrianus. 
Now  the  reasons  why  Macrianus  and  his  sons  should 
be  chosen  to  rule  were  these  :  First  of  all,  no  one  of 
the  generals  of  that  tune  was  held  to  be  wiser,  and 
none  more  suited  to  govern  the  state  ;  in  the  second 
place,  he  was  the  richest,  and  could  by  his  private 
fortune  make  good  the  public  losses.  In  addition  to 
this,  his  sons,  most  valiant  young  men,  rushed  with 
all  spirit  into  the  war,  ready  to  serve  as  an  example 
to  the  legions  in  all  the  duties  of  soldiers. 

II.  Accordingly,  Macrianus  sought  reinforcements 
on  every  side  and,  in  order  to  strengthen  his  power, 
took  control  of  the  party  which  he  himself  had  formed. 
So  well  did  he  make  ready  for  war  that  he  was  a 
match  for  all  measures  which  could  be  devised  against 
him.  He  also  chose  Piso,'2  one  of  the  nobles  and  of  the 
foremost  men  in  the  senate,  as  governor  of  Achaea,  in 
order  that  he  might  crush  Valens,3  who  was  administer- 
ing that  province  with  the  authority  of  a  proconsul. 
Valens,  however,  learning  that  Piso  was  marching 
against  him,  assumed  the  imperial  power.  Piso, 
therefore,  withdrew  into  Thessaly,  and  there  he, 

invade  Gaul  in  254-258  or  of  his  suppression  of  the  revolt  of 
Ingenuus  in  Pannonia  in  258  or  259  (see  Tyr.  Trig.,  ix.). 
2  See  Tyr.  Trig.,  xxi.  3  See  Tyr.  Trig.,  xix. 

19 


THE  TWO  GALLIENI 

4  in  Thessaliam  se  recepit.  ubi  missis  a  Valente  militi- 
bus  cum  plurimis  interfectus  est.  ipse  quoque  im- 
perator  appellatus  cognomento  Thessalicus. 

6  Et l    Macrianus  retento    in    oriente   uno   ex   filiis, 
pacatis  iam  rebus,   Asiam  primum  venit  et 2  Illyricum 

epetiit.  in  Illyrico  cum  Aureoli  imperatoris,  qui  contra 
Gallienum  imperium  sumpserat,  duce,  Domitiano 
nomine,  manum  conseruit,  unum  ex  filiis  secum 

7  habens  et  triginta  milia  militum  ducens.     sed  victus 
est  Macrianus  cum  filio  Macriano  nomine  deditusque 
omnis  exercitus  Aureolo  imperatori. 

III.  Turbata  interim  re  publica  toto  penitus  orbe 
terrarum,  ubi  Odaenathus  comperit  Macrianum  cum 
filio  interemptum,  regnare  Aureolum,  Gallienum  re- 
missius  rem  gerere,3  festinavit  ad  alterum  filium 
Macriani  cum  exercitu,  si  hoc  daret  fortuna,  capien- 

2  dum.     sed  ii  qui  erant  cum   filio   Macriani,  Quieto 
nomine,  consentientes  Odaenatho  auctore  praefecto 
Macriani   Ballista  iuvenem  occiderunt  missoque  per 
murum  corpore  Odaenatho  se  omnes  affatim  dedide- 

3  runt,    totius  prope  igitur  orientis  tactus  est  Odaenathus 
imperator,  cum  Illyricum  teneret  Aureolus,  Romam 

4Gallienus.  idem4  Ballista  multos  Emesenos,  ad  quos 
confugerant  Macriani  milites,  cum  Quieto  et  thesau- 
rorum  custode  interfecit,  ita  ut  civitas  paene  deleretur. 

1  et  Peter ;  haec  P.  3  et  ins.  by  Peter ;  om.  in  P  and  by 

Hohl.        3rem  gerere  Salm.,  Peter;  ingerere  P.          *idem  Z 
Peter ;  id  est  P. 


1  See  Tyr.  Trig.,  xii.  14. 

3  This  statement  (also  in  o.  iii.  1)  is  incorrect,  for  Aureolus 
did  not  declare  himself  emperor  until  268,  and  was  at  this  time 
acting  as  Gallienus'  general ;  see  note  to  Tyr.  Trig.t  xi.  1. 

n  See  Tyr.  Trig.,  xv. 

20 


THE  TWO  GALLIENI  II.  4— III.  4 

together  with  many,  was  slain  by  the  soldiers  sent 
against  him  by  Valens.  Now  Piso,  too,  was  saluted 
as  emperor  with  the  surname  Thessalicus. 

Macrianus,  moreover,  now  that  the  East  was 
brought  into  subjection,  left  there  one  of  his  sons, 
and  came  first  of  all  into  Asia,  and  from  there  set  out 
for  lllyricum.  Here,  having  with  him  one  of  his  sons 
and  a  force  of  thirty  thousand  soldiers,  he  engaged 
in  battle  with  Domitianus,1  a  general  of  Aureolus  the 
emperor,  who  had  assumed  the  imperial  power  in 
opposition  to  Gallienus.2  He  was,  however,  defeated, 
together  with  his  son,  Macrianus  by  name,  and  his 
whole  army  surrendered  to  the  Emperor  Aureolus. 

III.  Meanwhile,  when  the  commonwealth  had  been 
thrown  into  confusion  throughout  the  entire  world, 
Odaenathus,3  learning  that  Macrianus  and  his  son 
had  been  slain,  that  Aureolus  was  ruling,  and  that 
Gallienus  was  administering  the  state  with  still  greater 
slackness,  hastened  forward  to  seize  the  other  son  of 
Macrianus,  together  with  his  army,  should  Fortune  so 
permit.  But  those  who  were  with  Macrianus'  son — 
whose  name  was  Quietus — taking  sides  with  Odae- 
nathus, by  the  instigation  of  Ballista,  Macrianus'  prefect, 
killed  the  young  man,  and,  casting  his  body  over  the 
wall,  they  all  in  large  numbers  surrendered  to  Odae- 
nathus. And  so  Odaenathus  was  made  emperor  over 
almost  the  whole  East,  while  Aureolus  held  lllyricum 
and  Gallienus  Rome.  This  same  Ballista  murdered, 
in  addition  to  Quietus  and  the  guardian  of  his  treasures, 
many  of  the  people  of  Emesa,4  to  whom  Macrianus' 
soldiers  had  fled,  with  the  result  that  this  city  was 
nearly  destroyed.  Odaenathus,  meanwhile,  as  if 

4  The  city  of  Horns  in  central  Syria. 

21 


THE  TWO  GALLIENI 

5  Odaenathus  inter  haec,  quasi  Gallieni  partes  ageret, 
cuncta  eidem  mmtiari  ex  veritate  faciebat. 

6  Sed  Gallienus,    cognito  quod  Macrianus  cum  suis 
liberis  esset  occisus,  quasi  securus  rerum  ac  patre  iam 

7recepto,  libidini  et  voluptati  se  dedidit.  ludos  cir- 
censes  ludosque  scaenicos,  ludos  gymnicos,  ludiariam 
etiam  venationem  et  ludos  gladiatorios  dedit  popu- 
lumque  quasi  victorialibus  diebus  ad  festivitatem  ac 

Splausum  vocavit.  et  cum  plerique  patris  eius  cap- 
tivitatem  maererent,  ille  specie  decoris,  quod  pater 
eius  virtutis  studio  deceptus  videretur,  supra  modum 

9  laetatus  est.     constabat  autem  censuram  parentis  eum 

ferre  non  potuisse  votivumque l  illi  fuisse  quod  inmi- 

nentem  cervicibus  suis  gravitatem  patriamnon  haberet. 

IV.   Per  idem  tempus  Aemilianus  apud  Aegyptum 

sumpsit  imperium  occupatisque  horreis  multa  oppida 

2malo  famis  pressit.  sed  hunc  dux  Gallieni  Theodotus 
conflictu  habito  cepit  atque  imperatoriw  ornamentis 
exutum  Gallieno  vivum  transmisit.  Aegyptus  post  haec 
Theodoto  data  est ;  Aemilianus  in  carcere  strangulatus  ; 
in  Thebaitanos  milites  quoque  saevitum  est  interfectis 
co?npluribus.2 

3  Cum  Gallienus  in  luxuria  et  improbitate  persisteret 
cumque  ludibriis  et  helluationi  vacaret  neque  aliter 
rem  publicam  gereret,  quam  cum  pueri  fingunt  per 
ludibria  potestates,  Galli,  quibus  insitum  est  leves  ac 
degenerantes  a  virtute  Romaiia  et  luxuriosos  principes 

1  que  ins.  by  Klotz :  cum  .  .  .  potuisset  Peter,  Hohl. 
a  Italics  are  supplements  of  Obrecht  to  fill  lacunae  in  P  (cf . 
Tyr.  Trig.,  xxii.  8). 

1  On  the  contrary,  he  seems,  after  suppressing  the  revolt  of 
Ingenuus  (see  note  to  c.  i.  1),  to  have  returned  to  Gaul  to  take 
up  the  war  against  Postumns  (cf.  c.  iv.  4) 

2  See  Tyr.  Trig.,  xxii. 

22 


THE  TWO  GALLIENI  III.  5— IV.  S 

taking   the  side  of  Gallienus,  caused   all   that   had 
happened  to  be  announced  to  him  truthfully. 

Gallienus,  on  the  other  hand,  when  he  learned  that 
Macrianus  and  his  sons  were  slain,  as  though  he  were 
secure  in  his  power  and  his  father  were  now  set  free, 
surrendered  himself  to  lust  and  pleasure.1  He  gave 
spectacles  in  the  circus,  spectacles  in  the  theatre, 
gymnastic  spectacles,  hunting  spectacles,  and  gladia- 
torial spectacles  also,  and  he  invited  all  the  populace 
to  merriment  and  applause,  as  though  it  were  a  day 
of  victory.  And  whereas  most  men  mourned  at  his 
father's  captivity,  he,  under  the  pretext  of  doing  him 
honour — on  the  ground  that  his  father  had  been 
caught  through  his  zeal  for  valour — made  merry  be- 
yond measure.  It  was  generally  supposed,  moreover, 
that  he  could  not  endure  his  father's  censure  and  that 
it  was  his  desire  to  feel  no  longer  his  father's  authority 
bearing  heavily  upon  his  neck. 

IV.  During  this  same  time  Aemilianus  2  in  Egypt 
took  the  imperial  power,  and  seizing  the  granaries  he 
overcame  many  towns  by  the  pressure  of  hunger. 
However,  Theodotus,  Gallienus'  general,  after  fight- 
ing a  battle  captured  him,  and  stripping  him  of  his 
emperor's  trappings  sent  him  alive  to  Gallienus. 
After  this  Egypt  was  assigned  to  Theodotus.  As  for 
Aemilianus,  he  was  strangled  in  prison,  while  the 
soldiers  of  Thebes  were  cruelly  punished  and  many 
were  put  to  death. 

Now  while  Gallienus,  continuing  in  luxury  and 
debauchery,  gave  himself  up  to  amusements  and  revel- 
ling and  administered  the  commonwealth  like  a  boy 
who  plays  at  holding  power,  the  Gauls,  by  nature 
unable  to  endure  princes  who  are  frivolous  and  given 
over  to  luxury  and  have  fallen  below  the  standard  of 

SS 


THE  TWO  GALLIENI 

ferre  non  posse,  Postumum  ad  imperium  vocarunt, 
exercitibus  quoque1  consentientibus,  quod  occupatum 
4  imperatorem  libidinibus  querebantur.  contra  hunc 
ip.se  Gallienus  exercitum  duxit  ;  cumque  urbem,  in  qua 
erat  Posturaus,  obsidere  coepisset,  acriter  earn  defen- 
dentibus2  Gallis,  Gallienus  rauros  circumiens  sagitta 

6  ictus  est.     nam  per  annos  septem  Postumus  imperavit 
ct  Gallias  ab  omnibus  circumfluentibus  barbaris  validis- 

6sime  vindicavit.  his  coactus  malis  Gallienus  pacem 
cum  Aureolo  facit  oppugnandi  Postumi  studio  longo- 
que  bello  tracto  per  diversas  obsidiones  ac  proelia  rem 

7  modo  feliciter  modo  infeliciter  gerit.     accesserat  prae- 
terea  his  malis,3  quod  Scythae   Bithyniam  invaserant 

8  civitatesque    deleverant.      denique    Astacum,4    quae 
Nicomedia  postea  dicta  est,  incensam  graviter  vasta- 

gverunt.  denique  quasi  coniuratione  totius  mundi 
concussis  orbis  partibus  etiam  in  Sicilia  quasi  quoddam 
servile  bellum  exstitit  latronibus  evagantibus,  qui  vix 
V.  oppress!  sunt.  et  haec  omnia  Gallieni  contemptu 
fiebant.  neque  enim  quicquam  est  ad  audaciam  malis, 
ad  spem  bonorum  bonis  promptius,  quam  cum  vel 
malus  timetur  vel 5  dissolutus  contemnitur  imperator. 

1  quoque  Peter ;  qui  P.  2  So  Salm.  to  fill  lacunae  in  P. 

8  malis  Z1,  Peter ;  magis  P.  4  Astacum  Egnatius,  Peter 1 ; 

contum  P.       5  uel  2,  Peter ;  om.  in  P. 


1  On  the  revolt  of  Postumus,  see  Tyr.  Trig.,  iii.  and  notes. 

9  But  see  note  to  Tyr.  Trig.,  iii.  4. 

3Bilt  see  note  to  Tyr.  Trig.,  xi.  1.  In  fact,  Aureolus  was 
entrusted,  during  Gallienus'  absence,  with  the  conduct  of  the 
war  against  Postumus,  but  he  did  not  push  the  campaign 
very  vigorously;  see  Zonaras,  xii.  24. 

4  Gallienus  seems  to  have  been  called  away  in  the  course  of 
the  war,  but  he  returned  to  it  later  on  ;  see  c.  vii.  1.  The 
cause  of  the  interruption  raay  have  been  the  raid  of  the 

24 


THE  TWO  GALLIENI  IV.  4— V.  i 

Roman  valour,  called  Postumus  to  the  imperial  power ; l 
and  the  armies,  too,  joined  with  them,  for  they  com- 
plained of  an  emperor  who  was  busied  with  his  lusts. 
Thereupon  Gallienus  himself  led  his  army  against 
him,  and  when  he  began  to  besiege  the  city  in 
which  Postumus  was,  the  Gauls  defended  it  bravely, 
and  GaJlienus,  as  he  went  around  the  walls,  was 
struck  by  an  arrow.  So  for  seven  years  2  Postumus 
held  his  power  and  with  the  greatest  vigour  protected 
the  regions  of  Gaul  from  all  the  barbarians  surging 
about.  Forced  by  this  evil  plight,  Gallienus  made 
peace  with  Aureolus 3  in  his  desire  to  fight  with 
Postumus,  and,  as  the  war  dragged  on  to  great 
length  amid  various  sieges  and  battles,  he  conducted 
the  campaign,  now  with  good  success  and  again  with 
ill.4  These  evils  had  been  further  increased  by  the 
fact  that  the  Scythians  5  had  invaded  Bithynia  and 
destroyed  its  cities.  Finally  they  set  fire  to  Astacus, 
later  called  Nicomedia,  and  plundered  it  cruelly. 
Last  of  all,  when  all  parts  of  the  Empire  were  thrown 
into  commotion,  as  though  by  a  conspiracy  of  the 
whole  world,  there  arose  in  Sicily  also  a  sort  of  slave- 
revolt,  for  bandits  roved  about  and  were  put  down 
only  with  great  difficulty.  V.  All  these  things  were 
done  out  of  contempt  for  Gallienus,  for  there  is  noth- 
ing so  quick  to  inspire  evil  men  to  daring  and  good 
men  to  the  hope  of  good  things  as  an  evil  emperor 
who  is  feared  or  a  depraved  one  who  is  despised. 

Alamanni,  who  about  this  time  invaded  northern  Italy  as  far 
as  Ravenna,  but  were  defeated  by  Gallienus  at  Milan;  see 
Zonaras,  xii.  24. 

5  Throughout  these  biographies  the  term  Scythian  is  often 
used  for  Goth,  as  had  been  done  regularly  by  Dexippus.  This 
invasion  of  Bithynia  seems  to  have  taken  place  in  258. 

25 


THE  TWO  GALLIENI 

2  Gallieno  et  Fausiano l  consulibus  inter  tot  bellicas 
clades  etiam  terrae  motus  gravissimus  fuit  et  tenebrae 

3  per  multos  dies  2  ;  auditum  praeterea  tonitruum  terra 
mugiente,  non  love  tonante.     quo  motu  multae  fabri- 
cae  devoratae  sunt  cum  habitatoribus,  multi  terrore 
emortui ;  quod  quidem  malum  tristius  in  Asiae  urbibus 

4  fuit.    mota  est  et  Roma,  mota  et  Libya,     hiatus  terrae 
plurimis  in  locis  fuerunt,  cum  aqua  salsa  in  fossis  ap- 

5  pareret.     maria  etiam  multas  urbes  occuparunt.     pax 
igitur    deum    quaesita    inspectis    Sibyllae  libris,  fac- 
tumque  lovi  Salutari,  ut  praeceptum  fuerat,  sacrificium. 
nam  et  pestilentia  tanta  exstiterat  vel  Romae  vel  in 
Achaicis  urbibus,  ut  uno  die  quiiique  milia  hominum 
pari  morbo  perirent. 

6  Saeviente    fortuna,   cum   hinc  terrae  motus,   inde 
hiatus    soli,   ex    diversis    partibus    pestilentia   orbem 
Romaiiam    vastaret,    capto    Valeriano,    Gallis    parte 
maxima    obsessis,  cum   bellum  Odaenathus  inferret, 
cum  Aureolus  perurgueret  Illyricum,3  cum  Aemilianus 
Aegyptum    occupasset,    Gothorwwz   pars 4  .   .  .,  quod 
nome?t,  ut&  dictum  est  superius,  Gothis  inditum   est, 
occupatis  Thraciis,  Macedoniam  vastaverunt,  Thessa- 
lonicam  obsederunt,  neque  usquam  quies  mediocriter 

1  Fausiano  from  C.I.L.  xiv.  5357  ;  Faustiano  P. 
2  dies  om.  in  P.  3  Illyricum  ins.  by  Salm. ;  lacuna  in  P. 

4  So  Hohl;  gotharidodius  P  corr.,  2;    GotJwri  Clodius  Peter. 

5  So  Jordan ;  a  quo  dictum  P. 

1  Salutaris  is  included  by  Cicero  (de  Finibus,  iii.  66)  among 
tbe  cognomina  of  Jupiter,  and  dedicatory  inscriptions  to  lovi 
Optimo  Maximo  Salutari  have  been  found  at  Rome. 

2  It  had  previously  raged  in  the  East  and  wrought  great 
havoc  among  the  troops  of  Valerian ;  see  Zosimus,  i.  36.     For 
a  vivid  description  of  its  ravages  in  Egypt,  see  Eusebius,  Hist. 
Eccles.,  vii.  22. 

8  The  Goths  invaded  Macedonia  and  besieged  Thessalonioa 

26 


THE  TWO  GALLIENI  V.  2-6 

In  the  consulship  of  Gallienus  and  Fausianus,  26 
amid  so  many  calamities  of  war,  there  was  also  a  ter- 
rible earthquake  and  a  darkness  for  many  days.  There 
was  heard,  besides,  the  sound  of  thunder,  not  like 
Jupiter  thundering,  but  as  though  the  earth  were 
roaring.  And  by  the  earthquake  many  structures 
were  swallowed  up  together  with  their  inhabitants, 
and  many  men  died  of  fright.  This  disaster,  indeed, 
was  worst  in  the  cities  of  Asia ;  but  Rome,  too,  was 
shaken  and  Libya  also  was  shaken.  In  many  places 
the  earth  yawned  open,  and  salt  water  appeared  in  the 
fissures.  Many  cities  were  even  overwhelmed  by  the 
sea.  Therefore  the  favour  of  the  gods  was  sought  by 
consulting  the  Sibylline  Books,  and,  according  to  their 
command,  sacrifices  were  made  to  Jupiter  Salutaris.1 
For  so  great  a  pestilence,2  too,  had  arisen  in  both 
Rome  and  the  cities  of  Achaea  that  in  one  single  day 
five  thousand  men  died  of  the  same  disease. 

While  Fortune  thus  raged,  and  while  here  earth- 
quakes, there  clefts  in  the  ground,  and  in  divers 
places  pestilence,  devastated  the  Roman  world,  while 
Valerian  was  held  in  captivity  and  the  provinces  of 
Gaul  were,  for  the  most  part,  beset,  while  Odaenathus 
was  threatening  war,  Aureolus  pressing  hard  on  Illy- 
ricum,  and  Aemilianus  in  possession  of  Egypt,  a  por- 
tion of  the  Goths  .  .  .  which  name,  as  has  previously 
been  related,  was  given  to  the  Goths,  having  seized 
Thrace  and  plundered  Macedonia,  laid  siege  to  Thes- 
salonica,3  and  nowhere  was  hope  of  peace  held  out, 

in  253  or  254  (Zosirnus,  i.  29,  2),  but,  if  the  chronological  order 
is  reliable,  this  would  seem  to  be  a  later  incursion,  in  262,  in 
the  course  of  which  they  were  driven  back  by  Marcianus ;  see 
c.  vi.  1 — unless,  as  is  not  improbable,  this  notice  belongs  to 
the  invasion  of  267,  described  in  o.  xiii.  6  f. 

87 


THE  TWO  GALLIENI 

7  saltern1  ostentata 2  est.     quae  omnia  contemptu,  ut 
saepius  diximus,  Gallieni  fiebant,  horainis  luxuriosis- 
simi  et,  si  esset  securus,  ad  omne  dedecus  paratissimi. 

VI.   Pugnatum  est  in  Achaia  Marciano  duce  contra 
eosdera  Gothos,  unde  victi  per  Achaeos  recesserunt. 

2  Scythae  autem,  hoc  est  pars  Gothorum,  Asiam  vasta- 
bant.     etiam  templum  Lunae  Ephesiae  despoliatum  et 
incensum  est,  cuius  operis  faraa  satis  nota  per  3  populos. 

3  pudet  prodere  inter  haec  tempora,  cum  ista  gereren- 
tur,  quae  saepe  Gallienus  malo  generis  humani  quasi 

4  per    iocura    dixerit.     nam    cum    ei    nuntiatura   esset 
Aegyptum   descivisse,  dixisse    fertur :    "  Quid  ?    sine 

5  lino  Aegyptio  esse  non  possumus  ! '    cum  autem  vas- 
tatam  Asiam  et  elementorum  concussionibus  et  Scy- 
tharum    incursionibus    comperisset,    "Quid,"    inquit, 

6  "  sine  aphronitris  esse  non  possumus  ! '    perdita  Gallia 
risisse  ac  dixisse  perhibetur  :    "  Num  sine  Atrebaticis 

7sagis  tuta  res  publica  est?"      sic  denique  de  omnibus 
partibus  mundi,  cum  eas  amitteret,4  quasi  detrimentis 

8  vilium  ministeriorum  videretur  affici,  iocabatur.     ac  ne 
quid  mali  deesset   Gallieni  temporibus,   Byzantiorum 
civitas,  clara  navalibus  bellis,  claustrum  Ponticum,  per 
eiusdem  Gallieni  milites  ita  omnis  vastata  est,  ut  pror- 

9sas  nemo    superesset.     denique    nulla    vetus    familia 

1  saltern  Ellis,  Hohl ;  salutem  P,  2,  Peter2.          2So  Salm., 
Petf-r1,  Hohl;    ostentare  P,  Z.  8So  Petschenig,  Hohl; 

fama  satis  nota  ]>o];nlos  P.         4 amitteret  E\  mitteret  P. 


1  See  note  to  c.  v.  •'•;  on  AJarcianus'  later  victory  see  c.  xiii. 
10  and  Zosimus,  i.  40,  1. 

H.e.,  the  famous  temple  of  Artemis;  this  invasion  (men- 
tioned also  in  c.  vii.  3)  was  in  263. 

3  The  Atrebates  lived  in  northern  Gaul,  around  the  modern 
Arras,  later  famous  for  its  tapestry,  but  the  centre  of  the  in- 
dustry in  antiquity  seems  to  have  been  Turnacum  (Tournai). 


THE  TWO  GALLIEN1  V.  7— VI.  9 

even  to  a  slight  degree.  All  these  things,  as  I  have 
frequently  said,  were  done  out  of  contempt  for  Gal- 
lienus.  a  man  given  over  to  luxury  and  ever  ready, 

'  O  »  ,     " 

did  he  feel  free  from  danger,  for  any  disgraceful  deed. 
VI.   Against  these  same  Goths  a  battle  was  fought 

O  o 

in  Achaea  under  the  leadership  of  Marcianus,1  and 
being  defeated  they  withdrew  from  there  through  the 

O  *  O 

country  of  the  Achaeans.     The  Scythians — they  are 

*  »  • 

a  portion  of  the  Goths — devastated  Asia  and  even 
plundered  and  burned  the  Temple  of  the  Moon  at 
Ephesus,-  the  fame  of  which  building  is  known 
through  all  nations.  1  am  ashamed  to  relate  what 
Gallienus  used  often  to  say  at  this  time,  when  such 

* 

things  were  happening,  as  though  jesting  amid  the 
ills  of  mankind.  For  when  he  was  told  of  the  revolt 
of  Egypt,  he  is  said  to  have  exclaimed  "  What  !  We 
cannot  do  without  Egyptian  linen  ! '  and  when  in- 
formed that  Asia  had  been  devastated  both  by  the 
violence  of  nature  and  by  the  inroads  of  the  Scythians. 

»  » 

he  said,  "  What !     We  cannot  do  without  saltpetre  I ' 
and    when    Gaul    was    lost,  he   is   reported   to   have 
laughed  and  remarked,  "  Can  the  commonwealth  be 

safe  without  Atrebatic3  cloaks?"  Thus,  in  short, 
with  regard  to  all  parts  of  the  world,  as  he  lost  them, 
he  would  jest,  as  though  seeming  to  have  suffered  the 
loss  of  some  article  of  tritling  service.  And  finally, 
that  no  disaster  might  be  lacking  to  his  times,  the 
city  of  Byzantium,  famed  for  its  naval  wars  and  the 

»  w 

key  to  the  Pontus.  was  destroyed  by  the  soldiers  of 

•/  •  » 

Gallienus  himself  so  completely,  that  not  a  single  soul 
survived.4  In  fact,  no  ancient  family  can  now  be 

4  The  cause  of  this  outbreak  is  unknown  ;  on  the  punish- 
ment inflicted,  see  c.  vii.  2. 


THE  TWO  GALLIENI 

apud  Byzantios  invenitur,  nisi  si  aliquis  peregrinatione 
vel  militia  occupatus  evasit,  qui  antiquitatem  generis 
nobilitatemque  repraesentet. 

VII.  Contra  Postumum  igitur  Gallienus  cum  Aureolo 
et  Claudio  duce,  qui  postea  imperium  obtinuit,  principe 
generis  Constantii  Caesaris  nostri,  bellum  iniit.  et 
cum  1  multis  auxiliis  Postumus  iuvaretur  Celticis  atque 
Francicis,  in  bellum  cum  Victorino  processit,  cum  quo 
imperium  parti  ipaverat.  victrix  Gallieni  pars  tuit 

2  pluribus  proeliis  eventuum  variatione  -  decursis.     erat 
in    Gallieno  subitae  virtutis  audacia,  nam    aliquando 
iniuriis   graviter   movebatur.     denique   ad    vindictam 
Byzantiorum  processit.     et  cum  non  putaret  recipi  se 
posse  muris,  receptus  alia  die  omnes  milites  inermes 
armatorum   corona  circumdatos  interemit,  fracto  foe- 

3  dere    quod    promiserat.     per    eadem   tempora    etiam 
Scythae  in  Asia  Romanorum  ducum  virtute  ac  ductu 
vastati  ad  propria  recesserunt. 

4  Interfectis  sane  militibus  apud  Byzantium  Gallienus, 
quasi  magnum  aliquid  gessisset,  Romam  cursu  rapido 
convolavit  convocatisque  patribus  decennia  celebravit 
novo  genere  ludorum,   nova    specie    pomparum,    ex- 

VIII.  quisito  genere  voluptatum.  iam  primum  inter  togatos 
patres  et  equestrem  ordinem  albato  milite  3  et  omni 
populo  praeeunte,  servis  etiam  prope  omnium  et 

1  So  Gruter  and  Peter;  incitet  cum  P.  *uariatioiie  Gas. ; 
rationeP,2.  3 albato  milite  Baehrens,  Peter2;  albatos 

milites  P. 


1  See  c.  iv.  6  and  note. 

,2  See  Claud.,  xiii.  2  and  note.  3See  Tyr.  Trig.,  vi. 

4  The  Decennalia  were  celebrated  in  the  autumn  of  262,  at 
the  beginning  of  the  tenth  year  after  Gallienus'  joint  accession 
with  Valerian  ;  the  festival  was  commemorated  by  an  issue  of 

SO 


THE  TWO  GALLIENI  VII.  1— Vlll.   1 

found  among  the  Byzantines,  unless  some  member, 
engaged  in  travel  or  warfare,  escaped  to  perpetuate 
the  antiquity  and  noble  descent  of  his  stock. 

VII.  Gallienus,  then,  entered  into  war  against 
Postumus,1  having  with  him  Aureolus  and  the  general 
Claudius,  afterwards  emperor  and  the  head  of  the 
family  of  Constantius  our  Caesar.2  And  Postumus,  too, 
with  many  auxiliary  troops  of  Celts  and  Franks  ad- 
vanced to  the  fight,  in  company  with  Victorinus,3  with 
whom  he  had  shared  the  imperial  power.  After 
several  battles  had  been  fought  with  varying  outcome, 
the  side  of  Gallienus  was  finally  victorious.  In  fact, 
Gallienus  had  the  boldness  of  suddenly  aroused 
valour,  for  at  times  he  was  violently  stirred  by  af- 
fronts. Then  finally  he  went  forth  to  avenge  the 
wrongs  of  the  Byzantines.  And  whereas  he  had  no 
expectation  of  being  received  within  the  walls,  he 
was  admitted  next  day,  and  then,  after  placing  a  ring 
of  armed  men  around  the  disarmed  soldiers,  contrary 
to  the  agreement  he  had  made  he  caused  them  all  to 
be  slain.  During  this  time,  too,  the  Scythians  in 
Asia  were  routed  by  the  courage  and  skill  of  the 
Roman  generals  and  retired  to  their  own  abode. 

Now  Gallienus,  after  the  slaughter  of  the  soldiers 
at  Byzantium,  as  though  he  had  performed  some 
mighty  feat,  hastened  to  Rome  in  a  rapid  march, 
convened  the  senators,  and  celebrated  a  decennial 
festival  with  new  kinds  of  spectacles,  new  varieties  of 
parades,  and  the  most  elaborate  sort  of  amusements.4 
VI II.  First  of  all,  he  repaired  to  the  Capitol  with 
the  senators  and  the  equestrian  order  dressed  in  their 
togas  and  with  the  soldiers  dressed  all  in  white,  and 

coins  with  the  legends  Votis  Decennalibus  and  Votis  Xet  XX ; 
see  Matt.-Syd.,  v.  p.  138,  nos.  92-96. 

31 


THE  TWO  GALLIENI 

mulieribus  cum   cereis    facibus  et   lampadis   praece- 

2  dentibus    Capitolium     petiit.       praecesserunt    etiara 
altrinsecus  centeni  albi  boves  cornuis  auro  iugatis  et 

3  dorsualibus  sericis  discoloribus  praefulgentes  ;  agnae 
candentes  ab  utraque  parte  ducentae  praecesserunt  et 
decem  elephant!,  qui  tune  erant  Romae,  mille  ducenti 
gladiatores  pompabiliter  ornati  cum  auratis   vestibus 
matronarum,  mansuetae  ferae  diversi  generis  ducentae 
ornatu  quam  maximo  affectae,  carpenta  cum  mimis  et 
omni  genere  histrionum,  pugiles  flacculis  non  veritate 
pugillantes.     Cyclopea  etiam  luserunt  omnes  apinarii, 
ita   ut  miranda  quaedam   et  stupenda   monstrarent. 

4  omnes  viae  ludis  strepituque  et  plausibus  personabant. 
5ipse   medius  cum  picta  toga  et  tunica  palmata  inter 

patres,  ut  diximus,  omnibus  sacerdotibus  praetextatis 

6  Capitolium   petiit.     hastae   auratae   altrinsecus   quin- 
genae,  vexilla  centena  praeter  ea  quae  collegiorum 
erant,     dracones    et    signa    templorum     omniumque 

7  legionum  ibant.     ibant  praeterea  gentes  simulatae,  ut 


lflacculi  occurs  only  here,  but  it  may  perhaps  be  the  same 
as  the  i/icWe?  ol  fiaXaKwrepoi  in  use  at  Elis  in  Pausaniaa' 
time  (see  Paus.,  vi.  23,  3),  or  the  oldest  typa  of  the  boxing- 
straps,  the  untanned  ^fiAlxai,  contrasted  in  Paus.,  viii.  40,  3 
with  the  harder  1/jia.s  b£vs,  a  development  of  which  was  the 
metal-studded  cestus. 

2Apina,  supposed  to  have  been  the  name  of  a  town  in 
Apulia  (Pliny,  Nat.  Hist.,  iii.  104),  seems  to  have  been  used,  in 
the  plural,  like  tricae,  to  denote  trifles;  it  is  applied  thus  to 
literary  work  of  a  light  nature  (nugae)  by  Martial,  i.  113,  2; 
xiv.  1,  7.  Hence  the  adjective  may  be  supposed  to  mean 
"  buffoons." 

8  The  Cyclops  Polyphemus  seems  in  the  Hellenistic  period 
to  have  become  a  figure  in  low  farcical  comedy,  perhaps 
somewhat  as  represented  in  the  burlesque  in  Aristophanes, 
Plutus,  290  f.,  both  as  the  lover  of  Galatea  and  as  a  comic 


THE  TWO  GALLIENI  VIII.  2-7 

with  all  the  populace  going  ahead,  while  the  slaves  of 
almost  all  and  the  women  preceded  them,  bearing 
waxen  flambeaux  and  torches.  There  preceded  them, 
too,  on  each  side  one  hundred  white  oxen,  having 
their  horns  bound  with  golden  cords  and  resplendent 
in  many-coloured  silken  covers ;  also  two  hundred 
lambs  of  glistening  white  went  ahead  on  each  side, 
besides  ten  elephants,  which  were  then  in  Rome,  and 
twelve  hundred  gladiators  decked  with  all  pomp,  and 
matrons  in  golden  cloaks,  and  two  hundred  tamed 
beasts  of  divers  kinds,  tricked  out  with  the  greatest 
splendour,  and  waggons  bearing  pantomimists  and 
actors  of  every  sort,  and  boxers  who  fought,  not  in 
genuine  combat,  but  with  the  softer  straps.1  All  the 
buffoons2  also  acted  a  Cyclops-performance,3  giving 
exhibitions  that  were  marvellous  and  astonishing.  So 
all  the  streets  resounded  with  merry-making  and 
shouts  and  applause,  and  in  the  midst  the  Emperor 
himself,  wearing  the  triumphal  toga  and  the  tunic 
embroidered  with  palms,  and  accompanied,  as  I  have 
said,  by  the  senators  and  with  all  the  priests  dressed 
in  bordered  togas,  proceeded  to  the  Capitol.  On 
each  side  of  him  were  borne  five  hundred  gilded 
spears  and  one  hundred  banners,  besides  those  which 
belonged  to  the  corporations,  and  the  flags  of  auxili- 
aries and  the  statues  from  the  sanctuaries 4  and  the 
standards  of  all  the  legions.  There  marched,  further- 
more, men  dressed  to  represent  foreign  nations,  as 

drunkard.  In  this  latter  capacity  especially  he  appeared  in 
the  Roman  mimes  (see  Horace,  Sat.t  i.  5,  04,  and  Epist.,  ii.  2. 
125),  and  the  Cyclopea  mentioned  here  and  in  Car.,  xix.  3, 
probably  consisted  of  comic  dancing  or,  possibly,  comic  feats 
of  strength. 

4  i.e. ,  those  in  the  camps  of  the  legions,  as  also  in  Herodian, 
iv.  4,  8. 


THE  TWO  GALLIENI 

Gothi,   Sarmatae,   Franci,   Persae,   ita  ut  non  minus 
quam  duceni  globis  singulis  ducerentur. 

IX.  Hac  pompa  homo  ineptus  eludere  se  credidit 
populum  Romanum,  sed,  ut  sunt  Romanorum  facetiae, 
alius  Postumo  favebat,  alius  Regaliano,  alius  Aureolo 
aut  Aemiliano,  alius  Saturnine,  nam  et  ipse  iam  im- 

2  perare  dicebatur.     inter  haec  ingens  querella  de  patre, 
quern  inultum  filius  Hquerat,  et  quern  externi  utcumque 

3  vindicaverant.     nee  tamen  Gallienus  ad  talia  move- 
batur  obstupefacto  voluptatibus  corde,  sed  ab  iis  qui 
circum  eum  erant  requirebat  :   "  Ecquid  habemus  in 
prandio  ?  ecquae  voluptates  paratae  sunt  ?   et  qualis 

4  eras  erit  scaena  qualesque  circenses?"     sic  confecto 
itinere    celebratisque   hecatombis  ad   domum  regiam 
rediit    conviviisque    et    epulis     decursis  1    alios    dies 

5  voluptatibus  publicis  deputabat.     praetereundum  non 
est  baud  ignobile  facetiarum  genus,     nam  cum  grex  2 
Persarum   quasi  captivorum   per   pompam   (rem  ridi- 
culam)  duceretur,  quidam  scurrae  miscuerunt  se  Persis, 
diligentissime   scrutantes   omiiia  atque  uniuscuiusque 

6  vultum    mira   inhiatione    rimantes.3      a    quibus    cum 
quaereretur  quidnam  agerent4  ilia  sollertia,   illi  re- 

jsponderunt:  "  Patrem  principis  quaerimus."  quod 
cum  ad  Gallienum  pervenisset,  non  pudore,  non 
maerore,  non  pietate  commotus  est  scurrasque  iussit 

8  vivos  exuri.  quod  populus  factum  tristius,  quam  quis- 
quam  aestimet,  tulit,  milites  vero  ita  doluerunt  ut  non 
multo  post  vicem  redderent. 

1  decursis  Eyssenhardt,  Petschenig,  Hohl;  depulsis  P, 
Peter.  2rac  P.  3  rimantes  Ellis,  Walter,  Damste"; 

mirantes  P,  Peter.        4  agerent  Jordan  ;  ageret  P,  Peter. 


Tyr.  Trig.,  x.  2See  Tyr.  Trig.,  xxiii. 

3  i.e.,  Odaenathus;  see  c.  x.  1-3. 

54 


THE  TWO  GALL1ENI  IX.  1-8 

Goths  and  Sarmatians,  Franks  and  Persians,  and  no 
fewer  than  two  hundred  paraded  in  a  single  group. 

IX.  By  this  procession  the  foolish  man  thought  to 
delude  the  people  of  Rome ;  nevertheless — for  such 
is  the  Romans'  love  of  a  jest — one  man  kept  support- 
ing Postumus,  another  Regalianus,1  another  Aureolus 
or  Aemilianus,  and  another  Saturninus  2 — for  he,  too, 
was  now  said  to  be  ruling.  Amid  all  this  there  was 
loud  lamentation  for  the  father  whom  the  son  had  left 
unavenged  and  for  whom  foreigners  had  tried,  in  one 
way  or  another,  to  exact  a  vengeance.3  Gallienus, 
however,  was  moved  to  no  such  deed,  for  his  heart  was 
dulled  by  pleasure,  but  he  merely  kept  asking  of  those 
about  him,  "  Have  we  anything  planned  for  luncheon  ? 
Have  any  amusements  been  arranged  ?  What  manner 
of  play  will  there  be  to-morrow  and  what  manner  of 
circus-games  ?  "  So,  having  finished  the  procession,  he 
offered  hecatombs  and  returned  to  the  royal  residence, 
and  then,  the  banquets  and  feastings  having  come  to 
an  end,  he  appointed  further  days  for  the  public  amuse- 
ments. One  well-known  instance  of  jesting,  however, 
must  not  be  omitted.  As  a  band  of  Persians,  supposed 
to  be  captives,  was  being  led  along  in  the  procession 
(such  an  absurdity !),  certain  wits  mingled  with  them 
and  most  carefully  scrutinized  all,  examining  with 
open-mouthed  astonishment  the  features  of  every  one  ; 
and  when  asked  what  they  meant  by  that  sagacious 
investigation,  they  replied,  "  We  are  searching  for  the 
Emperor's  father/'  When  this  incident  was  reported 
to  Gallienus,  unmoved  by  shame  or  grief  or  filial  affec- 
tion, he  ordered  the  wits  to  be  burned  alive — a 
measure  which  angered  the  people  more  than  anyone 
would  suppose,  but  so  grieved  the  soldiers  that  not 
much  later  they  requited  the  deed. 

35 


THE  TWO  GALLIENI 

X.  Gallieno  et  Saturnine  consulibus  Odaenathus 
rex  Palmyrenorum  obtinuit  totius  orientis  imperium, 
idcirco  praecipue  quod  se  fortibus  factis  dignum  tantae 
maiestatis  infulis  declaravit,  Gallieno  aut  nullas  aut 

2  luxuriosas  aut  ineptas  et  ridiculas  res  agente.  deni- 
que  statim  bellum  Persis  in  vindictam  Valerian!,  quam 

3eius  filius  neglegebat,  indixit.  Xisibin  et  Carrhas 
statim  occupat  tradentibus  sese  Nisibenis  atque  Car- 

4  rhenis  et  increpantibus  Gallienum.     nee  defuit  tamen 
reverentia  Odaeiiathi  circa  Gallienum.     nam  captos 
satrapas  insultandi  prope  gratia  et  ostentandi  sui  ad 

5  eum  misit.     qui  cum  Romam  deducti  essent,  vincente 
Odaenatho  triumphavit  Gallienus  nulla  mentione  pa- 
tris  facta,  quern  ne  inter  deos  quidem  nisi  coactus  ret- 
tulit,   cum   mortuum   audisset,  sed  adhuc   viventem, 

6  nam  de  illius  morte  falso  compererat.      Odaenathus 
autem  ad  Ctesiphontem  Parthorum  multitudinem  ob- 
sedit    vastatisque    circum    omnibus    locis    innumeros 

7  homines    interemit.       sed    cum    satrapae    omnes    ex 
omnibus  rejjionibus  illuc  defeiisionis  communis  gratia 

O  ™ 

convolassent,  fuerunt  longa  et  varia  proelia,  longior 

8  tamen  Romana  victoria,     et  cum  nihil  aliud  ageret  nisi 
ut  Valeriamim  Odaenathus  liberaret,  instabat  cottidie, 
at :   locorum   difficultatibus  in  alieno   solo   imperator 
optimus  laborabat. 

1at  Gas.,  Peter;  ac  P,  Hohl. 


1See  Tyr.  Trig.,  xv.  1  and  note. 

-  As  a  matter  of  fact,  he  was  acting  as  the  general  of 
Gallienus  and  under  his  command. 

3 Coins  of  264,  celebrating  this  triumph,  show  Gallienus  in 
a  four-hor-e  chariot ;  see  Matt.-Syd.  v.  pp.  166-167,  nos.  412-413. 
The  cognomina  Persicus  Maximus  and  Parthicus  Maximus 
are  found  in  papyri  and  inscriptions. 

36 


THE  TWO  GALLIENI  X.   1-8 

X.  In  the  consulship  of  Gallienus  and  Saturninus  264 
Odaenathus,  king  of  the  Palmyrenes,  held  the  rule 
over  the  entire  East l — chiefly  for  the  reason  that  by 
his  brave  deeds  he  had  shown  himself  worthy  of  the 
insignia  of  such  great  majesty,  whereas  Gallienus  was 
doing  nothing  at  all  or  else  only  what  was  extravagant, 
or  foolish  and  deserving  of  ridicule.  Now  at  once  he 
proclaimed  a  war  on  the  Persians  to  exact  for  Valerian 
the  vengeance  neglected  by  Valerian's  son.  He 
immediately  occupied  Xisibis  and  Carrhae,  the  people 
of  which  surrendered,  reviling  Gallienus.  Neverthe- 
less, Odaenathus  showed  no  lack  of  respect  toward 
Gallienus,  for  he  sent  him  the  satraps  he  captured — 
though,  as  it  seemed,  merely  for  the  purpose  of  in- 
sulting him  and  displaying  his  own  prowess.2  After 
these  had  been  brought  to  Rome,  Gallienus  held  a 
triumph  because  of  Odaenathus'  victory;3  but  he 
still  made  no  mention  of  his  father  and  did  not  even 
place  him  among  the  gods,  when  he  heard  he  was 
dead,  until  compelled  to  do  so4 — although  in  fact 
Valerian  was  still  alive,  for  the  news  of  his  death  was 
untrue.  Odaenathus,  besides,  besieged  an  army  of 
Parthians  at  Ctesiphon  and  devastated  all  the  country 
round  about,  killing  men  without  number.  But  when 
all  the  satraps  from  all  the  outlying  regions  flocked 
together  to  Ctesiphon  for  the  purpose  of  common 
defence,  there  were  long-lasting  battles  with  varying 
results,  but  more  long-lasting  still  was  the  success 
of  the  Romans.  Moreover,  since  Odaenathus'  sole 
purpose  was  to  set  Valerian  free,  he  daily  pressed 
onward,  but  this  best  of  commanders,  now  on  a 
foreign  soil,  suffered  greatly  because  of  the  difficult 
ground. 

4 There  is  no  other  evidence  of  Valerian's  consecration. 

37 


THE  TWO  GALLIENI 

XI.  Dum  haec  apud  Persas  geruntur,  Scythae  in 
Cappadociam  pervaserunt.  illic  captis  civitatibus  bello 
etiam  vario  diu  acto  se l  ad  Bithyniam  contulerunt. 

2  quare   milites   iterum    de   novo   imperatore    faciendo 
cogitarunt.      quos   omnes   Gallienus   more   suo,   cum 
placare  atque  ad  gratiam  suam  reducere  non  posset, 
occidit. 

3  Cum  tamen  sibi  milites  dignum  principem  quaere- 
rent,  Gallienus  apud  Athenas  archoii  erat,  id  est  sum- 
mus  magistratus,  vanitate  ilia,  qua  et  civis  adscribi  de- 

4siderabat  et  sacris  omnibus  interesse.  quod  neque 
Hadrianus  in  summa  felicitate  neque  Antoninus  in 
adulta  fecerat  pace,  cum  tanto  studio  Graecarum 
docti^  sint  litterarum  ut  raro  aliquibus  doctissimis 

5  magnorum  arbitrio  cesserint  virorum.  Areopagitarum 
praeterea  cupiebat  ingeri  numero  contempta  prope  re 

Gpublica.  fuit  enim  Gallienus,  quod  negari  non  potest, 
oratione.  poemate  atque  omnibus  artibus  clarus. 

7  huius  illud  est  epithalamion,  quod  inter  centum  poetas 
praecipuum  fuit.  nam  cum  fratrum  suorum  filios 
iungeret,  et  omnes  poetae  Graeci  Latinique  epitha- 
lamia  dixissent,  idque  per  dies  plurimos,  ille,  cum 


1acto  se  Salm. ;  actos  P.  2docti  P,  27;  ducti  Baehrens, 

Peter,  Hohl. 


1This  invasion  of  Cappadocia  is  mentioned  in  Zosimus,  i. 
28,  1,  as  in  the  year  252  or  253,  whereas  it  actually  took  place 
in  264. 

38 


THE  TWO  GALLIENI  XI.  1-7 

XI.  While  these  events  were  happening  among  the 
Persians,  the  Scythians  made  their  way  into  Cap- 
padocia.1  After  capturing  many  cities  there  and 
waging  war  for  a  long  time  with  varying  success, 
they  betook  themselves  to  Bithynia.  Wherefore  the 
soldiers  again  considered  the  choosing  of  a  new 
emperor ;  but  since  he  could  not  placate  them  or  win 
their  support,  Gallienus,  after  his  usual  fashion,  put 
all  of  them  to  death. 

Just,  however,  when  the  soldiers  were  looking  for 
a  worthy  prince,  Gallienus  was  holding  the  office  of 
archon — chief  magistrate,  that  is — at  Athens,  showing 
that  same  vanity  which  also  made  him  desire  to  be 
enrolled  among  its  citizens  and  even  take  part  in  all 
its  sacred  rites — which  not  even  Hadrian  had  done  at 
the  height  of  his  prosperity  or  Antoninus  during  a 
long-established  peace,2  and  these  emperors,  too, 
were  schooled  by  so  much  study  of  Greek  letters 
that  in  the  judgement  of  great  men  they  were 
scarcely  inferior  to  the  most  learned  scholars.  He 
desired,  furthermore,  to  be  included  among  the 
members  of  the  Areopagus,  almost  as  though  he 
despised  public  affairs.  For  indeed  it  cannot  be 
denied  that  Gallienus  won  fame  in  oratory,  poetry, 
and  all  the  arts.  His,  too,  is  the  epithalamium  which 
had  the  chief  place  among  a  hundred  poets.  For, 
when  he  was  joining  in  marriage  the  children  of  his 
brothers,  and  all  the  poets,  both  Greek  and  Latin,  had 
recited  their  epithalamia,  and  that  for  very  many 
days,  Gallienus,  holding  the  hands  of  the  bridal  pair, 

2  Hadrian  had  been  archon  at  Athens,  but  before  hia 
accession  to  power  (see  Hadr.t  xix.  1),  and  both  he  and  Marcus 
Aurelius  were  initiated  into  the  Eleusinian  Mysteries  (Hadr.t 
xiii.  1;  Marc.,  xxvii.  1). 

39 


THE  TWO  GALLIENI 

maims  sponsorum  teneret,  ut  quidam  dicunt,  saepius  l 
ita  dixisse  fertur  : 

8  Ite,  agite,2  o  pueri,  pariter  sudate  medullis 
omnibus  inter  vos,  non  murmura  vestra  columbae, 
brachia  noil  hederae,  non  vincant  oscula  conchae. 

9  longum  est  eius  versus  orationesque  conectere,  quibus 
suo  tempore  tarn  inter3  poetas  quam  inter  rhetores 
emicuit.     sed  aliud  in  imperatore  quaeritur,  aliud  in 
oratore  vel  poeta  flagitatur. 

XII.  Laudatur  sane  eius  optimum  factum.  nam 
consulatu  4  Valeriani  fratris  sui  et  Lucilli  propinqui, 
ubi  comperit  ab  Odaenatho  Persas  vastatos,  redactam 
Nisibin  et  Carrhas  in  potestatem  Romanam,  omnem 
Mesopotamiam  nostram,  denique  Ctesiphontem  esse 
perventum,  fugisse  regem,  captos  satrapas,  plurimos 
Persarum  occisos,  Odaenathum  participate  imperio 
Augustum  vocavit  eiusque  monetam,  qua  Persas 
captos  traheret,  cudi  iussit.  quod  et  senatus  et  urbs 
et  omnis  aetas  gratanter  accepit. 

2      Fuit   praeterea  idem  ingeniosissimus,  cuius  osten- 

Sdendi   acuminis5  scilicet    pauca    libet   ponere  :    nam 

cum  taurum  ingentem  in  arenam  misisset,  exissetque 

ad  eum  feriendum  venator  6  neque  productum  decies 


1  sa*)pius  Gas.,  Hohl  ;    sceptus    P;    o-KanmKuis  Oberdick, 
Peter2.  2ait  P.  8  in  P.  *  consulatu  Czwalina, 

Peter2;   consulta  P,  2.  *ostendendi  acuminis  Madvig, 

Hohl  ;  ostendentia  cum  in  his  P.  6  uector  P. 


1  Found  also  in  the  lost  "Codex  Bellovacensis  "  of  Binetus 
(Riese,  Anth.  Lat.t  i.  2,  p.  17G,  no.  711  =  Baehrens,  P.L.lf., 
iv.  pp.  103  104)  with  the  addition  of  two  more  lines :  "  Ludite : 
sed  vigiles  nolite  extinguere  lychnos.  |  Omnia  nocte  vident, 
nil  eras  meminere  lucernae." 

40 


THE  TWO  GALLIENI  XL  8— XII.  3 

so  it  is  reported,  is  said  to  have  recited  repeatedly 
the  following  verses : 

"Come  now,  my  children,  grow  heated  together  in 

deep-seated  passion, 
Never,  indeed,  may  the  doves  outdo  your  billings  and 

cooings, 
Never  the  ivy  your  arms,  or  the  clinging  of  sea-shells 

your  kisses."  l 

It  would  be  too  long  a  task  to  collect  all  his  verses 
and  speeches,  which  made  him  illustrious  among  both 
the  poets  and  the  rhetoricians  of  his  own  time.  But 
it  is  one  thing  that  is  desired  in  an  emperor,  and 
another  that  is  demanded  of  an  orator  or  a  poet. 

XII.  One  excellent  deed  of  his,  to  be  sure,  is 
mentioned  with  praise.  For  in  the  consulship  of  his  265 
brother  Valerian  and  his  kinsman  Lucillus,  when  he 
learned  that  Odaenathus  had  ravaged  the  Persians, 
brought  Nisibis  and  Carrhae  under  the  sway  of  Rome, 
made  all  of  Mesopotamia  ours,  and  finally  arrived  at 
Ctesiphon,  put  the  king  to  flight,  captured  the  satraps 
and  killed  large  numbers  of  Persians,  he  gave  him 
a  share  in  the  imperial  power,  conferred  on  him  the 
name  Augustus,2  and  ordered  coins  to  be  struck  in  his 
honour,  which  showed  him  haling  the  Persians  into 
captivity.  This  measure  the  senate,  the  city,  and 
men  of  every  age  received  with  approval. 

Gallienus,  furthermore,  was  exceedingly  clever,  and 
I  wish  to  relate  a  few  actions  of  his  in  order  to  show 
his  wit.  Once,  when  a  huge  bull  was  led  into  the 
arena,  and  a  huntsman  came  forth  to  fight  him  but 
was  unable  to  slay  the  bull  though  it  was  brought  out 

aTbis  is  incorrect ;  see  note  to  Tyr.  Trig.,  xv.  1. 

41 


THE  TWO  GALL1ENI 

4potuisset  occidere,  coronam  venatori  misit,  mussanti- 
busque  cunctis,  quid  rei  esset  quod  homo  ineptissimus 
coronaretur,  ille  per  curionem  dici  iussit  :  "  Tauruin 

5totiens  non  ferire  difficile  est".  idem,  cum  quidam 
gemmas  vitreas  pro  veris  1  vendidisset  eius  uxori,  atque 
ilia  re  prodita  vindicari  vellet,  subripi  quasi  ad  leonem 
venditorem  iussit,  deinde  e  cavea  caponem  emitti, 
mirantibusque  cunctis  rem  tarn  ridiculam  per  curionem 
dici  iussit  :  "  Imposturam  fecit  et  passus  est".  deinde 
negotiatorem  dimisit. 

6  Occupato  tamen  Odaenatho  bello  Persico,  Gallieno 
rebus  ineptissimis,  ut  solebat,  incubante  Scythae  navi- 
bus  factis  Heracleam  pervenerunt  atque  inde  cum 
praeda  in  solum  proprium  reverterunt,  quamvis  multi 
naufragio  perierint  navalive  2  bello  superati  sint. 

XIII.   Per  idem  tempus  Odaenathus  insidiis  con- 
sobrini  sui  interemptus  est  cum  filio  Herode,  quern  et 

2  ipsum  imperatorem  appellaverat.    turn  3  Zenobia,  uxor 
eius,   quod  parvuli    essent    filii    eius    qui   supererant, 
Herennianus    et    Timolaus,    ipsa    suscepit    imperium 

3  diuque  rexit  non  muliebriter  neque  more  femineo,  sed 
non  solum  Gallieno,  quo  quaeque  4  virgo  melius  im- 
perare  potuisset,   verum   etiam  multis   imperatoribus 

4  fortius  atque  sollertius.     Gallienus  sane,  ubi  ei  nun- 
tiatum   Odaenathum  interemptum,  bellum  Persis  ad 
seram  nimis  vindictam  patris  paravit  collectisque  per 

1  ue  fas  pro  uitrels  P,  2.  2  ue  ins.  by  Bitschofsky  ;  om. 

inP;  nauali  ....  sint  del.  by  Peter.          zcum  P. 
Peter2;  quoc[iie  P  ;  quo  quae  Hohl. 


1  Mod.  Benderegli  on  the  northern  coast  of  Bithynia  ;  this 
seems  to  have  been  in  266. 

2  See  Tyr.  Trig.,  xv.  5  ;  xvii.  3  See  Tyr.  Trig.,  xvi. 


THE  TWO  GALLIENI  XII.  4— XIII.  4 

ten  times,  he  sent  the  huntsman  a  garland,  and  when, 
all  the  crowd  wondered  what  it  might  mean  that  so 
foolish  a  fellow  should  be  crowned  with  a  garland,  he 
bade  a  herald  announce :  "  It  is  a  difficult  thing  to 
miss  a  bull  so  many  times."  On  another  occasion, 
when  a  certain  man  sold  his  wife  glass  jewels  instead 
of  real,  and  she,  discovering  the  fraud,  wished  the 
man  to  be  punished,  he  ordered  the  seller  to  be  haled 
off,  as  though  to  a  lion,  and  then  had  them  let  out 
from  the  ca^e  a  capon,  and  when  all  were  amazed  at 
so  absurd  a  proceeding,  he  bade  the  herald  proclaim : 
"  He  practised  deceit  and  then  had  it  practised  on 
him."  Then  he  let  the  dealer  go  home. 

But  while  Odaenathus  was  busied  with  the  war 
against  the  Persians  and  Gallienus  was  devoting 
himself  to  most  foolish  pursuits,  as  was  his  custom, 
the  Scythians  built  ships  and  advanced  upon  Hera- 
clea,1  and  thence  they  returned  with  booty  to  their 
native  land,  although  many  were  lost  by  shipwreck  or 
defeated  in  a  naval  engagement. 

XIII.  About  this  same  time  Odaenathus  was 
treacherously  slain  by  his  cousin,2  and  with  him  his 
son  H erodes,3  whom  also  he  had  hailed  as  emperor. 
Then  Zenobia,  his  wife,  since  the  sons  who  remained, 
Herennianus  and  Timolaus,4  were  still  very  young, 
assumed  the  power  herself  and  ruled  for  a  long  time,5 
not  in  feminine  fashion  or  with  the  ways  ol  a  woman, 
but  surpassing  in  courage  and  skill  not  merely  Gallienus, 
than  whom  any  girl  could  have  ruled  more  success- 
fully, but  also  many  an  emperor.  As  for  Gallienus, 
indeed,  when  he  learned  that  Odaenathus  was 
murdered,  he  made  ready  for  war  with  the  Persians — 

4 See  Tyr.  Trig.,  xxvii-xxviii.  8See  Tyr.  Trig.,  xxx. 

43 


THE  TWO  GALLIENI 

Heraclianum  ducera  militibus  sollertis  principis  rera 

5gerebat.  qui  tamen  Heraclianus,  cum  contra  Persas 
profectus  esset,  a  Palmyrenis  victus  omnes  quos  para- 
verat  milites  perdidit,  Zenobia  Palmyrenis  et  orienta- 
libus  plerisque  viri liter  imperaiite. 

6  Inter  haec  Scythae  per  Euxinum  navigantes  His- 
trum  ingressi  multa  gravia  in  solo  Romano  fecerunt. 
quibus  compertis  Gallienus  Cleodamum  et  Athenaeum 
Byzantios  instaurandis  urbibus  muniendisque  praefecit, 
pugnatumque  est  circa  Pontum,  et  a  Byzantiis  ducibus 

7victi  sunt  barbari.  Veneriano  item  duce  navali  l>ello 
Gothi  superati  sunt,  cum  ipse  Venerianus  militari 

Speriit  morte.  atque  inde  Cyzicum  et  Asiam,  deinceps 
Achaiam  omnem  vastaverunt  et  ab  Atheniensibus  duce 
Dexippo,  scriptore  horum  temporum,  victi  sunt.  unde 
pulsi  per  Epirum,  Macedoniam,  Boeotiam  pervagati 

9 sunt.  Gallienus  interea  vix  excitatus  publicis  mails 
Gothis  vagaiitibus  per  Illyricum  occurrit  et  fortuito 
plurimos  interemit.  quo  comperto  Scythae  facta 
carragine  per  montem  Gessacem  fugere  sunt  conati. 


1  If  this  is  true,  it  means  a  breaking  of  the  friendly  relations 
which  had  hitherto  existed  between  Rome  ami   Palmyra — 
perhaps  an  attempt  to  put  an  end  to  the  unusual  powers  held 
by   Zenobia — but   we  have  no  other  evidence  of  it.     Odae- 
nathus  was  killed  sometime  in  266-67,  and  in  the  summer  of 
26S  Heraclianus  was  with  Gallienus  at  Milan  ;  see  c.  xiv.  1. 

2  This  was  the  great  invasion  of  the  Eruli,   a  Germanic 
tribe,  in  267.     Setting  forth  with  500  ships  from  the  Sea  of 
Azov,  they  sailed  into  the  mouth  of  the  Danube.     Gallienus, 
engaged  in  the  war  against  Postumus,  deputed  the  various 
generals  here  mentioned  to  deal  with  them,  but  despite  their 
efforts    the    invaders   overran    Greece,    even   as   far   as    the 
Peloponnese.     They  were  defeated  by  Dexippus  in  an  attempt 
to  take  Athens   on  their  return  northward,   and  again   by 

44 


THE  TWO  GALLIENI  XIII.  5-9 

an  over-tardy  vengeance  for  his  father — and,  gather- 
ing an  army  with  the  help  of  the  general  Heraclianus, 
he  plciyed  the  part  of  a  skilful  prince.  This  Hera- 
clianus, however,  on  setting  out  against  the  Persians, 
was  defeated  by  the  Palmyrenes  and  lost  all  the 
troops  he  had  gathered,1  for  Zenobia  was  ruling 
Palmyra  and  most  of  the  East  with  the  vigour  of 
a  man. 

Meanwhile  the  Scythians  sailed  across  the  Black 
Sea  and,  entering  the  Danube,  did  much  damage  on 
Roman  soil.2  Learning  of  this,  Gallienus  deputed 
Cleodamus  and  Athenaeus  the  Byzantines  to  repair 
and  fortify  the  cities,  and  a  battle  was  fought  near 
the  Black  Sea,  in  which  the  barbarians  were  conquered 
by  the  Byzantine  leaders.  The  Goths  were  also  de- 
feated in  a  naval  battle  by  the  general  Venerianus, 
though  Venerianus  himself  died  a  soldier's  death. 
Then  the  Goths  ravaged  Cyzicus  and  Asia  and  then 
all  of  Achaea,  but  were  vanquished  by  the  Athenians 
under  the  command  of  Dexippus,  an  historian  of 
these  times.3  Driven  thence,  they  roved  through 
Epirus,  Macedonia  and  Boeotia.  Gallienus,  mean- 
while, roused  at  last  by  the  public  ills,  met  the  Goths 
as  they  roved  about  in  Illyricum,  and,  as  it  chanced, 
killed  a  great  number.  Learning  of  this,  the 
Scythians,  after  making  a  barricade  of  wagons,  at- 
tempted to  escape  by  way  of  Mount  Gessaces.4  Then 
Marcianus  made  war  on  all  the  Scythians  with  varying 

Gallienus  himself  (who  had  left  the  war  against  Postumua 
and  hurried  to  meet  them)  in  a  battle  on  the  river  Nestos,  the 
boundary  between  Macedonia  and  Thrace.  For  a  fuller 
account  see  Syncellus,  p.  717. 

3  See  note  to  Alex.,  xlix.  3. 

4  Unknown;  perhaps  Mt.  Bhodope  in  Thrace. 

45 


THE  TWO  GALLIENI 

lOomnes  inde  Scythas  Marcianus  varia  bellorum  fortuna 

quae  omnes  Scythas  ad  rebellionem  excitarunt. 

XIV.  Et  haec  quidem  Heracliani  ducis  erga  rem 
publicam  devotio  luit.  verum  cum  Gallieni  tantam 
improbitatem  ferre  non  possent,  consilium  inierunt 
Marcianus  et  Heraclianus,  ut  alter  eorum  imperium 

2caperet et  Claudius  quidem,  ut  suo  dicemus 

loco,  vir  omnium  optimus,  electus  est,  qui  consilio 
non  adfuerat,  eaque  apud  cunctos  reverentia,  ut  iuste 
dignus  videretur  imperio,  quemadmodum  postea  com- 

3  probatum  est.  is  enim  est  Claudius,  a  quo  Constantius, 

4  vigilissimus  Caesar,  originem  ducit.     fuit  iisdem  socius 
in  appetendo  imperio  quidam  Ceronius  sive  Cecropius, 
dux  Dalmatarum,  qui  eos  et  urbanissime  et  prudentis- 

6  sime  adiuvit.  sed  cum  imperium  capere  vivo  Gallieno 
non  possent,  huius  modi  eum  insidiis  adpetendum 
esse  duxerunt,  ut  labem  improbissimam  malis  fessa  re 
publica  a  gubernaculis  human!  generis  dimoverent, 
ne  diutius  theatre  et  circo  addicta  res  publica  per 

6  voluptatum  deperiret  inlecebras.  insidiarum  genus 
fuit  tale :  Gallienus  ab  Aureolo,  qui  principatum 
invaserat,  dissidebat,  sperans  cottidie  gravem  et  in- 

7tolerabilem  tumultuarii  imperatoris  adventum.     hoc 

1  Gallienus,  summoned  home  by  the  revolt  of  Aureolus  (see 
note  to  c.  xiv.  1),  left  Marcianus  (cf.  c.  vi.  1)  and  Claudius  (cf. 
Claud.,  vi.  1)  to  complete  the  victory  and  hurried  to  northern 
Italy. 

2  According  to  the  more  complete  accounts  in  Zosimus,  i.  40 
and  Zonaras,  xii.  25,  Gallienus  defeated  Aureolus  (at  Pons 
Aureolus  =  Pontirolo,  Aur.  Victor,  Caes.t  33, 18)  and  shut  him 
up  in  Milan.     There  a  conspiracy  was  made  against  Gallienus, 
which  included  Claudius  and  Aurelian  as  well  as  Heraclianus, 
the  prefect  of  the  guard.     Later,  an  attempt  was  made  to 
show  that  Claudius  had  nothing  to  do  with  it,  as  here  and  in 
Claud.,  i.  3,  and  a  scene  was  even  invented  in  which  Gallienus 

46 


THE  TWO  GALLIENI  XIII.  10— XIV.  7 

success,1 which   measures  roused   all    the 

Scythians  to  rebellion. 

XIV.  Such,  in  fact,  was  the  devotion  of  the  general 
Heraclianus  to  the  commonwealth.  But  being  un- 
able to  endure  further  all  the  iniquities  of  Gallienus, 
Marcianus  and  Heraclianus  formed  a  plan  that  one  of 

them  should  take  the  imperial  power2 And 

Claudius,  in  fact,  was  chosen,  the  best  man  of  all,  as  we 
shall  narrate  ill  the  proper  place.  He  had  had  no  part 
in  their  plan,  but  was  held  by  all  in  such  respect  that 
he  seemed  worthy  of  the  imperial  power,  and  justly 
so,  as  was  proved  by  later  events.  For  he  is  that 
Claudius  from  whom  Constantius,  our  most  watchful 
Caesar,  derives  his  descent.3  These  men  had  also  as 
their  comrade  in  seeking  the  power  a  certain  Ceronius, 
or  rather  Cecropius,  commander  of  the  Dalmatians, 
who  aided  them  with  the  greatest  shrewdness  and 
wisdom.  But  being  unable  to  seize  the  power  while 
Gallienus  was  still  alive,  they  decided  to  proceed 
against  him  by  a  plot  of  the  following  nature,  purpos- 
ing, now  that  the  state  was  exhausted  by  disasters,  to 
remove  this  most  evil  blot  from  the  governance  of  the 
human  race  and  to  save  the  commonwealth,  now  given 
over  to  the  theatre  and  circus,  from  going  to  de- 
struction through  the  allurements  of  pleasure.  Now 
the  nature  of  their  plot  was  as  follows  :  Gallienus  was 
at  enmity  with  Aureolus,  who  had  seized  upon  the 
position  of  prince,  and  was  daily  expecting  the  coming 
of  this  usurping  ruler — a  serious  and,  indeed,  an  un- 
endurable thing.  Being  aware  of  this,  Marcianus  and 

on  his  deathbed  was  represented  as  bestowing  the  imperial 
insignia  on  Claudius;  see  Aur.  Victor,  Goes.,  33,  28;  Epit., 
34,  2.  The  evidence  of  papyri  places  the  murder  in  July  or 
August,  268. 

8  See  Claud.,  xiii.  2  and  note. 

47 


THE  TWO  GALLIENI 

scientes  Marcianus  et  Cecropius  subilo  Gallieno  ius- 

8  serant  uuntiari  Aureolum  iam  venire,  ille  igitur  militi- 
bus  cogitatis  quasi  cerium  processit  ad  proelium  atque 

9ita  missis  percussoribus  interemptus  est.  et  quidem 
Cecropii  Dalmatarum  ducis  telo1  Gallienus  dicitur 
esse  percussus,  ut  quidam  ferunt,  circa  Mediolanum, 
ubi  continue  et  frater  eius  Valerianus  est  interemptus, 
quern  multi  Augustum,  multi  Caesarem,  multi  neutrum 
lOfuisse  dicunt.  quod  veri  simile  non  est,  si  quidem 
capto  iam  Valeriano  scriptum  invenimus  in  fastis : 
"Valeriano  imperatore  consule."  quis  igitur  alius 
11  potuit  esse  Valerianus  nisi  Gallieni  frater  ?  constat 
de  genere,  non  satis  tamen  constat  de  dignitate  vel, 
ut  coeperunt  alii  loqui,  de  maiestate. 

XV.  Occiso  igitur  Gallieno  seditio  ingens  militum 
fuit,  cum  spe  praedae  ac  publicae  vastationis  impera- 
torem  sibi  utilem,  necessarium,  fortem,  efficacem  ad 

2  iiividiam  faciendam  dicerent  raptum.  quare  consilium 
principum  fuit,  ut  milites  eius  quo  solent  placari  genere 
sedarentur.  promissis  itaque  per  Marcianum  aureis 
vicenis  et  acceptis  (nani  praesto  erat  thesaurorum 
copia)  Gallienum  tyrannum  militari  iudicio  in  fastos 

Spublicos  rettulerunt.     sic  militibus  sedatis  Claudius, 

1  telo  Peter2;  om.  in  P. 


1He  was  consul  (for  the  second  time)  in  265;  cf.  c.  xii.  1. 
He  is  mentioned  in  literature  only  here  and  in  Vol.,  viii., 
where  also  he  is  said  to  have  received  the  title  of  Augustus. 
However,  no  coins  can  be  definitely  proved  to  be  his  (see 
Matt.-Syd.  v.  p.  28),  and  in  the  lack  of  any  evidence  it  may  be 
seriously  doubted  that  he  was  either  Augustus  or  Caesar.  The 
"inscription"  cited  in  Fa/.,  viii.  3  is  of  equally  little  value 
with  that  quoted  in  c.  rix.  4. 

2  This,  if  true,  had  no  legal  significance,  for  a  damnatio 
could  be  pronounced  only  by  the  senate.  According  to  Aur. 

4.8 


THE  TWO  GALLIENI  XIV.  8.— XV.  5 

Cecropius  suddenly  caused  word  to  be  sent  toGallienus 
that  Aureolus  was  now  approaching.  He,  therefore, 
mustered  his  soldiers  and  went  forth  as  though  to 
certain  battle,  and  so  was  slain  by  the  murderers  sent 
for  the  purpose.  It  is  reported,  indeed,  that  Gallienus 
was  pierced  by  the  spear  of  Cecropius,  the  Dalmatian 
commander,  some  say  near  Milan,  where  also  his 
brother  Valerian  was  at  once  put  to  death.  This  man, 
many  say,  had  the  title  of  Augustus,  and  many,  that  of 
Caesar,  and  many,  again,  neither  one — which,  indeed, 
is  not  probable,  for  we  have  found  written  in  the 
official  lists,  after  Valerian  had  been  taken  prisoner, 
"During  the  consulship  of  Valerian  the  Emperor." 
So  who  else,  pray,  could  this  Valerian  have  been  but 
the  brother  of  Gallienus  ? l  There  is  general  agree- 
ment concerning  his  family,  but  not  concerning  his 
rank  or,  as  others  have  begun  to  say,  concerning  his 
imperial  majesty. 

XV.  Now  after  Gallienus  was  slain,  there  was  a 
great  mutiny  among  the  soldiers,  for,  hoping  for  booty 
and  public  plunder,  they  maintained,  in  order  to 
arouse  hatred,  that  they  had  been  robbed  of  an 
emperor  who  had  been  useful  and  indispensable  to 
them,  courageous  and  competent.  Wherefore  the 
leaders  took  counsel  how  to  placate  Gallienus'  soldiers 
by  the  usual  means  of  winning  their  favour.  So, 
through  the  agency  of  Marcianus,  twenty  aurei  were 
promised  to  each  and  accepted  (for  there  was  on  hand 
a  ready  supply  of  treasure),  and  then  by  verdict  of  the 
soldiers  they  placed  the  name  of  Gallienus  in  the 
public  records  as  a  usurper.2  The  soldiers  thus 

Victor,  Goes.,  33,  31-34,  the  senate  and  people  gave  general 
vent  to  their  hostility.  Nevertheless,  Claudius  ordered  that 
he  should  be  deified  in  the  usual  manner. 

49 


THE  TWO  GALLIENI 

vir  sanctus  ac  iure  venerabilis  et  bonis  omnibus  carus, 
amicus  patriae,  amicus  legibus,  acceptus  senatui, 
populo  bene  cognitus  accepit  imperium. 

XVI.  Haec  vita  Gallieni  fuit,  breviter  a  me  litteris 
intimata,  qui  natus  abdomini  et  voluptatibus  dies  ac 
noctes  vino  et  stupris  perdidit,  orbem  terrarum 
viginti l  prope  per  "  tyrannos  vastari  fecit,  ita  ut  etiam 

'2  mulieres  illo  melius  imperarent.  ac  ne  eius  praetere- 
atur  miseranda  sollertia,  veris  tempore  cubicula  de 
rosis  fecit,  de  pomis  castella  composuit.  uvas  triennio 
servavit.  hieme  summa  melones  exhibuit.  mustum 
quemadmodum  toto  anno  haberetur  docuit.  ficos 
virides  et  poma  ex  arboribus  recentia  semper  alienis 

3  mensibus  praebuit.     mantelibus  aureis  semper  stravit. 

4gemmata  vasa  fecit  eademque  aurea.  crinibus  suis 
auri  scobem  aspersit.  radiatus  saepe  processit.  cum 
chlamyde  purpurea  gemmatisque  fibulis  et  aureis 
Romae  visus  est,  ubi  semper  togati  principes  vide- 
bantur.  purpuream  tunicam  auratamque  virilem 
eandemque  manicatam  habuit.  gemmato  balteo  usus 
est.  corrigias 3  gemmeas  adnexuit,  cum  campagos 

5  reticulos  appellaret.     convivatus  in  publico  est.     con- 

6giariis  populum  mollivit.      senatui  sportulam  sedens 

1  uiginti  P,  27,  Hohl ;  triginta  Salm.,  Peter.  2  per  om. 

in  P.  8  cwrigias  Mommsen.Hohl ;  caligias  P  ;  caligas  27, 

Peter. 


1  The  manuscript  reading  viginti  here  and  also  in  c.  xix.  6 
and  xxi.  1  seems  to  show  that  the  author's  original  plan  was 
to  include  twenty  pretenders,  not  thirty,  in  the  v\ork  now 
called  Tyranni  Triginta;  see  note  to  Tyr.  Trig.,  i.  1  and  Peter, 
Die  S.  H.  A.,  p.  37  f. 

2  A  crown  surrounded  by  projecting  rays,  originally  regarded 
as  the  emblem  of  a  deified  emperor,  but  apparently  worn  by 

50 


THE  TWO  GALLIENI  XVI.   1-6 

quieted,  Claudius,  a  venerated  man  and  justly  re- 
spected, dear  to  all  good  men,  a  friend  to  his  native 
land,  a  friend  to  the  laws,  acceptable  to  the  senate, 
and  favourably  known  to  the  people,  received  the 
imperial  power. 

XVI.  Such  was  the  life  of  Gallienus,  which  I  have 
briefly  described  in  writing,  who,  born  for  his  belly 
and  his  pleasures,  wasted  his  days  and  nights  in  wine 
and  debauchery  and  caused  the  world  to  be  laid  waste 
by  pretenders  about  twenty  in  number,1  so  that  even 
women  ruled  better  than  he.  He,  forsooth, — in  order 
that  his  pitiable  skill  may  not  be  left  unmentioned — 
used  in  the  spring-time  to  make  sleeping-places  of  roses. 
He  built  castles  of  apples,  preserved  grapes  for  three 
years,  and  served  melons  in  the  depth  of  winter.  He 
showed  how  new  wine  could  be  had  all  through  the 
year.  He  always  served  out  of  season  green  figs  and 
apples  fresh  from  the  trees.  He  always  spread  his 
tables  with  golden  covers.  He  made  jewelled  vessels, 
and  golden  ones  too.  He  sprinkled  his  hair  with 
gold-dust.  He  went  out  in  public  adorned  with  the 
radiate  crown,2  and  at  Rome — where  the  emperors 
always  appeared  in  the  toga — he  appeared  in  a  purple 
cloak  \vith  jewelled  and  golden  clasps.  He  wore  a 
man's  tunic  of  purple  and  gold  and  provided  with 
sleeves.  He  used  a  jewelled  sword-belt  and  he 
fastened  jewels  to  his  boot-laces  and  then  called  his 
boots  "  reticulate."  3  He  used,  moreover,  to  banquet 
in  public.  He  won  the  people's  favour  by  largesses, 
and  he  distributed,  seated,  portions  of  food  to  the 

the  rulers  of  the  third  century,  for  it  is  regularly  shown  on  their 
coins. 

3  i.e.,  ]ike  the  network  caps  worn  by  women  and  effeminate 
men  (cf.  Heliog.,  xi.  7). 

51 


THE  TWO  GALLIENI 

erogavit.  matronas  ad  consilium l  suum  rogavit  iisdem- 
que  manum  sibi  osculantibus  quaternos  aureos  sui 
XVII.  nominis  dedit.  ubi  de  Valeriano  patre  comperit  quod 
captus  esset,  id  quod  philosophorum  optimus  de  filio 
amisso  dixisse  fertur,  "Sciebam  me  genuisse  morta- 
lem," ille  sic  dixit 2 :  "  Sciebam  patrem  meum  esse 
mortalem." 

2  Nee  defuit  Annius  Cornicula,  qui  eum  quasi  con- 
stantem  principem  falso3  sua  voce  laudaret.  peior 

Stamen  ille  qui  credidit.4  saepe  ad  tibicinem  processit, 
ad  organum  se  recepit,  cum  processui  et  recessui  cani 

4  iuberet.     lavit  ad  diem  septimo  aestate    vel  sexto, 

5  hieme   secundo    vel  tertio.     bibit   in  aureis    semper 
poculis  aspernatus 5  vitrum,  ita  ut  6  diceret  nil  esse 

6  communius.     semper  vina    variavit    neque    umquam 

7  in  uno  convivio  ex  uno  vino  duo  pocula  bibit.     con- 
cubinae  in  eius  tricliniis  saepe  accubuerunt.     mensam 
secundam  scurrarum  et  miniorum  semper  prope  habuit. 

8  cum  iret  ad  hortos  nominis  sui,  omnia  Palatina  officia 
sequebantur.     ibant  et  praefecti  et  magistri  officiorum 
omnium  adhibebanturque    conviviis  et  natationibus  7 

9  lavabant  simul  cum  principe.     admittebantur  saepe 
etiam  mulieres,  cum  ipso  pulchrae  puellae,   cum  illis 
anus    deformes.     et   iocari    se    dicebat,    cum  orbem 

1  consulatum  P.         2  So  Peter  ;  mortalem,  nee  defuit  an  ille 

se  dixit  P ;  nee  defuit mortalem  del.  by  Hohl.        3falsu 

P.  *peior credidit  om.  in  Z  and  del.  by  Hohl. 

*natus  P.  6  ita,  ut  Z,  Hohl ;   om.  in  P;   cum  Salm., 

Peter.          7  natationibus  2}t  Peter,2  Hohl ;  nationibus  P. 


1  This  is  attributed  to  Anaxagoras  by  Cicero,  Tusc.  Disp., 
iii.  30  and  58,  by  Valerius  Maximus,  v.  10,  Ext.  3,  and  by 
Plutarch,  de  Cohib.  Ira  16  and  d&  Tranq.  An.  16.,  and  to 
Xenophon  by  Diogenes  Laertius,  ii.  6, 55.  It  was  paraphrased 

52 


THE  TWO  GALLIEN1  XVII.  1-9 

senate.  He  invited  matrons  into  his  council,  and  to 
those  who  kissed  his  hand  he  presented  four  aurei 
bearing  his  own  name.  XVII.  When  he  learned  that 
his  father  Valerian  was  captured,  just  as  that  best  of 
philosophers,  it  is  said,  exclaimed  on  the  loss  of  his 
son,  "  I  knew  that  I  had  begotten  a  mortal,1  so  he 
exclaimed,  "  I  knew  that  my  father  was  mortal." 

There  has  even  been  an  Annius  Cornicula 2  to  raise 
his  voice  in  praise  of  Gallienus  as  a  steadfast  prince, 
but  untruthfully.  However,  he  who  believes  him  is 
even  more  perverse.  Gallienus  often  went  forth  to 
the  sound  of  the  pipes  and  returned  to  the  sound  of 
the  organ,  ordering  music  to  be  played  for  his  going 
forth  and  his  returning.  In  summer  he  would  bathe 
six  or  seven  times  in  the  day,  and  in  the  winter  twice 
or  thrice.  He  always  drank  out  of  golden  cups,  for 
he  scorned  glass,  declaring  that  there  was  nothing 
more  common.  His  wines  he  continually  changed, 
and  at  a  banquet  he  never  drank  two  cups  of  the 
same  wine.  His  concubines  frequently  reclined  in 
his  dining-halls,  and  he  always  had  near  at  hand 
a  second  table  for  the  jesters  and  actors.  Whenever 
he  went  to  the  gardens  named  after  him,  all  the  staff' 
of  the  Palace  followed  him.  And  there  went  with 
him,  too,  the  prefects  and  the  chiefs  of  all  the  staffs, 
and  they  were  invited  to  his  banquets  and  bathed  in 
the  pools  along  with  the  prince.  Women,  too,  were 
often  sent  in,  beautiful  girls  with  the  emperor,  but 
with  the  others  ugly  old  hags.  And  he  used  to  say 
that  he  was  making  merry,  whereas  he  had  brought 

by  Ennius  in  his  Telamon  frg.  312  Vahlen  (quoted  by  Cicero, 
Tusc.  Disp.,  iii.  28),  trom  whom  it  was  taken  by  Seneca,  Cons. 
ad>Polyb.,  11,  2. 

2  Otherwise  unknown. 

58 


THE  TWO  GALLIENI 

XVIII.  terrarum  undique  perdidisset.  fuit  tamen  nimiae 
crudelitatis  in  milites  ;  nam  et  terna  milia  et  quaterna 
militum  singulis  diebus  occidit. 

2  Statuam  sibi  maiorem  Colosso  fieri  praecepit  Solis 
habitu,  sed  ea  imperfecta  periit.     tarn  magna  deni- 
que   coeperat  fieri,  ut   duplex   ad  Colossum    videre- 

3  tur.     poni  autem  illam  voluerat  in  summo  Esquiliarum 
monte,   ita   ut    hastam    teneret,   per   cuius  scapum1 

4infans  ad  summum  posset  ascendere.  sed  et  Claudio 
et  Aureliano  deinceps  stulta  res  visa  est,  si  quidem 
etiam  equos  et  currum  fieri  iusserat  pro  qualitate 

&  statuae  atque  in  altissima 2  base  poni.  porticum 
Flaminiam  usque  ad  Pontem  Mulvium  et  ipse  para- 
verat  ducere,  ita  ut  tetrastichae  fierent,  ut  autem 
alii  dicunt,  pentastichae,  ita  ut  primus  ordo  pilas 
haberet  et  ante  se  columnas  cum  statuis,  secundus  et 
tertius  et  deinceps  Sia  Tecnra'pan/  columnas. 

Longum  est  3  eius  cuncta  in  litteras  mittere,  quae 
qui  volet  scire  legat  Palfurium  Suram,  qui  ephe- 
meridas  eius  vitae  composuit.  nos  ad  Saloninum 
rcvcrtamur. 

1  scapum  Scaliger  ;    caput  P,    27.  2  altissima  Haupt, 

Peter  s  ;  actussima  Pl.  3  est  27 ;  om.  in  P. 


1  But  see  note  to  Tyr.  Trig.,  ix.  3. 
8  See  note  to  Hadr.,  xix.  12. 


fti 


THE  TWO  GALLIENI  XVIII.  1-6 

the  world  on  all  sides  to  ruin.  XVIII.  But  the 
soldiers  he  treated  with  excessive  cruelty,1  killing  as 
many  as  three  or  four  thousand  of  them  in  a  single 
day. 

He  gave  orders  to  make  a  statue  of  himself  arrayed 
as  the  Sun  and  greater  than  the  Colossus,2  but  it  was 
destroyed  while  still  unfinished.  It  was,  in  fact, 
begun  on  so  large  a  scale  that  it  seemed  to  be  double 
the  size  of  the  Colossus.  His  wish  was  that  it  should 
be  placed  on  the  summit  of  the  Esquiline  Hill,  hold- 
ing a  spear,  up  the  shaft  of  which  a  child  could  climb 
to  the  top.  The  plan,  however,  seemed  foolish  to 
Claudius  and  after  him  to  Aurelian,  especially  as  he 
had  ordered  a  chariot  and  horses  to  be  made  in  pro- 
portion to  the  size  of  the  statue  and  set  up  on  a 
very  high  base.  He  planned  to  construct  a  Flaminian 
portico  3  extending  as  far  as  the  Mulvian  Bridge,  and 
having  columns  in  rows  of  four  or,  as  some  say,  in 
rows  of  five,  so  that  the  first  row  should  contain 
pillars  with  columns  bearing  statues  in  front  of  them, 
while  the  second  and  third  and  the  rest  should  have 
columns  in  lines  of  four. 

It  would  be  too  long  to  set  down  in  writing  all  that 
he  did,  and  if  anyone  wishes  to  know  these  things, 
he  may  read  Palfurius  Sura,4  who  composed  a  journal 
of  his  life.  Let  us  now  turn  to  Saloninus. 

3  i.e.,  extending  along  the  Via  Flaminia  northward  from 
the  Porta  del  Popolo. 

4  Otherwise  unknown. 


THE  TWO  GALL1ENI 

SALONINUS  GALLIENUS 

XIX.  Hie  Gallieni  films  fuit,  nepos  Valeriani,  de 
quo  quidem  prope  l  nihil  est  dignum  quod  2  in  litteras 
mittatur,  nisi  quod  nobiliter  natus,  educatus  regie, 

2  occisus  deinde  non    sua  sed  patris  causa,     de  huius 
nomine    magna    est    ambiguitas.      nam    multi    eum 
Gallienum,    multi  Saloninum    historiae  prodiderunt. 

3  et  qui  Saloninum,  idcirco  quod  apud  Salonas  natus 
esset,    cognominatum  ferunt ;  qui  autem  Gallienum, 
patris  nomine  cognominatum  et  avi  Gallieni,  summi 

4  quondam  in  re  publica  viri.     fuit  denique  hactenus 
statua  in  pede  Montis  Romulei,  hoc  est  ante  Sacram 
Viam,    inter 3    Templum    Faustinae   ac    Vestam 4  ad 
Arcum  Fabianum,  quae  haberet  inscriptum  "  Gallieno 
iuniori "   "  Salonino "   additum.     ex  quo  eius  nomen 
intellegi  poterit. 

6  Transisse  decennium  imperil  Gallienum  satis 
clarum  est.  quod  idcirco  addidi,  quia  multi  eum 

6  imperii  sui  anno  nono 5  perisse  dixerunt.  fuisse 
autem  et  alios  rebelliones  sub  eodem  proprio  di- 
cemus  loco,  si  quidem  placuit  viginti8  tyrannos  uno 

1  quidem  prope  Kellerbauer,  Peter  2  ;  guippe  P.  2  quod 

dignum  P,  27.  *  inter  Mommsen,  Peter2;  intra  P,  27. 

*ac  Vestam  Jordan,  Peter2 ;  aduentam  P,  27.        6nono  om.  in 
P  and  27.  6  uiginti  P,  27,  Hohl ;  triginta  Peter  ;  but  see 

c.  xvi.  1. 


1  He  was  the  younger  of  the  two  sons  of  Gallienus,  and  the 
correct  form  of  his  name  is  shown  by  inscriptions  and  coins 
to  have  been  P.  Licinius  Cornelius  Salouinus  Valerianus. 
He  received  the  title  of  Caesar  after  the  death  of  his  older 
brother,  Valerian,  in  258.  Since  the  Alexandrian  coins  bear- 
ing his  name  cease  with  the  year  260-61,  it  is  generally 
inferred  that  he  died  in  this  year ;  but  he  may  be  the  son 

56 


THE  TWO  GALL1ENI  XIX.  1-6 

SALONINUS  GALLIENUS 

XIX.  He  was  the  son  of  Gallienus  l  and  the  grand- 
son of  Valerian,  and  concerning  him  there  is  scarcely 
anything  worth  setting  down  in  writing,  save  that  he 
was  nobly  born,  royally  reared,  and  then  killed,  not 
on  his  own  account  but  his  father's.  With  regard  to 
his  name  there  is  great  uncertainty,  for  many  have 
recorded  that  it  was  Gallienus  and  many  Salon inus. 
Those  who  call  him  Saloninus  declare  that  he  was 
so  named  because  he  was  born  at  Salonae  ; 2  and 
those  who  call  him  Gallienus  say  that  he  was  named 
after  his  father  and  Gallienus'  grandfather,  who  once 
was  a  very  great  man  in  the  state.  As  a  matter  of 
fact,  a  statue  of  him  has  remained  to  the  present 
time  at  the  foot  of  the  Hill  of  Romulus,3  in  front  of 
the  Sacred  Way,  that  is,  between  the  Temple  of 
Faustina  and  the  Temple  of  Vesta  near  the  Fabian 
Arch,  which  bears  the  inscription  "To  Gallienus  the 
Younger  "  with  the  addition  of  "  Saloninus/'  and  from 
this  his  name  can  be  learned.4 

It  is  well  enough  known  that  the  rule  of  Gallienus 
exceeded  ten  years.5  This  statement  I  have  added 
for  the  reason  that  many  have  said  that  he  was  killed 
in  the  ninth  year  of  his  rule.  There  were,  moreover, 
other  rebels  during  his  reign,  as  we  shall  relate  in 

who,  according  to  Zonaras,  xii.  26,  was  killed  by  the  senate 
after  the  death  of  Gallienus. 

aOn  the  Dalmatian  coast.  This  derivation  is  nonsense, 
for  his  name  was  taken  from  that  of  his  mother  Cornelia 
Salonina,  as  is  correctly  stated  in  c.  xxi.  3. 

3  The  Palatine  Hill. 

4  Since  there  is  no  evidence  whatsoever  that  he  bore  the 
name  Gallienus,  this  "inscription,"  like  that  in  FoZ.,  viii.  3, 
may  be  regarded  as  one  of  the  author's  fabrications. 

5  See  c.  xxi.  5  and  note. 

57 


THE  TWO  GALLIENI 

volumine  includere,  idcirco  quod  nee  multa  de  his 
dici  possunt,  et  in  Gallieni  vita  pleraque  iam  dicta 
sunt. 

7  Et    haec    quidera    de    Gallieno    hoc    interim  libro 
dixisse  sufficiet.     nam  et  multa  iam  in  Valerian!  vita 
dicta  sunt,  alia  l  in  libro  qui  de  triginta  tyrannis  in- 
scribendus  est  iam  loquemur,  quae   iterari  ac  saepius 

8  dici  minus  utile  videbatur.     hue  accedit  quod  quaedam 
etiam    studiose    praetermisi,    ne    eius   posteri   multis 

XX.  rebus  editis  laederentur.  scis  enim  ipse  tales2 
homines  cum  iis  qui  aliqua  de  maioribus  eorum  scrip- 
serint  quantum  gerant  bellum,  nee  ignota  esse  arbitror 
quae  dixit  Marcus  Tullius  in  Hortensio,  quern  ad  ex- 

2emplum  Protreptici  scripsit.  unum  tamen  ponam, 
quod  iucunditatem  quandam  sed  vulgarem  habuit, 

3  morem  tamen  novum  fecit,  nam  cum  cingula  sua 
plerique  militantium,  qui  ad  convivium  venerant, 
poiierent  hora  convivii,  Saloninus  puer  sive  Gallienus 
his  auratos  costilatosque  balteos  rapuisse  perhibetur, 
et,  cum  esset  difficile  in  aula  Palatina  requirere  quod 
perisset,  ac  taciti  ex  militibus  3  viri  detrimeiita  pertu- 
lissent,  postea  rogati  ad  convivium  cincti  adcubuerunt. 

4cumque  ab  his  quaereretur,  cur  non  solverent  cingu- 
lum,  respondisse  dicuntur,  "  Salonino  deferimus," 
atque  hinc  tractum  morem,  ut  deinceps  cum  impera- 

5  tore  cincti  discumberent.    negare  non  possum  aliunde 

1  dicta  sunt  alia  ins.  by  Peter ;  om.  in  P.  "  tales  Gas., 

Peter  ;  qicales  P,  Hohl.  3  taciti  ex  militibus  Salm.,  Peter J ; 

tacitis  militibus  P,  2 ;   tacitis  mtltibus  Haupt,  Peter2,  Hohl. 

1  See  note  to  c.  xvi.  1. 

2  A  lost  work,  written  in  45  B.C. 

8  Aristotle's  UpoToe-n-TiKts,  now  lost,  an  exhortation  to  the 
study  of  philosophy. 

58 


THE  TWO  GALLIENI  XIX.  7— XX.  5 

the  proper  place ;  for  it  is  our  purpose  to  include 
twenty  pretenders1  in  one  single  book,  since  there 
is  not  much  to  be  told  about  them,  and  many  things 
have  already  been  said  in  the  Life  of  Gallienus. 

It  will  suffice,  meanwhile,  to  have  told  in  this 
book  these  facts  concerning  Gallienus ;  for  much 
has  already  been  said  in  the  Life  of  Valerian,  and 
other  things  shall  be  told  in  the  book  which  is  to  be 
entitled  "  Concerning  the  Thirty  Pretenders,"  and 
these  it  seems  useless  to  repeat  here  and  relate  too 
often.  It  must  also  be  added  that  I  have  even 
omitted  some  facts  on  purpose,  lest  his  descendants 
should  be  offended  by  the  publication  of  many  details. 
XX.  For  you  know  yourself  what  a  feud  such  men 
maintain  with  those  who  have  written  certain  things 
concerning  their  ancestors,  and  I  think  that  you  are 
acquainted  with  what  Marcus  Tullius  said  in  his 
Hortensius?  written  in  imitation  of  the  Protrepticufi* 
One  incident,  however,  I  will  include,  which  caused 
a  certain  amount  of  amusement,  albeit  of  a  common- 
place kind,  and  yet  brought  about  a  new  custom. 
For  since  most  military  men,  on  coming  to  a  banquet, 
laid  aside  their  sword-belts  when  the  banquet  began, 
the  boy  Saloninus  (or  Gallienus),  it  is  related,  once 
stole  these  belts  studded  with  gold  and  adorned  with 
rows  of  jewels,  and  since  it  was  difficult  to  search  in 
the  Palace  for  anything  that  had  disappeared,  these 
military  men  bore  their  losses  in  silence,  but  when 
afterwards  they  were  bidden  to  a  banquet,  they 
reclined  at  table  with  their  sword-belts  on.  And 
when  asked  why  they  did  not  lay  aside  their  belts, 
they  replied,  it  is  said,  "  We  are  wearing  them  for 
Saloninus."  And  this  gave  rise  to  the  custom  that 
always  thereafter  they  should  dine  with  the  emperor 

59 


THE  TWO  GALLIENI 

plerisque  videri  huius  rei  ortum  esse  morem  ;  dicunt 
militare  prandium,  quod  dictum  est  parandium  ab  eo 
quod  ad  bellum  milites  paret,  a  cinctis  initum  ;  cui 
rei  argumentum  est  quod  a  discinctis  etiam  cum  im- 
peratore  cenatur.  quae  idcirco  posui,  quia  digna  et 
memoratu  videbantur  et  cognitu. 

XXI.  Nunc  transeamus  ad  viginti J  tyrannos,  qui2 
Gallieni  temporibus  contemptu  mali  principis  ex- 
stiterunt.  de  quibus  brcviter  et  pauca  dicenda  sunt. 

2neque  enim  digni  sunt  eorum  plerique,  ut  volumen 
talium  hominum  saltern  nominibus  occupetur,3 
quamvis  aliqui  non  parum  in  se  virtutis  habuisse 
videantur,  multum  etiam  rei  publicae  profuisse. 

3  Tam  variae  item  opiniones  sunt  de  Salonini  nomine, 
ut  qui  se  verius  putet  dicere,  a  matre  sua  Salonina  ap- 
pellatum  esse  dicat,4  quam  is 5  perdite  dilexit.  et 
dilexit 6  Piparam  nomine  barbaram  regis  nliam. 

4quare  7  Gallienus  cum  suis  semper  flavo  crinem  condit. 

5  De  annis  autem  Gallieni  et  Valeriani  ad  imperium 
pertinentibus  adeo  incerta  traduntur,  ut,  cum  quin- 
decim  annos  eosdem  imperasse  constet,  id  est 

1  uiginti  P,  Hohl ;  triginta  Peter ;  but  see  c.  xvi.  1.  2  qui 
Pcorr.,  2,  Hohl ;  om.  in  P1 ;  Gallieni  .  .  .  exstiterunt  del.  by 
Peter.  3  occupetur  Kellerbauer,  Hohl ;  occuparetur  P,  27, 

Peter.  *  dicat  Salm.,  Jordan  ;  om.  inP;  lacuna  assumed 

by  Peter  and  Hohl.  6quam  is  Salm.,  Peter1 ;  quamuis 

P,  Peter2,  Hohl.  6  et  dilexit  ins.  by  Editor  ;  lacuna  in  P 

assumed  by  Peter  and  Hohl.  7  quare  ins.  by  Editor. 

1  See  note  to  c.  xvi.  1. 

2  Cornelia  Salonina  Augusta.     Her  name  and  head  appear 
on  many  coins. 

3  Pipa,  according  to  Aur.  Victor,  Caes.,  33,  6  and  Epit.,  33, 1. 
Her  father  was  a  German  (Marcomannic)  king,  with  whom 
Gallienus  made  a  treaty  ceding  part  of  Pannonia — perhaps  in 
return  for  aid  against  Germanic  invaders. 

60 


THE  TWO  GALLIENI  XXI.  1-5 

belted.  I  cannot,  indeed,  deny  that  many  believe 
this  custom  had  a  different  origin ;  for,  they  say,  at 
the  soldiers'  ration  (prandium] — which  they  called 
a  "  preparation  "  (parandiuiri)  because  it  prepares  them 
for  fighting — men  come  in  wearing  belts,  and  the 
proof  of  this  statement  is  that  with  the  emperor 
men  still  dine  unbelted.  These  details  I  have  given 
because  they  seemed  worthy  of  being  related  and 
known. 

XXI.  Now  let  us  pass  on  to  the  twenty  pretenders,1 
who  arose  in  the  time  of  Gallienus  because  of  con- 
tempt for  the  evil  prince.  With  regard  to  them 
I  need  tell  but  a  few  things  and  briefly  ;  for  most  of 
them  are  not  worthy  of  having  even  their  names  put 
into  a  book,  although  some  of  them  seem  to  have  had 
no  little  merit  and  even  to  have  been  of  much  benefit 
to  the  state. 

Various,  indeed,  are  the  opinions  concerning  the 
name  of  Saloninus,  but  the  author  who  believes  he 
speaks  most  truthfully  declares  that  he  was  named 
from  his  mother  Salonina,2  whom  Gallienus  loved  to 
distraction.  He  loved  also  a  barbarian  maid,  Pipara 
by  name,3  the  daughter  of  a  king.  And  for  this 
reason  Gallienus,  moreover,  and  those  about  him 
always  dyed  their  hair  yellow. 

With  regard  to  the  number  of  years  through  which 
the  rule  of  Gallienus  and  Valerian  extended,  such 
varied  statements  are  made  that,  whereas  all  agree 
that  together  they  ruled  for  fifteen  years,4  that  is, 

4  253-268.  Since  Valerian  ceased  to  rule  not  later  than  260, 
the  "almost  ten  years  "  is,  of  course,  an  error,  evidently  due 
to  the  celebration  of  the  Decennalia  (see  c.  vii.  4  f.)  in  262, 
at  the  beginning  of  the  tenth  year  after  Gallienus'  joint 
accession  with  his  father. 

61 


THE  TWO  GALLIENI 

Gallienus  usque  ad  quintum  decimum  pervenisset, 
Valerianus  vero  sexto  sit  captus,  alii  novem  annis, 
vix  l  decem  alii  etiam  Gallienum  imperasse  in  litteras 
mittant,  cum  constet  et  decennalia  Romae  ab  eodem 
celebrata  et  post  decennalia  Gothos  ab  eo  victos,  cum 
Odaenatho  pacem  factam,  cum  Aureolo  initam  esse 
concordiam,  pugnatum  contra  Postumum,  contra  Lol- 
lianum,  multa  etiam  ab  eo  ge^ta,  quae  ad  virtutem, 
6  plura  tamen  quae  ad  dedecus  pertinebant.  nam  et 
semper  noctibus  popinas  dicitur  frequentasse  et  cum 
lenonibus,  mimis  scurnsque  vixisse. 


1  uix  Peter  ;  bi&  P, 


THE  TWO  GALIJRNI  XXI.  6 

that  Gallienus  himself  attained  to  his  fifteenth  year, 
while  Valerian  was  captured  in  his  sixth,  some  have 
set  down  in  writing  that  Gallienus  ruled  for  nine 
years,  and  others,  again,  that  it  was  almost  ten — while, 
on  the  other  hand,  it  is  generally  known  that  he 
celebrated  a  decennial  festival  at  Rome,  and  that 
after  this  festival  he  defeated  the  Goths,  made  peace 
with  Odaenathus,  entered  into  friendly  relations  with 
Aureolus,1  warred  against  Postumus  and  against  Lol- 
lianus,'J  and  did  many  things  that  mark  a  virtuous 
life,  but  more  that  tend  to  dishonour.  For  he  used 
to  frequent  public-houses  at  night,  it  is  said,  and 
spent  his  life  with  pimps  and  actors  and  jesters. 

1  See  c.  ii.  6  aud  note.  2  See  Tyr.  Trig.,  v. 


TYRANNI   TRIGINTA 

TREBELLII  POLLIONIS 

I.  Scriptis  iam  pluribus  libris  non  historico  nee 
diserto  sed  pedestri  adloquio,  ad  earn  temporum 
venimus  seriem,  in  qua  per  annos,  quibus  Gallienus 
et  Valerianus  rem  publicam  tenuerunt,  triginta 
tyranni  occupato  Valeriano  magnis  belli  Persici  ne- 
cessitatibus  exstiterunt,  cum  Gallienum  non  solum 
viri  sed  etiam  mulieres  contemptui  haberent,  ut  suis 
2  locis  probabitur.  sed  quoniam  tanta  obscuritas  eorum 
hominum  fuit,  qui  ex  diversis  orbis  partibus  ad  im- 
perium  convolabant,  ut  non  multa  de  iis  vel  dici 
possint  a  doctioribus  vel  requiri,  deinde  ab  omnibus 


1  The  collection  actually  contains  32  name?,  of  which  the 
last  two  form  a  sort  of  appendix  containing  two  men  ad- 
mittedly not  of  the  time  ot  Gallienus.  The  author's  original 
plan,  according  to  Gall.,  xvi.  1 ;  xix.  6;  xxi.  1,  was  to  include 
20,  but  as  Peter  has  pointed  out  (Abh.  Sachs.  Ges.,  xxvii. 
p.  190  f.),  this  number  was  raised  to  that  of  the  Thirty  Tyrants 
of  Athens  by  padding  with  ten  additional  names.  If  we  take 
from  the  list  the  names  of  the  two  women  and  the  six  youths 
who  never  held  the  imperial  power,  the  list  is  reduced  to  22. 
Of  these  it  may  be  definitely  asserted  of  Cyriades,  Odaenathus, 
Maeonius  and  Ballista  that  they  never  assumed  the  purple, 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS 

BY 

TREBELLIUS  POLLIO 

I.  After  having  written  many  books  in  the  style  of 
neither  an  historian  nor  a  scholar  but  only  that  of  a  lay- 
man, we  have  now  reached  the  series  of  years  in  which 
the  thirty  pretenders  l  arose — the  years  when  the  Em- 
pire was  ruled  by  Gallienus  and  Valerian,  when  Valer- 
ian was  busied  with  the  great  demands  of  the  Persian 
War  and  Gallienus,  as  will  be  shown  in  the  proper 
place,  was  held  in  contempt  not  only  by  men  but  by 
women  as  well.  But  since  so  obscure  were  these  men, 
who  flocked  in  from  divers  parts  of  the  world  to  seize 
the  imperial  power,  that  not  much  concerning  them 
can  be  either  related  by  scholars  or  demanded  of 
them,  and  since  all  those  historians  who  have  written 

and  the  same  may  be  said  with  almost  equal  certainty  of 
Valens,  Piso  and  Aemilianus.  Saturninus,  Trebellianus  and 
Celsus  may  be  regarded  as  inventions  of  the  author.  Of  the 
twelve  remaining  names,  Valens  "Superior  "  was  of  the  time 
of  Decius  and  Victorinus  and  Tetricus  of  the  time  of  Claudius 
and  Aurelian.  The  list,  then,  of  the  authentic  pretenders 
under  Gallienus  reduces  itself  to  nine,  viz.,  Postumus  (258-268), 
Laelianus,  Marius,  Ingenuus  (258),  Regalianus  (258  ?),  Aureolus 
(268),  and  Macrianus  and  his  two  sons  (260-261). 

65 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS 

historicis,  qui  Graece  ac  Latine  scripserunt,  ita  non- 
nulli  praetereaiitur  ut  eorum  nee  l  nomina  frequenten- 
tur,  postremo  cum  tam  varie  a  plerisque  super  iis 
normulla  sint  prodita,  in  unum  eos  libellum  contuli 
et  quidem  brevem,  maxime  cum  vel  in  Valerian!  vel 
in  Gallieni  vita  pleraque  de  iis  dicta  nee  repetenda 
tamen  satis  constet. 

CYRIADES 

II.  Hie  patrem  Cyriadem  fugiens,  dives  et  nobilis, 
cum  luxuria  sua  et  moribus  perditis  sanctum  senem 
gravaret,  direpta  magna  parte  auri,  argent i  etiam  in- 

2finito  pondere  Persas  petiit.  atque  hide  Sapori  regi 
coniunctus  atque  sociatus,  cum  hortator  belli  Romanis 
inferendi  fuisset,  Odomastem  primum,  deinde  Sapo- 
rem  ad  Romanum  solum  traxit  ;  Antiochia  etiam 

ucapta  et  Caesarea  Caesareanum  nomen  meruit.  atque 
hide  vocatus  Augustus,  cum  omnem  orientem  vel 
virium  vel  audaciae  terrore  quateret,  patrem  vero 
interemisset  (quod  alii  historic!  negant  factum),  ipse 
per  insidias  suorum,  cum  Valerianus  iam  ad  bellum 

4  Persicum  veniret,  occisus  est.  neque  plus  de  hoc 
historiae  quicquam  mandatum  est  quod  dignum  me- 
moratu  esse  videatur,  quern  clarum  perfugium  et 

1  nee  ins.  by  Erasmus  ;  om.  in  P. 


1  To  be  identified  with  the  adventurer  Mareades,  or  Mari- 
ades,  a  native  of  Antioch  in  Syria,  who,  after  being  banished 
from  his  native  city  for  embezzling  public  funds,  brought  over 
into  Syria  the  army  of  Sapor,  which  captured  and  plundered 
Antioch.  He  was  later  put  to  death  by  Sapor;  see  Ammianus 
Marcellinus,  xxiii.  5,  3  and  Malalas,  xii.  p.  235  f.  There  is  no 
reason  to  suppose  that  he  was  ever  proclaimed  Caesar  or 


Augustus. 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS  11.  1-4 

in  Greek  or  in  Latin  have  passed  over  some  of  them 
without  dwelling  even  on  their  names,  and,  finally, 
since  certain  details  related  about  them  by  many  have 
varied  so  widely,  I  have  therefore  gathered  them  all 
into  a  single  book,  and  that  a  short  one,  especially  as 
it  is  evident  that  much  concerning  them  has  already 
been  told  in  the  Lives  of  Valerian  and  Gallienus  and 
need  not  be  repeated  here. 

CYRIADES 

II.  This  man,1  rich  and  well  born,  fled  from  his 
father  Cyriades  when,  by  his  excesses  and  profligate 
ways,  he  had  become  a  burden  to  the  righteous  old 
man,  and  after  robbing  him  of  a  great  part  of  his  gold 
and  an  enormous  amount  of  silver  he  departed  to  the 
Persians.  Thereupon  he  joined  King  Sapor  and  be- 
came his  ally,  and  after  urging  him  to  make  war  on 
the  Romans,  he  brought  first  Odomastes  '2  and  then 
Sapor  himself  into  the  Roman  dominions  ;  and  also 
by  capturing  Antioch  and  Caesarea  3  he  won  for  him- 
self the  name  of  Caesar.  Then,  when  he  had  been 
hailed  Augustus,  after  he  had  caused  all  the  Orient 
to  tremble  in  terror  at  his  strength  or  his  daring,  and 
when,  moreover,  he  had  slain  his  father  (which  some 
historians  deny),  he  himself,  at  the  time  that  Valerian 
was  on  his  way  to  the  Persian  War,  was  put  to  death 
by  the  treachery  of  his  followers.  Nor  has  anything 
more  that  seems  worthy  of  mention  been  committed 
to  history  about  this  man,  who  has  obtained  a  place 

2  Perhaps  an  error  for  Oromastes  (Hormizd),  Sapor's  son  and 
successor. 

3  Mod.  Kaisariyeh  in  Cappadocia,  taken  by  Sapor  after  the 
capture  of  Valerian. 

67 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS 

parricidium   et   aspera   tyrannis  et1   summa   luxuria 
litteris  dederunt. 


POSTUMUS 

III.   Hie  vir  in  bello  fortissimus,  in  pace  constantis- 
simus,  in  omni  vita  gravis,  usque  adeo  ut  Saloninum 
filium  suum  eidem  Gallienus  in  Gallia  positum  crede- 
ret,  quasi  custodi  vitae  et  morum  et  actuum  imperi- 
ls alium  institutori.      sed,   quantum   plerique  adserunt 
(quod  eius  non  convenit  moribus),  postea  fidem  fregit 
Set   occiso    Salonino    sumpsit    imperium.       ut   autem 
verius    plerique    tradiderunt,    cum    Galli    vehemen- 
tissime  Gallienum  odissent,  puerum  autem  apud  se 
imperare  ferre    non    possent,    eum,    qui    commissum 
regebat   imperium,  imperatorem    appellarunt  missis- 
4  que  militibus  adulescentem  interfecerunt.     quo  inter- 
fecto  ab  omni  exercitu  et  ab  omnibus  Gallis  Postumus 
gratanter  acceptus  talem  se  praebuit  per  annos  septem 

letS\  ex  P. 


1 M.  Cassianius  Latiniua  Postumus  Augustus ;  the  name 
lulius  given  to  him  in  c.  vi  is  accordingly  incorrect,  like 
practically  all  that  is  said  of  him  in  this  vita ;  see  Mommsen, 
Hist.  Rom.  Provinces  (Eng.  Trans.),  i.  pp.  178-179. 

2  After  successful  campaigns  against  the  Germans  he  was 
left  in  command  of  the  Rhine  frontier  by  Gallienus  when  he 
departed  to  put  down  the  revolt  of  Ingenuus  (see  c.  ix.),  but 
rivalry  broke  out  between  him  and  Silvanus  (or  Albanus),  to 
whose  care  Gallienus  had  entrusted  his  son — perhaps  as  the 
nominal  ruler  of  the  West.  In  consequence  of  this  rivalry 
Postumus  seized  Cologne  and  caused  Silvanus  and  the  prince 
to  be  put  to  death  ;  see  Zosimus,  i.  38,  2  and  Zonaras,  xii.  24. 
Thereupon  he  declared  himself  emperor  and,  despite  the  efforts 

68 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS  III.  1-4 

in  letters  solely  by  reason  of  his  famous  flight,  his  act 
of  parricide,  his  cruel  tyranny,  and  his  boundless 
excesses. 

POSTUMUS 

III.  This  man,1  most  valiant  in  war  and  most  stead- 
fast in  peace,  was  so  highly  respected  for  his  whole 
manner  of  life  that  he  was  even  entrusted  by  Gallienus 
with  the  care  of  his  son  Saloninus  (whom  he  had 
placed  in  command  of  Gaul),  as  the  guardian  of  his 
life  and  conduct  and  his  instructor  in  the  duties  of  a 
ruler.-  Nevertheless,  as  some  writers  assert — though 
it  does  not  accord  with  his  character — he  afterwards 
broke  faith  and  after  slaying  Saloninus 3  seized  the 
imperial  power.  As  others,  however,  have  related 
with  greater  truth,  the  Gauls  themselves,  hating 
Gallienus  most  bitterly  and  being  unwilling  to  endure 
a  boy  as  their  emperor,  hailed  as  their  ruler  the  man 
who  was  holding  the  rule  in  trust  for  another,  and 
despatching  soldiers  they  slew  the  boy.  When 
he  was  slain,  Postumus  was  gladly  accepted  by 
the  entire  army  and  by  all  the  Gauls,  and  for  seven 

of  Gallienus  (see  Gall.,  iv.  4-5;  vii.  1),  remained  practically 
independent  ruler  of  Gaul  until  his  death  at  Mainz  in  268  or 
269. 

3  The  question  of  the  date  of  Postumus'  assumption  of  the 
imperial  power  is  bound  up  with  that  of  the  name  of  this 
murdered  prince,  also  given  as  Salcninus  in  Zosimus,  i.  38,  2. 
Saloninus,  however,  Gallienus'  younger  son  (cf.  Gall.,  xix.  1 
and  note)  seems  to  have  been  alive  as  late  as  260-261 .  More- 
over, according  to  Epit.,  32,  3;  33,  1,  it  was  the  elder  son 
(Valerian)  who  was  put  to  death  at  Cologne  ;  he  is  shown  by 
the  evidence  of  papyri  to  have  died  in  258.  This  accords  with 
the  evidence  of  c.  ix.  1,  that  the  revolt  of  Ingenuus  was  in 
268. 

69 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS 

ut  Gallias  instauraverit,  cum  Gallienus  luxuriae  et  po- 
pinis  vacaret  et  araore  barbarae  raulieris  consenesceret. 

5  gestum  est  tamen  a  Gallieno  contra  hunc  bellum  tune, 

6  cum  sagitta  Gallienus  est  vulneratus.    si  quidem  nimius 
amor  erga  Postumum  omnium  erat  in  Gallicanorura 
mente  l  populorum,  quod  summotis  omnibus  Germani- 
cis  gentibus  Romanum  in  pristinam  securitatem  re- 

7  vocasset  imperium.     sed  cum  se  gravissime  gereret,2 
more   illo,   quo   Galli  novarum   rerum   semper  sunt 
cupidi,  Lolliano  agente  interemptus  est. 

8  Si  quis  sane  Postumi  meritum  requirit,  iudicium  de 
eo  Valeriani  ex  hac  epistula,  quam  ille  ad  Gallos  misit, 

9  intelleget :  "  Transrhenani  limitis  3  ducem  et  Galliae 
praesidem  Postumum  fecimus,  virum  dignissimum  se- 
veritate  Gallorum,  praesente  quo  non  miles  in  castris, 
non  iura  in  foro,  non  in  tribunalibus  lites,  non  in  curia 
dignitas  pereat,  qui  unicuique  proprium  et  suum  servet, 
virum  quern  ego    prae  ceteris  stupeo,  et  qui   locum 
principis  mereatur  iure,  de  quo  spero  quod  mihi  gratias 

lOagetis.  quod  si  me  fefellerit  opinio  quam  de  illo 
habeo,  sciatis  nusquam  gentium  reperiri  qui  possit 

11  penitus  adprobari.  hums  filio  Postumo  nomine  tribu- 
natum  Vocontiorum  dedi,  adulescenti  qui  se  dignum 
patris  moribus  reddet." 

1  mente  Salm. ;  gent*  P,  27.  3  gereret  Baehrens,  Peter  ; 

regeret  P,  S.        *milites  P,  2. 


1  So  also  Gall.,  iv.  5.  As  a  matter  of  fact  he  ruled  for  ten 
years,  according  to  his  coins  with  trib.  pot.  X  (Cohen,  vi.a 
p.  45,  nos.  284-286)  and  Eutropius,  ix.  10. 

*  See  Gall ,  xxi.  3.  »  Gf.  Gall.,  iv.  4. 

4  Cf.  Firm.,  vii.  1. 


70 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS  III.  5-11 

years  l  he  performed  such  exploits  that  he  completely 
restored  the  provinces  of  Gaul,  while  Gallienus  spent 
his  time  in  debauchery  and  taverns  and  grew  weak 
in  loving  a  barbarian  woman.2  Gallienus,  however, 
was  warring  against  him  at  that  time  when  he 
himself  was  wounded  by  an  arrow.3  Great,  indeed, 
was  the  love  felt  for  Postumus  in  the  hearts  of  all  the 
people  of  Gaul  because  he  had  thrust  back  all  the 
German  tribes  and  had  restored  the  Roman  Empire 
to  its  former  security.  But  when  he  began  to  conduct 
himself  with  the  greatest  sternness,  the  Gauls,  follow- 
ing their  custom  of  always  desiring  a  change  of 
government,4  at  the  instigation  of  Lollianus  put  him 
to  death. 

If  anyone,  indeed,  desires  to  know  the  merits  of 
Postumus,  he  may  learn  Valerian's  opinion  concerning 
him  from  the  following  letter  which  he  wrote  to  the 
Gauls  :  "  As  general  in  charge  of  the  Rhine  frontier 
and  governor  of  Gaul  we  have  named  Postumus,  a 
man  most  worthy  of  the  stern  discipline  of  the  Gauls. 
He  by  his  presence  will  safeguard  the  soldiers  in  the 
camp,  civil  rights  in  the  forum,  law-suits  at  the  bar 
of  judgement,  and  the  dignity  of  the  council- chamber, 
and  he  will  preserve  for  each  one  his  own  personal 
possessions  ;  he  is  a  man  at  whom  I  marvel  above  all 
others  and  well  deserving  of  the  office  of  prince, 
and  for  him,  I  hope,  you  will  render  me  thanks.  If, 
however,  I  have  erred  in  my  judgement  concerning 
him,  you  may  rest  assured  that  nowhere  in  the  world 
will  a  man  be  found  who  can  win  complete  approval. 
Upon  his  son,  Postumus  by  name,  a  young  man  who 
will  show  himself  worthy  of  his  father's  character,  I 
have  bestowed  the  tribuneship  of  the  VoconthY' 


71 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS 

POSTUMUS  IUNIOR 

IV.  De  hoc  prope  nihil  est  quod  dicatur,  nisi  quod 
a  patre  appellatus  Caesar  ac  deinceps  in  eius  honore 
Augustus  cum  patre  dicitur  interemptus,  cum  Lollia- 
nus    in    locum    Postumi    subrogatus    delatum    sibi   a 

2  Gallis  sumpsisset  imperium.  iuit  autem  (quod  solum 
memoratu  dignum  est)  ita  in  declamationibus  disertus 
ut  eius  controversiae  Quintiliano  dicantur  insertae, 
quern  declamatorem  Romani  generis  acutissimum  vel 
unius  capitis  lectio  prima  statim  fronte  demonstrat. 

LOLLIANUS 

V.  Huius  rebellione  in  Gallia  Postumus,  vir  omnium 
fortissimus,  interemptus  est,  cum  iam  nutante  Gallia  1 
Gallieni  luxuria  in  veterem  statum  Roman  um  formas- 

2  set  imperium.  fuit  quidem  etiam  iste  fortissimus,  sed 
rebellionis  intuitu  minorem  apud  Gallos  auctoritatem 

8  de  suis  viribus  tenuit.  interemptus  autem  est  a 
Victorino,  Vitruviae  filio  vel  Victoriae,  quae  postea 
mater  castrorum  appellata  est  et  Augustae  nomine 
affecta,  cum  ipsa  per  se  fugiens  tanti  ponderis  molem 
primum  in  Marium,  deinde  in  Tetricum  atque  eius 

1  Gallia  ins.  by  Paucker,  Peter,2  Hohl;  om.  in  P  and  2. 


J  There  is  no  other   evidence  of   his   participation    in    the 
imperial  power  or  even  of  his  existence. 

2  Presumably   the   extant   collection   of  Declamationes    (or 
controversial  i.e.  imaginary  law-cases  used  in  the  schools  of 
rhetoric)  attributed  to  Quintilian,  the  famous  author  of   the 
Institutio  Oratoria,  but  probably  not  his  work. 

3  The  expression  prima  statim  fronte   is   used  in  just  this 
sense  by  Quintilian  in  Inst.  Orat.,  xii.  7,  8. 

72 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS  IV.  2— V.  3 

POSTUMUS  THE  YOUNGER 

IV.  Concerning  this  man  1  there  is  naught  to  relate 
save  that  after  receiving  the  name  of  Caesar  from  his 
father  and  later,  as  a  mark  of  honour  to  him,  that  of 
Augustus,  he  was  killed,  it  is  said,  together  with  his 
father  at  the  time  when  Lollianus,  who  was  put  in 
Postumus'  place,  took  the  imperial  power  offered  to 
him  by  the  Gauls.     He  was,  moreover — and  only  this 
is  worthy  of  mention — so  skilled  in  rhetorical  exer- 
cises   that    his    Controversies   are  said  to  have   been 
inserted  among  those  of  Quintilian,2  who,  as  the  read- 
ing of  even  a  single  chapter  will  show  at  the  first 
glance,3  was  the  sharpest  rhetorician  of  the  Roman 
race. 

LOLLIANUS 

V.  In  consequence  of  this  man's  4  rebellion  in  Gaul, 
Postumus,  the  bravest  of  all  men,  was  put  to  death 
after  he  had  brought  back  the  power  of  Rome  into  its 
ancient  condition  at  the  time  when  Gaul  was  on  the 
brink  of  ruin  because  of  Gallienus'  excesses.     Lolli- 
anus  was,  indeed,  a  very  brave  man,  but  in  the  face 
of  rebellion  his  strength  was  insufficient  to  give  him 
authority  over  the  Gauls.      He  was  killed,  moreover, 
by  Victorinus,  son  of  Vitruvia,  or  rather  Victoria,5  who 
was  later  entitled  Mother  of  the  Camp  and  honoured 
by  the  name  of  Augusta,  though  she  herself,  doing 
her  utmost  to  escape  the  weight  of  so  great  a  burden, 

4  His  correct  name  was  C.  Ulpius  Cornelius  Laelianus 
Augustus,  according  to  his  coins  ;  see  Cohen,  vi.2  p.  66  f.  He 
rebelled  against  Postumus  and  seized  the  imperial  power  at 
Mainz,  but  (despite  the  statements  in  §§  1-4)  he  was  defeated 
by  Postumus ;  see  Aurelius  Victor,  Caes.,  33,  8,  and  Eutropiug, 
ix.  9. 

"See  c.  xxxi. 

78 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS 

4fi]ium  contulisset  imperia.  et  Lollianus  quidem  non 
nihilum  rei  publicae  profuit.  nam  plerasque  Galliae 
civitates,  nonnulla  etiam  castra,  quae  1  Postumus  per 
septem  annos  in  solo  barbarico  aedificaverat,  quaeque 
interfecto  Postumo  subita  inruptione  Germanorum  et 
direpta  fuerant  et  incensa,  in 2  statum  veterem  re- 
formavit.  deinde  a  suis  militibus,  quod  in  labore 
nimius  esset,  occisus  est. 

5  Ita  Gallieno  perdente  rem  publicam  in  Gallia  pri- 
mum  Postumus,  deinde  Lollianus,  Victorinus  deinceps, 
postremo  Tetricus,  (nam  de  Mario  nihil  dicimus)  ad- 

tisertores  Romani  nominis  exstiterunt.  quos  omnes 
datos  divinitus  credo,  ne,  cum  ilia  pestis  inauditae 
luxuriae  impediretur  malis,  possidendi  Romanum  so- 

7lum  Germanis  daretur  facultas.  qui  si  eo  genere 
tune  evasissent  quo  Gothi  et  Persae,  consentientibus 
in  Romano  solo  gentibus  venerabile  hoc  Romani 

8  nominis  finitum  esset  imperium.  Lolliani  autem  vita 
in  multis  obscura  est,  ut  et  ipsius  Postumi,  sed 
privata;  virtute  enim  clari,  non  nobilitatis  pondere 
vixerunt. 

VICTORINUS 

VI.  Postumus  senior  cum  videret  multis  se  Gal- 
lieni  viribus  peti  atque  auxilium  non  solum  militum 
verum  etiam  alterius  principis  necessarium,  Victo- 

1  quac  2;  om.  in  P.  2  in  2;  om.  in  P. 

1  See  c.  xxiv.-xxv.  2  Sec  note  to  c.  iii.  4, 

3M.  Piavouius  Victorinus  Augustus,  according  to  his  in- 
scriptions and  coins;  see  Cohen,  vi.2  pp.  68-84.  He  served  as 
general  under  Postumus,  but  the  statement  of  the  vita  and  of 
Gall.,  vii.  1  that  he  was  made  co-ruler  by  Postumus  is  piobably 
false,  for,  according  to  Aur.  Victor,  Goes.,  33, 12  and  Eutropius, 
ix.  9  he  seems  to  have  held  the  power  after  Murius  (c.  viii.)  for 

74 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS  V.  4— VI.   1. 

had  bestowed  the  imperial  power  first  on  Marius  and 
then  on  Tetricus  together  with  his  son.1  Lolliamis, 
in  fact,  did  to  some  extent  benefit  the  commonwealth  ; 
for  many  of  the  communes  of  Gaul  and  also  some  of 
the  camps,  built  on  barbarian  soil  by  Postumus  during 
his  seven  years,2  but  after  his  murder  plundered  and 
burned  during  an  incursion  of  Germans,  were  restored 
by  him  to  their  ancient  condition.  Then  he  was  slain 
by  his  soldiers  because  he  exacted  too  much  labour. 

And  so,  while  Gallienus  was  bringing  ruin  on  the 
commonwealth,  there  arose  in  Gaul  first  Postumus, 
then  Lolli  nus,  next  Victorinus,  and  finally  Tetricus 
(for  of  Marius  we  will  make  no  mention),  all  of  them 
defenders  of  the  renown  of  Rome.  All  of  these,  I 
believe,  were  given  by  gift  of  the  gods,  in  order  that, 
while  that  pestiferous  fellow  was  caught  in  the  toils 
of  unheard-of  excesses,  no  opportunity  might  be 
afforded  the  Germans  for  seizing  Roman  soil.  For  if 
they  had  broken  forth  then  in  the  same  manner  as 
did  the  Goths  and  the  Persians,  these  foreign  nations, 
acting  together  in  Roman  territory,  would  have  put 
an  end  to  this  venerable  empire  of  the  Roman  nation. 
As  for  Lollianus,  his  life  is  obscure  in  many  details, 
as  is  also  that  of  Postumus,  too — but  only  their  private 
lives  ;  for  while  they  lived  they  were  famed  for  their 
valour,  not  for  their  importance  in  rank. 

VICTORINUS 

VI.  When  the  elder  Postumus  saw  that  Gallienus 
was  marching  against  him  with  great  forces,  and  that 
he  needed  the  aid  not  only  of  soldiers  but  also  of  a 
second  prince,  he  called  Victorinus,3  a  man  of  soldierly 

two  years,  apparently  under  Claudius  (so  Epit.,  34,  3)  and  so 
probably  270-271. 

75 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS 

rinum,  militaris  industriae  virum,  in  participatum 
vocavit  imperil  et  cum  eodem  contra  Gallienum  con- 

2flixit.      cumque    adhibitis     ingentibus    Germanorum 

Sauxiliis  diu  bella  traxissent,  victi  sunt.  tune  inter- 
fecto  etiam  Lolliano  solus  Victorinus  in  imperio  re- 
mansit,  qui  et  ipse,  quod  matrimoniis  militum  et 
militarium  corrumpendis  operam  daret,  a  quodam 
actuario,  cuius  uxorem  stupraverat,  composita  fac- 
tione  Agrippinae  percussus,  Victorino  filio  Caesare  a 
matre  Vitruvia  sive  Victoria,  quae  mater  castrorum 
dicta  est,  appellate,  qui  et  ipse  puerulus  statim  est 
interemptus,  cum  apud  Agrippinam  pater  eius  esset 
occisus. 

4      De  hoc,  quod  fortissimus  fuerit  et  praeter  libidinem 

5optimus  imperator,  a  multis  multa  sunt  dicta,  sed 
satis  credimus  lulii  Atheriani  partem  libri  cuiusdam 

6  ponere,  in  quo  de  Victorino  sic  loquitur  :  "  Victorino, 
qui  Gallias  post  lulium  Postumum  rexit,  neminem 
aestimo  praeferendum,  non  in  virtute  Traianum,  non 
Antoninum  in  dementia,  non  in  gravitate  Nervam, 
non  in  gubernaiido  aerario  Vespasianum,  non  in 
censura  totius  vitae  ac  severitate  militari  Pertinacem 

7vel  Severum.  sed  omnia  haec  libido  et  cupiditas 
mulierariae  voluptatis  sic  perdidit  ut  nemo  audeat 
virtutes  eius  in  litteras  mittere,  quern  constat  omnium 

Siudicio  meruisse  puniri."  ergo  cum  id  iudicii  de 
Victorino  scriptores  habuerint,  satis  mihi  videor  eius 
dixisse  de  moribus. 


*i.e.,  Cologne.  2See  c.  xxxi. 

3  Not  otherwise  known  and  probably  an  invention  of  the 
biographer's. 

4  See  note  to  c.  iii.  1. 

76 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS  VI.  2-8 

energy,  to  a  share  in  the  imperial  power,  and  in  com- 
pany with  him  he  fought  against  Gallienus.  Having 
summoned  to  their  aid  huge  forces  of  Germans,  they 
protracted  the  war  for  a  long  time,  but  at  last  they 
were  conquered.  Then,  when  Lollianus,  too,  had 
been  slain,  Victorinus  alone  remained  in  command. 
He  also,  because  he  devoted  his  time  to  seducing  the 
wives  of  his  soldiers  and  officers,  was  slain  at  Agrip- 
pina l  through  a  conspiracy  formed  by  a  certain  clerk, 
whose  wife  he  had  debauched ;  his  mother  Vitruvia, 
or  rather  Victoria,2  who  was  later  called  Mother  of 
the  Camp,  had  given  his  son  Victorinus  the  title  of 
Caesar,  but  the  boy,  too,  was  immediately  killed  after 
his  father  was  slain  at  Agrippina. 

Concerning  Victorinus,  because  he  was  most  valiant 
and,  save  for  his  lust  fulness,  an  excellent  emperor, 
many  details  have  been  related  by  many  writers. 
We,  however,  deem  it  sufficient  to  insert  a  portion  of 
the  book  of  a  certain  Julius  Atherianus,3  in  which  he 
writes  of  Victorinus  as  follows  :  "  With  regard  to 
Victorinus,  who  ruled  the  provinces  of  Gaul  after 
Julius  4  Postumus,  I  consider  that  no  one  should  be 
given  a  higher  place,  not  Trajan  for  his  courage,  or 
Antoninus  for  his  kindness,  or  Nerva  for  his  noble 
dignity,  or  Vespasian  for  his  care  of  the  treasury,  or 
yet  Pertinax  or  Sever  us  for  the  strictness  of  their 
whole  lives  or  the  severity  of  their  military  discipline. 
All  these  qualities,  however,  were  offset  to  such  an 
extent  by  his  lustfulness  and  his  desire  for  the  pleasures 
gotten  from  women  that  no  one  would  dare  to  set  forth 
in  writing  the  virtues  of  one  who,  all  are  agreed,  de- 
served to  be  punished."  And  so,  since  this  is  the 
judgement  that  writers  have  given  concerning  Victo- 
rinus, I  consider  that  I  have  said  enough  regarding  his 
character.  77 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS 

VICTORINUS  IUNIOR 

VII.  De  hoc  nihil  amplius  in  litteras  est  relatum, 
quam  quod  nepos  Victoriae  Victorini  filius  fuit  et  a 
patre  vel  ab  avia  sub  eadem  bora  qua  Victorinus  in- 
teremptus  Caesar  est  nuncupatus  ac  statim  a  militibus 

2ira  occisus.  exstant  denique  sepulchra  circa  Agrip- 
pinam,  brevi  marmcre  impressa  humilia,  in  quibus 
titulus  l  est  inscriptus  :  "  Hie  duo  Victorini  tyranni  siti 
sunt." 

MARIUS 

VIII.  Victorino,   Lolliano   et  Postumo  interemptis 
Marius  ex  fabro,  ut  dicitur,  ferrario    triduo  tantum 

2  imperavit.     de  hoc  quid    amplius  requiratur  ignore, 
nisi  quod  eum  insigniorem  brevissimum  fecit  imperi- 
um.     nam  ut  ille  consul,  qui  sex  meridianis  horis  con- 
sulatum  suffectum  tenuit,  a  Marco  Tullio  tali  aspersus 
est  ioco  :  "  Consulem  habuimus  tarn  severum  tamque 
censorium    ut   in    eius    magistratu    nemo    pranderit, 
nemo  cenaverit,  nemo  dormiverit/'  de  hoc  etiam  dici 
posse  videatur,  qui  una  die  factus  est  imperator,  alia 
die  visus  est  imperare,  tertia  interemptus  est. 

3  Et    vir    quidem    strenuus  ac  militaribus  usque  ad 
imperium  gradibus  evectus,  quern  plerique  Mamurium, 

1  titnlvs  Cas. ;  unus  P,  £. 


1  The  head  of  a  son  of  Victorinus  appears  on  a  coin  of  the 
pretender  (Cohen,  vi.2  p.  84),  but  the  boy  is  included  here,  like 
Postumus  Junior  in  c.  iv.,  merely  for  the  purpose  of  increasing 
the  number  of  the  Tyranni. 

2  M.  Aurelius  Marius  Augustus.  He  held  the  imperial  power 
before  Victorinus;  see  note  to  c.  vi.  1.  The  length  of  his  rule 
given  heie  as  three  days  (two  days  by  Aurelius  Victor  and 
Eutropius)  is  certainly  wrong,  for  the  large  number  of  his 

78 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS  VII.  2— VIII.  S 

VICTORINUS  THE  YOUNGER 

VII.  Concerning  him l  nothing  has  been  put  into 
writing  save  that    he  was  the    grandson  of  Victoria 
and  the  son  of  Victorinus  and  that  he  was  entitled 
Caesar  by  his  father  or  grandmother  on  the  eve  of 
his  father's  murder  and  was  at  once  slain  in  anger 
by  the  soldiers.     Their  tombs,  indeed,  are  still  to  be 
seen    near    Agrippina,    humble    monuments    covered 
with    common    marble,  and    on    them  is  carved  the 
inscription,  "  Here  lie  the  two  Victorini,  pretenders." 

MARIUS 

VIII.  After   Victorinus,   Lollianus  and    Postumus 
were  slain,  Marius,2  formerly  a  worker  in  iron,  so  it  is 
said,  held  the  imperial  power,  but  only  for  three  days. 
What  more  can  be  asked  concerning  him  I  know  not, 
save  that  he  was  made  more  famous  by  the  shortness 
of  his  rule.     For,  just  as  that  consul3  who  held  the 
office  as  substitute  for  six  hours  at  midday  was  ridiculed 
by  Cicero  in  the  jest,  "  We  have  had  a  consul  so  stern 
and  severe  that  during  his  term  of  office  no  one  has 
breakfasted,  no  one  has  dined,  and  no  one  has  slept," 
so  the  same,  it  would  seem,  can  be  said  of  Marius, 
who  on  the  first  day  was  made  emperor,  on  the  second 
seemed  to  rule,  and  on  the  third  was  slain. 

He  was,  indeed,  an  active  man  and  rose  through 
the  various  grades  of  military  service  to  the  imperial 

coins  is  sufficient  evidence  of  a  longer  reign ;   see  Cohen,  vi.1 
pp.  87-89. 

3C.  Caninius  Rebilus,  consul  on  31  Dec.,  45  B.C.  A  jest  of 
Cicero's  concerning  him,  differing  somewhat  from  the  follow- 
ing quotation  is  contained  in  Epist.  ad  Fam.,  vii.  30,  1. 

79 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS 

nonnulli  Veturium,  opificem    utpote  ferrarium,  nun- 

4cuparunt.     sed  de  hoc  nimis  multa,  de  quo  illud  ad- 

didisse  satis  est,  nullius  man  us  vel  ad  feriendum  vel 

ad    impellendum 1    fortiores    fuisse,    cum    in    digitls 

5nervos  videretur  habuisse  non  venas.     nam  et  carra 

venientia  digito  salutari  reppulisse  dicitur  et  fortis- 

simos  quosque  uno  digito  sic  adflixisse,  ut  quasi  ligni 

vel  ferri   obtunsioris   ictu  percussi   dolerent.     multa 

6duorum  digitorum  allisione  contrivit.     occisus  est  a 

quodam  milite,  qui,  cum  eius  quondam  in  fabrili  of- 

ficina  fuisset,  contempt  us  est  ab  eodem,  vel  cum  dux 

7  esset 2  vel  cum  imperium  cepisset.     addidisse  verba  3 
dicitur   interemptor :     "  Hie   est    gladius    quern  ipse 
fecisti." 

8  Huius  contio  prima  talis  fuisse  dicitur  :  "  Scio,  con- 
militones,    posse    mihi    obici   artem   pristinam,  cuius 

9mihi  omnes  testes  estis.  sed  dicat  quisque  quod  vult. 
utinam  ferrum  semper  exerceam,  non  vino,  non 
floribus,  non  mulierculis,  non  popinis,  ut  facit  Gallic  - 
nus,  indignus  patre  suo  et  sui  generis  nobilitate, 

lOdepeream.  ars  mihi  obiciatur  ferraria,  dum  me  et 
exterae  gentes  ferrum  tractasse  suis  cladibus  re- 

11  cognoscant.  enitar  4  denique,  ut  omnis  Alamannia 
omnisque  Germania  cum  ceteris  quae  adiacent  genti- 
bus  Romanum  populum  ferratam  putent  gentem,  ut 

1  impellendum  27;  implendum  P.  -dux  esset  Gas., 

Eyssenhardt,  Hohl ;   duxisset   P  corr.,  Peter.  3  iterba 

Editor;    uerbo  P,   27;    uero    Salm.,    Peter.  4 enitar 

Petschenig,  Hohl ;  in  Italia  P,  27,  foil,  by  lacuna  Peter. 


1Mamurius   Veturius  was    the  legendary  forger    of    the 
aucilia,  the  shields  of  the  Salii ;  his  name  was  inserted  in 

80 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS  VIII.  4-11 

power  itself — this  one  whom  many  called  Mamurius 
and  some  Veturius,1  because,  forsooth,  he  was  a 
worker  in  iron.  But  we  have  already  said  too  much 
about  this  man,  concerning  whom  it  will  be  sufficient 
to  add  that  there  was  no  one  whose  hands  were 
stronger,  for  either  striking  or  thrusting,  since  he 
seemed  to  have  not  veins  in  his  fingers,  but  sinews. 
For  he  is  said  to  have  thrust  back  on-coming  waggons 
by  means  of  his  forefinger  and  with  a  single  finger  to 
have  struck  the  strongest  men  so  hard  that  they  felt 
as  much  pain  as  though  hit  by  a  blow  from  wood  or 
blunted  iron  ;  and  he  crushed  many  objects  by  the 
mere  pressure  of  two  of  his  fingers.  He  was  slain  by 
a  soldier  whom,  because  he  had  once  been  a  worker 
in  his  smithy,  he  had  treated  with  scorn  either  when 
he  commanded  troops  or  after  he  had  taken  the 
imperial  power.  His  slayer  is  said  to  have  added  the 
words,  "This  is  a  sword  which  you  yourself  have 
forged." 

His  first  public  harangue,  it  is  said,  was  as  follows  : 
"  I  know  well,  fellow-soldiers,  that  I  can  be  taunted 
with  my  former  trade,  of  which  all  of  you  are  my  wit- 
nesses. However,  let  anyone  say  what  he  wishes. 
As  for  me,  may  I  always  labour  with  steel  rather  than 
ruin  myself  with  wine  and  garlands  and  harlots  and 
gluttony,  as  does  Gallienus,  unworthy  of  his  father 
and  the  noble  rank  of  his  house.  Let  men  taunt  me 
with  working  with  steel  as  long  as  foreign  nations 
shall  know  from  their  losses  that  I  have  handled  the 
steel.  In  short,  I  will  strive  to  the  utmost  that  all 
Alamannia  and  Germany  and  the  nations  round  about 
shall  deem  the  Roman  people  a  steel-clad  folk,  and 

the  Carmen  Saliare  as  a  reward  for  his  labour;  see  Festug, 
p.  131  M. ;  Ovid,  Fasti,  iii.  383  f. 

81 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS 

12specialiter  in  nobis  ferrum  tiraeant.  vos  tamen  cogi- 
tetis  velim  fecisse  vos  principem,  qui  numquam  quic- 

ISquam  scierit  tractare  nisi  ferrum.  quod  idcirco  dico, 
quia  scio  mihi  a  luxuriosissima  ilia  peste  nihil  opponi 
posse  nisi  hoc,  quod  gladiorum  atque  armorum  artifex 
fuerim." 

INGENUUS 

IX.  Tusco  et  Basso  consulibus  cum  Gallienus  vino 
et  popinis  vacaret  cumque  se  lenonibus,  mimis  et 
meretricibus  dederet  ac  bona  naturae  luxuriae  con- 
tinuatione  deperderet,  Ingenuus,  qui  Pannonias  tune 
regebat,  a  Moesiacis  legionibus  imperator  est  dictus, 
ceteris  Pannoniarum  volentibus.  neque  in  quoquam 
melius  consultum  rei  publicae  a  militibus  videbatur 
quam  quod  instantibus  Sarmatis  creatus  est  imperator, 

2  qui  fessis  rebus  mederi  sua  virtute  potuisset.  causa 
autem  ipsi  arripiendi  tune  imperii  fuit,  ne  suspectus 
esset  imperatoribus,  quod  erat  fortissimus  ac  rei  pub- 
licae iiecessarius  et  militibus,  quod  imperantes  vehe- 

Smenter  movet,  acceptissimus.  sed  Gallienus,  ut  erat 
nequam  et  perditus,  ita  etiam,  ubi  necessitas  coegisset, 
velox,  fortis,  vehemens,  crudelis,  denique  Ingenuum 
conflictu  habito  vicit  eoque  occiso  in  omnes  Moesiacos 


1  The  correctness  of  this  date  has  been  questioned,  for 
Aurelius  Victor  (Goes.,  33,  2)  places  the  revolt  of  Ingenuus 
alter  the  capture  of  Valerian,  i.e.  in  260.  It  occurred,  how- 
ever, shortly  before  the  revolt  of  Postumus,  and  there  is 
reason  to  believe  that  this  was  in  258  or  259 ;  see  note  to 
c.  iii.  2. 

3  At  Mursa  (mod.  Eszek)  or  at  Sirmium  (Mitrovitz)  in 
Pannonia ;  see  Aur.  Victor,  Caes.t  33,  2 ;  Eutropius,  ix.  8,  1 ; 
Zonaras,  xii.  24. 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS  VIII.   12— IX.  3 

that  it  shall  be  most  of  all  the  steel  that  they  fear  in 
us.  But  as  for  you,  I  wish  you  to  rest  assured  that 
you  have  chosen  as  emperor  one  who  will  never  know 
how  to  deal  with  aught  but  the  steel.  And  this  I  say 
because  I  know  that  no  charge  can  be  brought  against 
me  by  that  pestiferous  profligate  save  this,  that  I  have 
been  a  forger  of  swords  and  armour." 

INGENUUS 

IX.  In  the  consulship  of  Tuscus  and  Bassus,1  while  258 
Gallienus  was  spending  his  time  in  wine  and  gluttony 
and  giving  himself  up  to  pimps  and  actors  and  harlots, 
and  by  continued  debauchery  was  destroying  the 
gifts  of  nature,  Ingenuus,  then  ruler  of  the  Pannonian 
provinces,  was  acclaimed  emperor  by  the  legions  of 
Moesia,  and  those  in  Pannonia  assented  thereto. 
And,  in  fact,  it  appeared  that  in  no  other  case  had 
the  soldiers  taken  better  counsel  for  the  common- 
wealth than  when,  in--  the  face  of  an  inroad  of  the 
Sarmatians,  they  chose  as  their  emperor  one  who  by 
his  valour  could  bring  a  remedy  to  the  exhausted 
state.  His  reason,  moreover,  for  seizing  the  power 
at  that  time  was  his  fear  of  becoming  an  object  of 
suspicion  to  the  emperors,  because  he  was  both  very 
brave  and  necessary  to  the  commonwealth,  and  also 
— a  cause  which  rouses  rulers  most  of  all — well 
beloved  by  the  soldiers.  Gallienus,  however,  worth- 
less and  degraded  though  he  was,  could  still,  when 
necessity  demanded,  show  himself  quick  in  action, 
courageous,  vigorous  and  cruel,  and  finally,  meeting 
Ingenuus  in  battle,2  he  defeated  him  and,  after  slay- 
ing him,  vented  his  anger  most  fiercely  on  all  the 
Moesians,  soldiers  and  civilians  alike.  For  he  left 

83 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS 

tarn  milites  quam  cives  asperrime  saeviit.  nee  quem- 
quam  suae  crudelitatis  exsortem  reliquit,  usque  adeo 
asper  et  truculentus  ut  plerasque  civitates  vacuas  a 
4virili  sexu  relinqueret.  fertur  sane  item  Ingenuus 
civitate  capta  in  aquam  se  mersisse  l  atque  ita  vitam 
finisse,  ne  in  tyranni  crudelis  potestatem  veniret. 

5  Exstat   sane    epistula  Gallieni,  quam  ad   Celerem 
Verianum  scripsit,  qua  eius  nimietas  crudelitatis  os- 
tenditur.      quam  ego  idcirco  interposui  ut  omnes  in- 
tellegerent  hominem  luxuriosurn  crudelissimum  esse, 
si  necessitas  postulet : 

6  "  Gallienus  Veriano.     non  mihi  satisfacies,  si  tan- 
turn  armatos  occideris,  quos  et  fors  in  bellis  interi- 

7  mere  potuisset.     perimendus  est  omnis  sexus  virilis,  si 
et  senes  atque  impuberes  sine  reprehensione  nostra 

Soccidi  possent.  occidendus  est  quicumque  male 
voluit,  occidendus  est  quicumque  male  dixit  contra 
me,  contra  Valeriani  filium,  contra  tot  principum 

9  patrem  et  fratrem.  Ingenuus  factus  est  imperator. 
lacera,  occide,  concide,  animum  meum  intellege,  mea 
mente  irascere,  qui  haec  manu  mea  scripsi." 

REGALIANUS 

X.  Fati  publici  f'uit,  ut  Gallieni  tempore  quicumque 
potuit  ad  imperium  prosiliret.  Regalianus  denique 

1  in  aquam  se  tn^rsisse  £,  Hohl ;  in  qua  se  P1 ;  intrasse 
domum  in  qua  se  pugione  transfodit  P  corr. ;  laqueasse  se 
Peter. 


1  On  the  other  hand,  Gallienus'  clemency  is  noted  by  the 
Continuator  of  Cassius  Dio,  frg.  163  (ed.  Boissevain,  iii.  p.  743) 
and  Zonaras,  xii.  25,  and,  in  other  instances,  by  Aminianus 
Marcelliuus,  xxi.  16,  10. 

84 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS  IX.  4— X.  1 

none  exempt  from  his  cruelty,1  and  so  brutal  and 
savage  was  he,  that  in  many  communities  he  left  not 
a  single  male  alive.  It  is  said  of  Ingenuus,  indeed, 
that  when  the  city  was  captured,  he  threw  himself 
into  the  water,  and  so  put  an  end  to  his  life,2  that 
he  might  not  fall  into  the  power  of  the  brutal  tyrant. 

There  is,  indeed,  still  in  existence  a  letter  of 
Gallienus,  written  to  Celer  Verianus,3  which  shows 
his  excessive  brutality.  This  1  have  inserted,  in 
order  that  all  may  learn  that  a  profligate,  if  necessity 
demand,  can  be  the  most  brutal  of  men  : 

"  From  Gallienus  to  Verianus.  You  will  not 
satisfy  me  if  you  kill  only  armed  combatants,  for 
these  even  chance  could  have  killed  in  the  war. 
You  must  slay  every  male,  that  is,  if  old  men  and 
immature  boys  can  be  put  to  death  without  bringing 
odium  upon  us.  You  must  slay  all  who  have  wished 
me  ill,  slay  all  who  have  spoken  ill  of  me,  the  son  of 
Valerian,  the  father  and  brother  of  so  many  princes. 
Ingenuus  has  been  created  emperor !  Therefore 
mutilate,  kill,  slaughter,  see  that  you  understand  my 
purpose  and  show  your  anger  with  that  spirit  which  I 
am  showing,  I  who  have  written  these  words  with  my 
own  hand." 

REGALIANUS 

X.  It  was  the  public  destiny  that  in  the  time  of 
Gallienus  whosoever    could,  sprang  up  to  seize  the 

2  According   to    Zonaras,  xii.    24,   he  was    killed    by  his 
attendant   soldiers   during  his   flight.     It   is  difficult   to  re- 
concile this  with  sny  of  the  suggested  readings  of  §  4. 

3  Unknown  and  probably  fictitious. 

85 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS 

in  Illyrico  ducatum  gerens  imperator  est  factus 
auctoribus  imperil  Moesis,  qui  cum  Ingenuo  fuerant 
ante  superati,  in  quorum  parentes  graviter  Gallienus 

2  saevierat.     hie  tamen  multa  fortiter  contra  Sarmatas 
gessit,    sed  auctoribus  Roxolanis  consentientibusque 
militibus  et  timore  provincialium  ne  iterum  Gallienus 
graviora  faceret,  interemptus  est. 

3  Mirabile  fortasse  videatur,  si  quae  origo  imperil  eius 
fuerit  declaretur.     capitali  enim  ioco ]  regna  prome- 

4ruit.  nam  cum  milites  cum  eo  quidam  cenarent, 
exstitit  vicarius  tribuni  qui  diceret :  "  Regaliani 
nomen  unde  credimus  dictum  ? '  alius  continue, 

5"Credimus  quod  a  regno ".  turn  iis  qui  aderat 
scholasticus  coepit  quasi  grammaticaliter  declinare 

6etdicere,  "Rex,  regis,  regi,  Regalianus ".  milites, 
ut  est  hominum  genus  pronum  ad  ea  quae  cogitant, 
"Ergo  potest  rex  esse?"  item  alius,  "Ergo  potest 
nos  regere  ?  '  item  alius,  ''Deus  tibi  regis  nomen 

7imposuit".2  quid  multa?  his  dictis  cum  alia  die 
mane  processisset,  a  principiis  imperator  est  saluta- 
tus.  ita  quod  aliis  vel  audacia  vel  iudicium,  huic 
detulit  iocularis  astutia. 

8      Fuit,  quod  negari  non  potest,  vir  in  re 3  militari 

1  lo~o  P,  S.  ?-  imposuit  27,  Hohl,  foil,  by  Klotz  ;  posuit 

P,  Peter.  3re  ins.  by  Novak  ;  om.  iu  P1 ;  ins.  after  militari 
P  corn,  Peter. 


1  P.  C Regalianus  Augustus,  according  to  his  coins  ; 

see  Cohen,  vi.2  p.  10.  The  form  Regilianus  in  which  his  name 
appears  in  the  MSS.  of  this  vita  (except  §  5)  and  also  in 
Gall.,  ix.  1  and  Claud.,  vii.  4  seems  to  owe  its  origin  to  the 
desire  to  make  the  pun  contained  in  §  3  f.  Aur.  Victor  (33,  2) 
agrees  with  the  biographer  in  relating  that  he  rallied  the 
remains  of  Ingenuus'  army  and  renewel  the  war  against 
Gallienus. 

86 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS  X.  2-8 

imperial  power.  And  so  Regalianus,1  who  held  the 
command  in  Illyricum,  was  declared  emperor,  the 
prime  movers  being  the  Moesians,  who  had  previously 
been  defeated  with  Ingenuus  and  on  whose  kinsmen 
Gallienus  had  vented  his  anger  severely.  He,  in- 
deed, performed  many  brave  deeds  against  the 
Sarmatians,  but  nevertheless,  at  the  instigation  of 
the  Roxolani  2  and  with  the  consent  of  the  soldiers 
and  the  provincials,  who  feared  that  Gallienus  might, 
on  a  second  occasion,  act  even  more  cruelly,  he  was 
put  to  death. 

It  may  perhaps  seem  a  matter  for  wonder  if 
I  relate  the  origin  of  his  rule,  for  it  was  all  because 
of  a  notable  jest  that  he  gained  the  royal  power. 
For  when  some  soldiers  were  dining  with  him  and 
a  certain  acting-tribune  arose  and  said,  "  Whence 
shall  we  suppose  that  Regalianus  gets  his  name  ?  " 
another  replied  at  once,  "  I  suppose  from  his  regal 
power."  Then  a  schoolmaster  who  was  present 
among  them  began,  as  it  seemed,  to  decline  gram- 
matically, saying,  "  Rex,  regis,  regi,  Regalianus," 
whereupon  among  the  soldiers — a  class  of  men  who 
are  quick  to  express  what  they  have  in  mind — one 
cried  out,  "  So,  then,  can  he  be  regal  ?  '  another, 
"  So,  then,  can  he  hold  regal  sway  over  us  ?  "  and 
again  another,  "  God  has  given  you  a  regent's  name." 
Why  should  I  then  say  more  ?  The  next  day  after 
these  words  were  spoken,  on  going  forth  in  the  morn- 
ing he  was  greeted  as  emperor  by  the  front-line 
troops.  Thus  what  was  offered  to  others  through 
daring  or  reasoned  choice  was  offered  to  him  through 
a  clever  jest. 

It  cannot,  indeed,  be  denied  that  he  had  always 

2  See  note  to  Hadr.,  vi.  6. 

87 


THE   THIRTY  PRETENDERS 

semper  probatus  et  Gallieno  iam  ante  suspectus, 
quod  dignus  videretur  imperio,  gentis  Daciae,  De- 
9cebali  ipsius,  ut  fertur,  adfinis.  exstat  epistula  divi 
Claudii  tune  privati,  qua  Regaliano,  Illyrici  duci, 
gratias  agit  ob  redditum  Illyricum,  cum  omnia 
Gallieni  segnitia  deperirent.  quam  ego  repertam  in 
authenticis  inserendam  putavi ;  fuit  enim  publica. 

10  "Claudius    Regaliano    multam    salutem.       felicem 
rem  publicam  quae  te  talem  virum  habere  in  castris 
bellicis  l  meruit,   felicem  Gallienum,  etiamsi  ei  vera 

11  nemo  nee  de  bonis  nee  de  malis  nuntiat.     pertule- 
runt  ad  me    Bonitus    et    Celsus,   stipatores  principis 
nostri,  qualis  apud  Scupos  in  pugnando  fueris,  quot 
uno  die  proelia  et  qua  celeritate  confeceris.     dignus 

12  eras  triumpho,  si  antiqua    tempora    exstarent.      sed 
quid  multa  ?    memor  cuiusdam  hominis  cautius  velim 
vincas.     arcus  Sarmaticos  et  duo  saga  ad  me  velim 
inittas,  sed  fibulatoria,  cum  ipse  misi  de  nostris." 

13  Hac  epistula  ostenditur  quid  de  Regaliano  senserit 
Claudius,  cuius  gravissimum  iudicium  suis  temporibus 
fuisse  non  dubium  est. 

14  Nee  a  Gallieno  quidem  vir  iste  promotus  est  sed  a 
patre  eius  Valeriano,  ut  et  Claudius  et  Macrianus  et 

1  bellicis  Baehrens,  Peter ;  belli  ius  P. 


1  The   formidable  king   of  the  Dacians  who  was  finally 
overcome  by  Trajan,  after  two  wais,  in  107. 

2  Probably  Zlokuchan  near  Uskiib  (Skoplje)  in  Jugoslavia. 

88 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS  X.  9-14 

won  approbation  in  warfare  and  had  long  been 
suspected  by  Gallienus  because  he  seemed  worthy 
to  rule  ;  he  was,  moreover,  a  Dacian  by  birth  and 
a  kinsman,  so  it  was  said,  of  Decebalus  1  himself. 
There  is  still  in  existence  a  letter  written  by  the 
Deified  Claudius,  then  still  a  commoner,  in  which  he 
expresses  his  thanks  to  Regalianus,  as  general  in 
command  of  Illyricum,  for  recovering  this  district,  at 
a  time  when  Gallienus'  slothfulness  was  bringing  all 
things  to  ruin.  This  letter,  which  I  have  found  in 
the  original  form,  I  think  should  be  inserted  here, 
for  it  was  written  officially  : 

"  From  Claudius  to  Regalianus  many  greetings. 
Fortunate  is  the  commonwealth,  which  has  deserved  to 
have  such  a  man  as  yourself  in  its  military  camps,  and 
fortunate  is  Gallienus,  though  no  one  tells  him  the 
truth  about  either  good  men  or  bad.  Word  has  been 
brought  to  me  by  Bonitus  and  Celsus,  the  attendants 
of  our  emperor,  how  you  conducted  yourself  in  fight- 
ing at  Scupi 2  and  how  many  battles  you  fought  in 
a  single  day  and  with  what  great  speed.  You  were 
worthy  of  a  triumph,  did  but  the  olden  times  still 
remain.  But  why  say  more  ?  I  could  wish  that  you 
might  be  mindful  of  a  certain  person  and  therefore 
be  more  cautious  in  gaining  victories.  I  should  like 
you  to  send  me  some  Sarmatian  bows  and  two  military 
cloaks,  but  provided  with  clasps,  for  I  am  sending 
you  some  of  my  own." 

This  letter  shows  what  opinion  of  Regalianus  was 
held  by  Claudius,  whose  judgement  was  without  doubt 
most  weighty  in  his  own  time. 

It  was  not,  indeed,  from  Gallienus  that  Regalianus 
received  his  promotion,  but  from  his  father,  Valerian, 
as  did  also  Claudius,  Macrianus,  Iiigenuus,  Postumus 

89 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS 

Ingenuus  et  Postumus  et  Aureolus,  qui  omnes  in  im- 
perio  interempti  sunt,  cum  mererentur  imperium. 
15mirabile  autem  hoc  fuit  in  Valeriano  principe,  quod 
omnes,  quoscumque  duces  fecit,  postea  militum  testi- 
moiiio  ad  imperium  perveiierunt,  ut  appareat  senem 
imperatorem  in  deligendis  rei  publicae  ducibus  talem 
fuisse,  qualem  Romana  felicitas,  si  continuari  fataliter 

16  potuisset  sub  bono  principe,  requirebat.     et  utinam 
vel   illi  qui    arripuerant  imperia  regnare  potuissent, 
vel  eius  nlius  in  imperio  diutius  non  fuisset,  utlibet 

17  se  in  suo   statu    res    publica    nostra    tenuisset.      sed 
nimis  sibi  Fortuna  indulgeiidum  putavit,  quae  et  cum 
Valeriano  bonos  principes  tulit  et  Gallienum  diutius 
quam  oportebat  rei  publicae  reservavit. 

AUREOLUS 

XI.  Hie  quoque  Illyricianos  exercitus  regens  in 
contemptu  Gallieni,  ut  omnes  eo  tempore,  coactus 

2  a    militibus    sumpsit    imperium.     et  cum    Macrianus 
cum  filio  suo  Macriano  contra  Gallienum  venire t  cum 
plurimis,  exercitus  eius  cepit,  aliquos  corruptos  fidei 

3  suae  addixit.     et  cum  factus  esset  hinc  validus  1  im- 
perator  cumque   Gallienus   expugnare    virum  fortem 

1  hinc.  validity  Salni.,  Peter;   invalidus  P,  2. 

1  Despite  the  assurance  contained  in  §§  6-7,  practically  our 
only  information  concerning  this  really  important  man  comes 
from  Zonaras  (xii.  24).  Aureolus  as  commander  of  Gallienus' 
cavalry  contributed  greatly  to  the  successful  battle  against 
Ingenuus.  Later  he  was  sent  to  Thrace  to  oppose  the  advance 
of  Macrianus  (c.  xii.  13-14;  Gall.,  ii.  6-7),  whose  troops  he 
persuaded  to  surrender  without  a  battle.  In  268  he  declared 
himself  emperor  and  advanced  on  Milan.  Here  Gallienus 

90 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS  X.   15— XI.  3 

and  Aureolus,  who  all  were  slain  while  they  held 
the  imperial  power,  although  they  deserved  to  hold 
it.  It  was,  moreover,  a  matter  for  marvel  in  Valerian 
as  emperor,  that  all  who  were  appointed  commanders 
by  him,  afterwards,  by  the  voice  of  the  soldiers,  ob- 
tained the  imperial  rule,  so  that  it  is  clear  that  the 
aged  emperor,  in  choosing  the  generals  of  the  common- 
wealth, was,  in  fact,  such  an  one  as  the  felicity  of 
Rome — could  it  only  have  been  permitted  by  fate  to 
continue  under  a  worthy  prince — ever  required.  Oh 
that  it  might  have  been  possible  either  for  those  who 
seized  the  imperial  power  to  rule  for  a  longer  time,  or 
for  this  man's  son  to  rule  less  long,  that  somehow  our 
commonwealth  might  have  kept  itself  in  its  proper 
position !  But  Fortune  claimed  for  herself  too  much 
indulgence,  when  with  Valerian  she  took  away  our 
righteous  princes,  and  preserved  Gallienus  for  the 
commonwealth  longer  than  was  meet. 

AUREOLUS 

XI.  This  man 1  also,  while  commanding  the  Illyrian 
armies,  was  urged  on  by  the  soldiers  in  their  con- 
tempt for  Gallienus  (as  were  all  others  at  that  time) 
and  so  seized  the  imperial  power.  And  when  Macri- 
anus  and  his  son  Macrianus  marched  against  Gallienus 
with  very  large  forces,  he  took  their  troops,  and  some 
he  won  over  to  his  cause  by  bribery.  When  Aureolus 
had  thus  become  a  mighty  emperor,  Gallienus,  after 
trying  in  vain  to  conquer  so  brave  a  man  and  being 

besieged  him  but  fell  during  the  siege  (see  Gall.,  xiv.  6-9). 
After  his  death  Aureolus  submitted  to  Claudius  but  again 
planned  a  revolt,  at  the  outset  of  which  he  was  killed  by  his 
Boldiers  (Claud.,  v.  1-3). 

91 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS 

frustra  temptasset,  pacem  cum  eo  fecit 1  contra  Postu- 
mum  pugnaturus.  quorum  pleraque  et  dicta  sunt  et 
dicenda. 

4  Hunc  eundem  Aureolum  Claudius  interfecto  iam 
Gallieno  conflictu  habito  apud  eum  pontem  interemit 
qui  nunc  pons  Aureoli  nuncupatur,  atque  illic  ut 

6  tyrannum  sepulchre  humiliore  donavit.  exstat  etiam 
nunc  epigramma  Graecum  in  hanc  formam  : 

Dono  sepulchrorum  victor  post  multa  tyranni 

proelia  iam  felix  Claudius  Aureolum 
munere  prosequitur  mortali  et  iure  superstes, 

vivere  quern  vellet,  si  pateretur  amor 
militis  egregii,  vitam  qui  iure  negavit 

omnibus  indignis  et  magis  Aureolo. 
ille  tamen  clemens,  qui  corporis  ultima  servans 

et  pontem  Aureoli  dedicat  et  tumulum. 

6hos  ego  versus  a  quodam  grammatico  translates  ita 
posui  ut  fidem  servarem,  non  quo  non 2  melius  potu- 
erint  transferri,  sed  ut  fidelitas  historica  servaretur, 
quam  ego  prae  ceteris  custodiendam  putavi,  qui  quod 

Vad  eloquentiam  pertinet  nihil  euro,     rem  enim  vobis 

1  fecit  2,  Hohl ;  om.  in  P ;  ins.  after  pugnaturiia  by  Peter. 
anon  om.  *n  P. 


1  Mod.  Pontirolo   on   the  Adda,   about  20  miles  N.E.  of 
Milan. 

2  The  epigram  is  given  in  a  Greek  version,  apparently  by 
Andrea  Alciatus,  in  7.  G.,  xiv.  no.  355*  (p.  32*). 

£2 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS  XI.  4-7 

now  on  the  point  of  beginning  a  war  against  Postumus, 
made  peace  with  him — of  which  events  many  have 
already  been  related  and  many  are  still  to  be  told. 

This  same  Aureolus,  after  Gallienus  was  slain, 
Claudius  met  in  battle  and  killed  at  that  bridge 
which  now  bears  the  name  of  Aureolus'  Bridge,1  and 
there  he  bestowed  upon  him  a  tomb,  but  a  lowly  one 
as  became  a  pretender.  There  is  even  now  in  exist- 
ence an  epigram  in  Greek  2  of  the  following  purport : 

"Sepulture's   gift,   after  many  a  battle   against  the 

pretender, 

Claudius,  flushed  with  success,  gives  to  Aureolus  now, 
Doing  him  honour  in  death,  himself  the  rightful 

survivor. 

Fain  had  he  kept  him  alive,  only  his  glorious  troops 
Suffered  it  not  in  their  love  ;    for  they  put  out  of  life 

very  rightly 
All    who  deserved   not  to   live — why   not  Aureolus 

more  ? 
Merciful,    though,    was   that   prince,  who  preserved 

what  was  left  of  his  body, 
And  in   Aureolus'  name  built    both  a  bridge  and  a 

tomb." 

These  verses,  translated  by  a  certain  teacher  of 
grammar,  I  have  given  in  such  a  way  that  their 
accuracy  is  retained,  although  they  could  be  trans- 
lated more  elegantly ;  but  I  do  it  with  the  purpose 
of  preserving  historical  truth,  which  I  have  thought 
should  be  guarded  above  all  else,  and  caring  naught 
for  considerations  of  literary  style.  For,  indeed,  it  is 
fact  that  I  have  determined  to  put  before  you  and 
not  mere  words,  especially  when  we  have  such  an 

93 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS 

proposui   deferre,    lion   verba,   maxime   tanta  rerum 
copia  ut  in  triginta  tyrannorum  simul  vitis. 

MACRIANUS 

XII.  Capto  Valeriano,  diu  clarissimo  principe  civi- 
tatis,  fortissimo  deinde  imperatori,  ad  postremum  om- 
nium infelicissimo,  vel  quod  senex  apud  Persas  con- 
senuit  vel  quod  indignos  se  posteros  derel  quit,  cum 
Gallienum  coritemnendum  Ballista  praefectus  Valeri- 
ani  et  Macrianus  primus  ducum1  intellegerent,  quae- 
rentibus  etiam  militibus  principem,  unum  in  locum 
2  concesserunt  quaerentes  quid  faciendum  esset.  tunc- 
que  constitit,  Gallieno  longe  posito  Aureolo  usurpante 
imperium,  debere  aliquem  principem  fieri,  et  quidem 

5  optimum,  lie    quispiam  tyrannus    exsisteret.       verba 
igitur    Ballistae    (quantum    Maeonius    Astyanax,    qui 

4consilio  interfuit,  adserit)  haec  fuerunt :  "  Mea  et 
aetas  et  professio  et  voluntas  longe  ab  imperio  absunt, 
et  ego,  quod  negare  non  possum,  bonum  principem 

5quaero.  sed  quis  tandem  est,  qui  Valtriani  locum 
possit  implere,  nisi  talis  qualis  tu  es,  fortis,  con- 
stans,  integer,  probatus  in  re  publica  et,  quod 

6  maxime  ad  imperium  pertinet,  dives  ?     arripe  igitur 

1  ducum  Salm.  ;  dum  P,  27. 


1 M.  Fulvius  Macrianus  Augustus.  As  Valerian's  Ko/j.rjs 
Ttav  drjffavpwv  Kal  ttyfffTws  rp  ayopa  rov  airov  he  was  not 
present  when  the  Emperor  was  captured  ;  later  he  succeeded 
in  rallying  the  soldiers  at  Samo?ata ;  see  Continuator  of 
Cassius  Dio,  frg.  159  (ed.  Boissevain,  iii.  p.  742).  Further 
details  of  his  revolt  in  261,  as  described  here,  are  given  in 
Gall.,  i-ii.  and  in  Zonaras,  xii.  24.  His  coins  show  that  the 
correct  form  of  his  name  and  his  Bon's  is  Macrianus,  and  not 

94 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS  XTI.   1-6 

abundance    of  facts   as    in   the  lives   of  the    thirty 
pretenders  taken  together. 

MACRIANUS  i 

XII.  After  the  capture  of  Valerian,  long  a  most 
noble  prince  in  the  state,  then  a  most  valiant  emperor, 
but  at  the  last  the  most  unfortunate  of  all  men  (either 
because  in  his  old  age  he  pined  away  among  the 
Persians  or  because  he  left  behind  him  unworthy 
descendants),  Ballista,2  Valerian's  prefect,  and  Macri- 
anus,  the  foremost  of  his  generals,  since  they  knew 
that  Gallienus  was  worthy  only  of  contempt  and  since 
the  soldiers,  too,  were  seeking  an  emperor,  withdrew 
together  to  a  certain  place,  to  consider  what  should 
be  done.  They  then  agreed  that,  since  Gallienus 
was  far  away  and  Aureolus  was  usurping  the  imperial 
power,  some  emperor  ought  to  be  chosen,  and,  indeed, 
the  best  man,  lest  there  should  arise  some  pretender. 
Therefore  Ballista  (or  so  Maeonius  Astyanax,3  who 
took  part  in  their  council,  relates)  spoke  as  follows  : 
"  As  for  myself,  my  age  and  my  calling  and  my 
desires  are  all  far  removed  from  the  imperial  office, 
and  so,  as  I  cannot  deny,  I  am  searching  for  a 
worthy  prince.  But  who,  pray,  is  there  who  can  fill 
the  place  of  Valerian  except  such  a  man  as  yourself, 
brave,  steadfast,  honourable,  well  proved  in  public 
affairs,  and — what  is  of  the  highest  importance  for 
holding  the  imperial  office — possessed  of  great  wealth  ? 

Maori n us,  as  it  frequently  appears  in  the  MSS.  of  the  Historia 
Augusta  and  in  other  authors ;  see  Cohen,  vi.2  pp.  2-3.    Papyri 
dated  in  the  first  year  of  Macrianus  and  Quietus  (c.  xiv.)  show 
that  they  were  accepted  in  Egypt  as  emperors  in  260. 
2  See  c.  xviii.  3  Otherwise  unknown. 

95 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS 

locum  meritis  tuis  debitum.  me  praefecto,  quamdiu 
voles,  uteris.  tu  cum  re  publica  tantum  bene  agas, 

7  ut  te  Romanus  orbis  factum  principem  gaudeat."  ad 
haec  Macrianus  :  "  Fateor,  Ballista,  imperium  prudent! 
non  frustra  est.  volo  enim  rei  publicae  subvenire 
atque  illam  pestem  a  legum  gubernaculis  dimovere, 
sed  non  hoc  in  me  aetatis  est ;  senex  sum,  ad  exem- 
plum  equitare  non  possum,  lavandum  mihi  est  fre- 
quentius,  edendum  delicatius,  divitiae  me  iam  dudum 

Sab  usu  militiae  retraxerunt.  iuvenes  aliqui  sunt  quae- 
rendi,  nee  unus  sed  duo  vel  tres  fortissimi,  qui  ex 
diversis  partibus l  orbis  humani  rem  publicam  resti- 
tuant,  quam  Valerianus  fato,  Gallienus  vitae  suae 

9genere  perdideruiit."  post  haec  intellexit  eum  Bal- 
lista  sic  agere  ut  de  filiis  suis  videretur  cogitare,  atque 
adeo  sic  adgressus  est  :  "  Prudentiae  tuae  rem  publi- 

10  cam  tradimus.     da  igitur  liberos  tuos  Macrianum  et 
Quietum,  fortissimos  iuvenes,  olim  tribunes  a  Valeri- 
ano  factos,  quia  Gallieno  imperante,  quod  boni  sunt, 

11  salvi  esse  non  possunt."     tune  ille  ubi  intellectum 
se   esse    comperit,   "Do,"   inquit,   "manus,   de   meo 
stipendium  militi  duplex  daturus.     tu  tantum  prae- 
fecti  mihi  studium  et  annonam  in   necessariis    locis 
praebe.     iam  ego  faxim  ut   Gallienus,  sordidissimus 
feminarum  omnium,  duces   sui    parentis  intellegat." 

1  partibu*  2 ;  patribua  P. 

96 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS  XII.  7-11 

Therefore,  take  this  post  which  your  merits  deserve. 
My  services  as  prefect  shall  be  yours  as  long  as  you 
wish.  Do  you  only  serve  the  commonwealth  well, 
so  that  the  Roman  world  may  rejoice  that  you  have 
been  made  its  prince."  To  this  Macrianus  replied  : 
"  I  admit,  Ballista,  that  to  the  wise  man  the  imperial 
office  is  no  light  thing.  For  I  wish,  indeed,  to  come 
to  the  aid  of  the  commonwealth  and  to  remove  that 
pestiferous  fellow  from  administering  the  laws,  but  I 
am  not  of  an  age  for  this  ;  I  am  now  an  old  man,  I 
cannot  ride  as  an  example  to  others,  I  must  bathe  too 
often  and  eat  too  carefully,  and  my  very  riches  have 
long  since  kept  me  away  from  practicing  war.  We 
must  seek  out  some  young  men,  and  not  one  alone, 
but  two  or  three  of  the  bravest,  who  in  different  parts 
of  the  world  of  mankind  can  restore  the  common- 
wealth, which  Valerian  and  Gallienus  have  brought 
to  ruin,  the  one  by  his  fate,  the  other  by  his  mode 
of  life."  Whereupon  Ballista,  perceiving  that  Macri- 
anus, in  so  speaking,  seemed  to  have  in  mind  his  own 
two  sons,  answered  him  as  follows  :  "  To  your  wisdom, 
then,  we  entrust  the  commonwealth.  And  so  give 
us  your  sons  Macrianus  and  Quietus,  most  valiant 
young  men,  long  since  made  tribunes  by  Valerian, 
for,  under  the  rule  of  Gallienus,  for  the  very  reason 
that  they  are  good  men,  they  cannot  remain  un- 
harmed/' Then  Macrianus,  finding  out  that  his 
thoughts  had  been  understood,  replied  :  "  I  will  yield, 
and  from  my  own  funds  I  will  present  to  the  soldiers 
a  double  bounty.  Do  you  but  give  me  your  zealous 
service  as  prefect  and  furnish  rations  in  the  needful 
places.  I  will  now  do  my  best  that  Gallienus,  more 
contemptible  than  any  woman,  may  come  to  know  his 
father's  generals."  And  so,  with  the  consent  of  all 

97 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS 

12  tactus  est  igltur  cum  Macriano  et  Quieto  duobus  filiis 
cunctis  militibus  volentibus  imperator  ac  statim  contra 
Gallienum  venire  coepit  utcumque    rebus  in  oriente 

13  clerelictis.     sed  cum  quadraginta  quinque  milia  mili- 
tum  secum   duceret,   in   Illyrico  vel   in   Thraciarum 
extimis  congressus  cum  Aureolo  victus  et  cum  filio 

14  interemptus  est.     triginta  denique  milia  militum  in 
Aureoli  potestatem   concessere.      Domitianus  autem 
eundem  vicit,  dux  Aureoli  fortissimus  et  vehementis- 
simus,  qui  se  originem  diceret  a   Domitiano  impera- 
tore  J  trahere  atque  a  Domitilla. 

15  De   Macriano  autem    iiefas   mihi  videtur  iudicium 
Valeriani  praeterire,  quod  ille  in  oratione  sua,  quam 
ad  senatum  e  Persidis  finibus  miserat,  posuit.     inter 

16  cetera  ex  oratione  divi  Valeriani  :  "  Ego,  patres  con- 
scripti,  bellum  Persicum  gerens  Macriano  totam  rem 
pubiicam    credidi  et  2  quidem  a  parte  militari.     ille 
vobis  fidelis,  ille  mihi  devotus,  ilium  et  amat  et  timet 
miles,     utcumque  res  exegerit,  cum  exercitibus  agit. 

17  nee,  patres  conscripti,  nova  vel  inopina  nobis  sunt ; 
pueri    eius    virtus    in   Italia,    adulescentis    in  Gallia, 
iuvenis  in  Thracia,  in  Africa  iam  provecti,  senescentis 
denique    in     Illyrico    et     Dalmatia    comprobata    est, 
cum  in  diversis  proeliis  ad  exemplum  fortiter  faceret. 

]  imperatore  ins.  by  P  corr.,  foil,  by  Klotz ;  om.  by  Peter 
and  Hohl.         -etom.  in  P. 


1  Mentioned  also  in  c.  xiii.  3  and  Gall.,  ii.  C.  He  is  probably 
the  pretender  of  this  name  who  arose  under  Aurelian ;  see 
Zosimus,  i.  49,  2.  A  coin  of  his  has  been  found  in  France  on 
which  he  bears  the  titles  Caesar  and  Augustus ;  see  Babelon  in 
Compt.es  Rendus  de  VAcad.  des  Inscrs  ,  1901,  p.  200.  His 
descent  is  evidently  a  fabrication  of  the  biographer's,  for 

98 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS  XIJ.   12-17 

the  soldiers,  Macrianus  was  made  emperor,  together 
with  his  two  sons  Macrianus  and  Quietus,  and  he 
immediately  proceeded  to  march  against  Gallienus, 
leaving  affairs  in  the  East  in  whatever  state  he  could. 
But  while  he  was  on  the  march,  having  with  him  a 
force  of  forty-five  thousand  soldiers,  he  met  Aureolus 
in  Illyricum  or  on  the  borders  of  Thrace,  and  there 
he  was  defeated  and  together  with  his  son  was  slain. 
Then  thirty  thousand  of  his  men  yielded  to  Aureolus' 
power.  It  was  Domitianus,1  indeed,  who  won  this 
victory,  the  bravest  and  most  active  of  Aureolus' 
leaders,  who  claimed  to  be  the  descendant  of  the 
Emperor  Domitian  and  Domitilla. 

In  writing  of  Macrianus,  moreover,  it  would  seem 
to  me  wrong  to  leave  out  the  opinion  of  Valerian, 
which  he  expressed  in  the  message  he  sent  to  the 
senate  from  the  frontier  of  Persia.  A  portion  of  the 
message  of  the  Deified  Valerian  :  "  Being  now  en- 
gaged in  the  war  with  the  Persians,  Conscript  Fathers, 
I  have  entrusted  all  public  affairs,  and  even  those 
which  concern  the  war,  to  Macrianus.  He  is  faithful 
to  you,  loyal  to  me,  and  both  beloved  and  feared  by 
the  soldiers.  He  with  his  army  Will  act  as  the  case 
shall  demand.  And  in  this,  Conscript  Fathers,  there 
is  nothing  new  or  unexpected  by  us.  For  while  a 
boy  in  Italy,  while  a  youth  in  Gaul,  while  a  young 
man  in  Thrace,  while  a  mature  man  in  Africa,  and, 
finally,  while  well  advanced  in  years  in  Illyricum  and 
Dalmatia,  his  valour  has  been  well  proved,  for  in 
divers  battles  he  has  done  brave  deeds  which  may 
serve  as  a  pattern  to  others.  I  will  add,  besides, 
that  he  has  young  sons,  worthy  of  being  our  associates 

Domitilla  was  Domitian's  niece,  not  his  wife ;  the  latter  was 
Domitia  Longina. 

99 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS 

18  hue  accedit  quod  habet  iuvenes  filios  Romano  dignos1 
collegio,  nostra  dignos  l  amicitia,"  et  reliqua. 


MACRIANUS  IUNIOR 

XIII.  Multa    de   hoc    in  patris  imperio  praelibata 
sunt,  qui  numquam  imperator  factus  esset,  nisi  pru- 

2dentiae  patvis  eius  creditum  videretur.  de  hoc  plane 
multa  miranda  dicuntur,  quae  ad  fortitudinem  pertin- 
eant  iuvenalis  aetatis.  sed  quid 2  ad  fata  aut  quantum 

3 in  bellis  unius  valet  fortitude?  hie  enim  vehemens 
cum  prudentissimo  patre,  cuius  merito  imperare 
coeperat,  a  Domitiano  victus  triginta  (dixi  superius) 
milibus  militum  spoliatus  est,  matre  nobilis,  patre 
tantum  forti  et  ad  bellum  parato  atque  ab  ultima 
militia  in  summum  perveniente  ducatum  splendore 
sublimi. 

QUIETUS 

XIV.  Hie,  ut  diximus,    Macriani  filius  fuit.     cum 
patre  et  fratre  Ballistae  iudicio  imperator  est  factus. 
sed  ubi  comperit  Odaenathus,  qui  olim  iam  orientem 
tenebat,  ab  Aureolo  Macrianum,  patrem  Quieti,  cum 

1  dignos  2  ;  dignus  P,  Peter,  Hohl.  2  quid  ins.  by  Helm, 
foil,  by  Hohl ;  om.  in  P  and  27 ;  ad  fata  aut  in  bellis  quantum 
Peter  following  Salm.  and  Obrecht. 


JT.  Fulvius  lunius  Macrianus  Augustus,  according  to  his 
coins;  see  Cohen,  vi.2  pp.  3-6. 

2  T.  Fulvius  lunius  Quietus  Augustus,  according  to  his  coins ; 
see  Cohen,  vi.2  pp.  6-8.  For  his  death,  see  c.  xv.  4  and  Gall., 
iii.  2.  According  to  Zonaras  (xii.  24),  he  was  defeated  near 

100 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS  XII.  18— XIV.  1 

in  Rome  and  worthy,  too,  of  our  friendship/'  and  so 
forth. 

MACRIANUS  THE  YOUNGER 

XIII.  I    have  already    given   a   foretaste,   in  the 
account  of  his  father's  rule,  of  many  details  about  this 
man,1  who  would  never  have  been  chosen  emperor, 
had  it  not  seemed  well  to  trust  to  his  father's  wisdom. 
Many  marvellous  stories,  it  is  true,  are  related  con- 
cerning him,  all  of  which  have  to  do  with  the  bravery 
of  youthful    years.     But   what,    after   all,  does   one 
single  man's  bravery  avail  against  fate  or  how  much 
does  it  profit  in  war  ?    For,  though  active  himself  and 
accompanied  by  the  wisest  of  fathers  (through  whose 
merits  he  had  begun  to  rule),  he  was  defeated  by 
Domitianus,  and  despoiled,  as  I  have  previously  said, 
of  an  army  of  thirty  thousand  soldiers,  being  himself 
of  noble  birth  through  his  mother,  for  his  father  was 
merely  brave  and  ready  for  war,  and  had  risen  from 
the  lowest  rank  in  the  army  with  exalted  distinction 
to  the  highest  command. 

QUIETUS 

XIV.  This  man,2  as  we  have  said,3  was  the  son  of 
Macrianus   and    was  made  emperor,  along  with  his 
father  and  brother,  in  accordance  with  the  judgement 
of  Ballista.      But  when  Odaenathus,  who  had   now 
for  some  time  held  the  East,  learned  that  the  two 
Macriani,  the  father  and  brother  of  Quietus,  had  been 

Emesa  (Horns)  by  Odaenathus  and  then  put  to  death  by  the 
people  of  "the  city. 
»o.  xii.  12. 

101 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS 

eius  fratre  Macriano  victos,  milites  in  eius  potestatera 
concessisse,  quasi  Gallieni  partes  vindicaret,  adules- 
centem  cum  Ballista  praefecto  dudum  interemit. 

2  idem  quoque  adulescens  dignissimus  Romano  imperio 
fiiit,  ut  vere  Macriani    filius,  Macriani  etiam  frater, 
qui  duo  adflictis  rebus  potuerunt  rem  publicam  gerere, 
videretur. 

3  Non  mihi  praetereundum  videtur  de  Macrianorum 
familia,  quae  hodieque  floret,  id  dicere  quod  speciale 

4  semper    habuerunt.       Alexandrum     Magnum    Mace- 
donem  viri  in  anulis  et  argento,  mulieres  et  in  reti- 
culis  et  dextrocheriis  et  in  anulis  et  in  omni  orna- 
mentorum  genere  exsculptum  semper  habuerunt,  eo 
usque  ut  tunicae  et  limbi  et  paenulae  matronales  in 
familia  eius  hodieque  sint,  quae  Alexandri  effigiem  de 

5  liciis  variantibus  monstrent.     vidimus  proxime  Corne- 
lium  Macrum  ex  eadem  familia  virum,  cum  cenam  in 
Templo  Herculis  daret,  pateram  electrinam,  quae  in 
medio  vultum  Alexandri  haberet  et  in  circuitu  omnem 
historian!    contineret    signis    brevibus    et    minutulis, 
pontifici    propinare,     quam    quidem    circumferri    ad 

6  omnes    tanti    illius    viri    cupidissimos    iussit.     quod 
idcirco  posui  quia  dicuiitur  iuvari  in  omni  actu  suo 
qui    Alexandrum   expressum    vel    auro   gestitant  vel 
argento. 


1  These  writers  have  a  liking  for  representing  descendants  of 
emperors  or  pretenders  as  alive  in  their  own  day  ;  see  c.  xxxiii. 
5  ;  Gord.,  xx.  6;  Max.-Balb.,  xvi.  1 ;  Aur.,  i.  3 ;  xlii.  1 ;  Prob., 
xxiv.  1;  Firm.,  xiii.  5.  Most  of  these  persons  are  probably 
fictitious. 

102 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS  XIV.  2-6 

defeated  by  Aureolus,  and  that  their  soldiers  had 
yielded  to  his  power  in  the  belief  that  he  was  uphold- 
ing the  cause  of  Gallienus,  he  put  the  young  man  to 
death  and  with  him  Ballista,  for  a  long  time  prefect. 
This  young  man,  too,  was  worthy  to  hold  the  power 
at  Rome,  so  that  he  seemed  to  be  truly  the  son  of 
Macrianus  and  also  the  brother  of  Macrianus,  who 
together  were  well  able  to  govern  the  commonwealth 
in  its  stricken  state. 

It  does  not  seem  to  me,  in  telling  of  the  family  of 
the  Macriani  (which  is  still  flourishing  to-day),1  that  I 
should  fail  to  speak  of  a  peculiar  custom  which  they 
have  always  observed.  For  an  embossed  head  of 
Alexander  the  Great  of  Macedonia  was  always  used 
by  the  men  on  their  rings  and  their  silver  plate,  and 
by  the  women  on  their  head-dresses,  their  bracelets, 
their  rings  and  ornaments  of  every  kind,  so  that 
even  to-day  there  are  still  in  that  family  tunics  and 
fillets  and  women's  cloaks  which  show  the  likeness 
of  Alexander  in  threads  of  divers  colours.  We,  our- 
selves, recently  saw  Cornelius  Macer,  a  man  of  that 
same  family,  while  giving  a  dinner  in  the  Temple  of 
Hercules,2  drink  the  health  of  a  pontiff  from  a  bowl 
made  of  electrum,3  which  had  in  the  centre  the  face 
of  Alexander  and  contained  on  the  circumference  his 
whole  history  in  small  and  minute  figures,  and  this  he 
caused  to  be  passed  around  to  all  the  most  ardent 
admirers  of  that  great  hero.  All  this  I  have  included 
because  it  is  said  that  those  who  wear  the  likeness  of 
Alexander  carved  in  either  gold  or  silver  are  aided  in 
all  that  they  do. 

a  There  were  several  temples  of  Hercules  in  Home. 
3  An  alloy  of  gold  and  silver ;  a  somewhat  similar  bowl  is 
described  in  Martial,  viii.  51. 

103 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS 

ODAENATHUS 

XV.  Nisi  Odaenathus,  princeps  Palmyrenorum, 
capto  Valeriano,  fessis  Romanae  rei  publicae  viribus, 
sumpsisset  imperium,  in  oriente  perditae  res  essent. 
2quare  adsumpto  nomine  primum  regali  cum  uxore 
Zenobia  et  filio  maiore,  cui  erat  nomen  H erodes, 
minoribus  Herenniano  et  Timolao  collecto  exercitu 

3  contra    Persas    profectus    est.       Nisibin    primum    et 
orientis  pleraque  cum  omni    Mesopotamia  in  potes- 
tatem   recepit,    deinde   ipsum    regem   victum  fugere 

4  coegit.       postremo    Ctesiphonta    usque    Saporem    et 
eius  liberos  persecutus  captis  concubinis,  capta  etiam 
magna  praeda  ad  orientem  vertit,  sperans  quod  Mac- 
rianum,    qui    imperare     contra    Gallienum    coeperat, 
posset  opprimere,  sed  illo  iam  profecto  contra  Aureo- 
lum  et  contra  Gallienum.     eo  interempto  filium  eius 
Quietum    interfecit,    Ballista,    ut    plerique    adserunt, 

5  regnum  usurpante,  ne  et  ipse  posset  occidi.     composite 
igitur  magna  ex  parte  orientis  statu  a  consobrino  suo 


1  Septimius  Odaenathus,  son  of  Septimius  Hairanes.  A 
member  of  the  most  important  family  of  Palmyra,  he  received 
from  the  Roman  government  the  title  of  consularis,  which  he 
bears  in  an  inscription  of  258  (Lebas-Wad.  2602)  and  on  his 
coins.  Later  he  received  from  Gallienus  the  office  of  (rrpar-ny'bs 
TTJS  'Ecpas  or  ird<n)s  'Aj/aroATjs ;  see  Zonaras,  xii.  23-24  and 
Syncellus,  I.,  p.  716  (cf.  Gall.,  iii.  3  ;  x.  1).  This  indicates  a 
general  imperium  over  all  the  Asiatic  provinces  and  Egypt,  but 
subject  to  that  of  the  Roman  Emperor.  He  afterwards  took 
the  title  of  King  of  Palmyra  (§  2),  and  on  a  Palniyrene  inscrip- 
tion set  up  in  271  after  his  death  he  is  called  "  King  of  Kings." 
There  is  no  evidence  that  he  ever  received  the  title  of  Augustus 

104 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS  XV.   1-5 


ODAENATHUS 

XV.  Had  not  Odaenathus,1  prince  of  the  Palmy- 
renes,  seized  the  imperial  power  after  the  capture  of 
Valerian,  when  the  strength  of  the  Roman  state  was 
exhausted,  all  would  have  been  lost  in  the  East.  He 
assumed,  therefore,  as  the  first  of  his  line,  the  title  of 
King,  and  after  gathering  together  an  army  he  set 
out  against  the  Persians,  having  with  him  his  wife 
Zenobia,2  his  elder  son,  whose  name  was  Herodes, 
and  his  younger  sons,  Herennianus  and  Timolaus.3 
First  of  all,  he  brought  under  his  power  Nisibis  and 
most  of  the  East  together  with  the  whole  of  Meso- 
potamia, next,  he  defeated  the  king  himself  and 
compelled  him  to  flee.  Finally,  he  pursued  Sapor 
and  his  children  even  as  far  as  Ctesiphon,  and  cap- 
tured his  concubines  and  also  a  great  amount  of  booty  ; 
then  he  turned  to  the  oriental  provinces,  hoping  to 
be  able  to  crush  Macrianus,4  who  had  begun  to  rule 
in  opposition  to  Gallienus,  but  he  had  already  set  out 
against  Aureolus  and  Gallienus.  After  Macrianus 
was  slain,  Odaenathus  killed  his  son  Quietus  also, 
while  Ballista,  many  assert,  usurped  the  imperial 
power  5  in  order  that  he,  too,  might  not  be  slain. 
Then,  after  he  had  for  the  most  part  put  in  order 
the  affairs  of  the  East,  he  was  killed  by  his  cousin 


from  Gallienus  (Gall.,  xii.  1),  or  assumed  it  himself,  or  in  any 
way  formally  rebelled  against  the  power  of  Rome,  although  in 
fact  his  position  was  almost  that  of  an  independent  prince.  On 
his  suppression  of  the  revolt  of  Quietus  see  also  c.  xiv.  1  and 
Gall.,  iii.  1-5,  and  on  his  invasion  of  Mesopotamia  after  the 
capture  of  Valerian  see  VaL,  iv.  2-4  ;  Gall.,  x.  3-8  ;  xii.  1. 

2  See  c.  xxx.  3  See  c.  xxvii-xxviii. 

4  See  c.  xii.  °  See  note  to  c.  xviii.  1. 

105 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS 

Maeonio.  qui  et  ipse  imperium  sumpserat,  interemptus 
e^t  cum  tilio  suo  Herode,  qui  et  ipse  post  reditum  de 

6  Perside  cum  patre  imperator  est  appellatus.      iratum 
fuisse  rei  publicae  deum  credo,  qui  interfeeto  Valeri- 

7  ano  noluit   Odaenathum    reservare.     ille   plane    cum 
uxore    /enobia    non   solum    orientem,    quern    iam  in 
pristimim  reformaverat  statum,  sed  et  omnes  omnino 
totius  orbis  partes  refonnasset,   vir  aeer  in  bellis  et, 
quantum    plerique   scriptores  loquuntur,   venatu  me- 
morabili  semper  inclitus,  qui  a  prima  aetate  capiendis 
leonibus  et  pardis.   ursis   ceterisque  silvestribus   ani- 
mal ibus  sudorem  orticii  virilis  impendit  quique  semper 
in  silvis  ac  montibtis  \\xit,  perferens  calorem,  pluvias 
et  omnia  mala  quae  in  se  continent  venatoriae  volup- 

S  tates.  quibus  duratus  solem  ac  pulverem  in  bellis 
Persieis  tulit,  non  aliter  etiain  coniuj^e  adsueta,  quae 
nuiltorum  sententia  fortior  marito  fuisse  perhibetur, 
mulier  omnium  nobilissima  orientalium  feminarum  et, 
ut  Cornelius  Capitolinus  adserit.  speciosissima.1 

HERODES 

X\  I.  Non  /enobia  matre  sed  priore  uxore  genitus 
Herodes  cum  patre  accepit  imperium.  homo  omnium 
delicatissimus  et  prorsus  orientalis  et  Graecae  luxuriae, 

x  'v     "'•'  £l  saet     w       "/  P  :. 


1  See  also  cVti//.,  xiii.  1.  On  Maeouius,  see  note  to  c.  xvii.  1. 
According  to  Zosimus.  i.  3,\  -2,  the  murder  took  place  at  Emesa 
(Horns);  it  eau  be  dated  in  -JtH^-JOT.  as  Alexandrian  coins  show 
this  to  be  the  first  year  of  Vaballathus.  Odaeuathus'  son  and 
successor. 

-  Otherwise  unknown  and  perhaps  fictitious. 

8  Mentioned  also  in  c.  xv.  -2  and  5  ;  xvii.  1 ;  Gall.,  xiii.  1. 
The  statement  that  he  wa-^  killed  with  his  father  seems  to 

106 


THE  THIRTY   PRKTKNDKKS  XV.   6— XVI.   1. 

Maeonius  ]  (who  also  had  seized  the  imperial  power), 
together  with  his  son  H  erodes,  who,  also,  after  return- 
ing from  Persia  along  with  his  father,  had  received  the 
title  of  emperor.  Some  god,  I  believe,  was  angry 
with  the  commonwealth,  who,  after  Valerian's  death, 
was  unwilling  to  preserve  Odaenathus  alive.  For  of 
a  surety  he,  with  his  wife  Zenobia,  would  have  re- 
stored not  only  the  East,  which  he  had  already 
brought  back  to  its  ancient  condition,  but  also  all 
parts  of  the  whole  world  everywhere,  since  he  was 
fierce  in  warfare  and,  as  most  writers  relate,  ever 
famous  for  his  memorable  hunts  ;  for  from  his  earliest 
years  he  expended  his  sweat,  as  is  the  duty  of  a  man, 
in  taking  lions  and  panthers  and  bears  and  other 
beasts  of  the  forest,  and  always  lived  in  the  woods 
and  the  mountains,  enduring  heat  and  rain  and  all 
other  hardships  which  pleasures  of  hunting  entail. 
Hardened  by  these  he  was  able  to  bear  the  sun  and 
the  dust  in  the  wars  with  the  Persians  ;  and  his  wife, 
too,  was  inured  to  hardship  and  in  the  opinion  of 
many  was  held  to  be  more  brave  than  her  husband, 
being,  indeed,  the  noblest  of  all  the  women  of  the 
East,  and,  as  Cornelius  Capitolinus  2  declares,  the  most 
beautiful. 

HERODES 

XVI.  Herodes,3  who  was  the  son,  not  of  Zenobia, 
but  of  a  former  wife  of  Odaenathus,  received  the 
imperial  power  along  with  his  father,  though  he  was 
the  most  effeminate  of  men,  wholly  oriental  and  given 
over  to  Grecian  luxury,  for  he  had  embroidered  tents 

be  borne  out  by  Zonaras  (xii.  24),  who  says  that  Odaenathus' 
older  son  was  killed  with  him. 

107 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS 

cui  erant    sigillata    tentoria  et  aureati  papiliones   et 

2omnia  Persica.     denique  ingenio  eius  usus  Odaenathus 

quicquid  concubinarum  regalium,  quicquid  divitiarum 

gemmarumque  cepit,  eidem  tradidit  paternae  indul- 

Sgentiae    adfectione    permotus.       et    erat    circa  ilium 

Zenobia  novercali   animo,   qua  re  commendabiliorem 

patri  eum  fecerat.     neque  plura  sunt  quae  de  Herode 

dicantur. 

MAEONIUS 

XVII.  Hie  consobrinus  Odaenathi  fuit  nee  ulla  re 
alia  ductus nisi  damnabili  invidia  imperatorem  optimum 
interemit,  cum  ei  nihil  aliud  obiceret  praeter  filium 

2  Herodem.1     dicitur  autem  primum  cum  Zenobia  con- 
sensisse,   quae    ferre    non    poterat    ut    privignus  eius 
Herodes  priore  loco  quam  filii  eius,  Herennianus  et 
Timolaus,  principes  dicerentur.     sed  hie  quoque  spur- 

3  cissimus  fuit.     quare  imperator  appellatus  per  errorem 
brevi  a  militibus  pro  suae  luxuriae  meritis  interemptus 
est. 

BALLISTA 

XVIII.  De  hoc,  utrum  imperaverit,  scriptores  inter 
se  ambigunt.     multi  enim  dicunt  Quieto  per  Odae- 

1  So   Salm.  foil,   by  Peter ;  filii  herodes  P ;  filii  Herodis 
Helm  foil,  by  Hohl. 


!Cf.  c.  xv.  4  ;   Val.,  iv.  3. 

9 He  is  represented  here,  as  well  as  in  c.  xv.  5  and  Gall.,  xiii. 
1,  as  Odaenathus'  cousin,  but  in  Zonaras  (xii.  24)  as  his  nephew. 
Here  and  in  c.  xv.  5  his  name  is  given  as  Maeonius,  while 
Syncellus  (I.  p.  717)  knows  him  as  Odaenathus,  and  the 
Continuator  of  Cassius  Dio  frg.  166  (ed.  Boissevain.,  iii  p.  744), 
as  Kufinus.  The  statement  that  he  was  vested  with  the 
imperial  power  and  not  killed  until  later  seems  to  be  an 
invention  of  the  biographer's,  due  to  his  desire  to  swell  the 

108 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS  XVI.  2— XVIII.  1 

and  pavilions  made  out  of  cloth  of  gold  and  every- 
thing in  the  manner  of  the  Persians.  In  fact, 
Odaenathus,  complying  with  his  ways  and  moved  by 
the  promptings  of  a  father's  indulgence,  gave  him  all 
the  king's  concubines1  and  the  riches  and  jewels 
that  he  captured.  Zeiiobia,  indeed,  treated  him  in 
a  step-mother's  way,  and  this  made  him  all  the  more 
dear  to  his  father.  Nothing  more  remains  to  be  said 
concerning  Herodes. 

MAEONIUS 

XVII.  This   man,2    the    cousin    ot    Odaenathus, 
murdered    that    excellent    emperor,    being    moved 
thereto    by    nothing   else    than    contemptible    envy, 
for  he  could  bring  no  charge  against  him  save  that 
Herodes  was  his  son.      It  is  said,  however,  that  previ- 
ously he  had  entered  into  a  conspiracy  with  Zenobia, 
who  could  not  bear  that  her  stepson  Herodes  should 
be  called  a  prince  in  a  higher  rank  than  her  own  two 
sons,    Herennianus   and    Timolaus.      But    Maeonius, 
too,  was  a  filthy  fellow,  and  so,  after  being  saluted  as 
emperor  through  some  blunder,  he  was  shortly  there- 
after killed  by  the  soldiers,  as  his  excesses  deserved. 

BALLISTA 

XVIII.  As  to  whether  this  man  3  held  the  imperial 
power  or   not   historians   do  not  agree.     For  many 

number  of  his  "  Thirty."  According  to  Zonaras  he  was  killed 
immediately  after  the  murder. 

3  On  his  services  in  aiding  Odaenathus  to  repel  the  Persians 
after  Valerian's  capture,  see  VaL,  iv.  4  ;  Zonaras,  xii.  23  (where 
he  is  called  Callistus).  On  his  co-operation  with  Macrianus  and 
bis  sons  and  his  death,  see  c.  xii.  1-3;  xiv.  1;  xv.  4;  Gall.,  i.  2-4; 
iii.  2.  There  is  no  evidence  for  the  statement  that  he  assumed 
the  purple. 

109 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS 

nathum  occiso  Ballistae  veniam  datam  et  tamen  eum 

imperasse,  quod  nee  Gallieno  nee  Aureolo  nee  Odae- 

2natho  se  crederet.     alii   adserunt   privatum  eum  in 

agro  suo,  quern  apud  Daphnidem  sibi  compararat,  in- 

3  teremptum.     multi  et  sumpsisse  ilium  purpuram,  ut 
more  Romano  imperaret,  et  exercitum  duxisse  et  de 
se  plura  promisisse  dixerunt,  occisum  autem  per  eos 
quos  Aureolus  miserat  ad  comprehendendum  Quietum, 
Macriani  filium,    quern   praedam   suam    esse  dicebat. 

4  fuit  vir  insignis,  eruditus  ad  gerendam  rem  publicam, 
in    consiliis    vehemens,   in    expeditionibus    clarus,  in 
provisione    annonaria    singularis,    Valeriano    sic   ac- 
ceptus  ut  eum  quibusdam  Htteris  hoc  testimonio  pro- 
secutus  sit  : 

5  "Valerianus    Ragonio    Claro    praefecto  Illyrici    et 
Galliarum.     si  quid  in  te  bonae  frugis  est,  quam  esse 
scio,   parens  Clare,   dispositiones  tu   Ballistae  perse- 

6  quere.     his  rem    publicam  informa.     videsne  ut  ille 
provinciales  non  gravet,  ut  illic  equos  contineat  ubi 
sunt  pabula,  illic  annonas  militum  mandet  ubi  sunt 
frumenta,  non  provincialem,  non  possessorem  cogat 
illic  frumenta  ul3i  non  habet  dare,  illic  equum  ubi  non 

7  potest  pascere  ?     nee  est  ulla  alia  provisio  melior  quam 
ut  in  locis  suis  erogentur  quae  nascuntur,  ne  aut  vehi- 

8  culis  aut  sumptibus  rem  publicam  gravent.     Galatia 
frumentis  abundat,  referta   est  Thracia,  plenum  est 
Illyricum ;    illic   pedites    conlocentur,    quamquam    in 


1  Presumably  Daphne  near  Antioch. 

2  Otherwise  unknown  and  probably,  like  the  letter,  fictitious. 

110 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS  XVIII.  2-8 

assert  that  when  Quietus  was  killed  by  Odaenathus, 
Ballista  was  pardoned,  but  nevertheless  took  the 
imperial  power,  putting  no  trust  in  either  Gallienus 
or  Aureolus  or  Odaenathus.  Others,  again,  declare 
that  while  still  a  commoner  he  was  killed  on  the 
lands  which  he  had  bought  for  himself  near  Daphne.1 
Many,  indeed,  have  said  that  he  assumed  the  purple 
in  order  to  rule  in  the  Roman  fashion,  and  that  he 
took  command  of  the  army  and  made  many  promises 
on  his  own  account,  but  was  killed  by  those  de- 
spatched by  Aureolus  for  the  purpose  of  seizing 
Quietus,  Macrianus'  son,  who,  Aureolus  averred,  was 
his  own  due  prey.  He  was  a  notable  man,  skilled 
in  administering  the  commonwealth,  vehement  in 
counsel,  winning  fame  in  campaigns,  without  an  equal 
in  providing  for  rations,  and  so  highly  esteemed  by 
Valerian  that  in  a  certain  letter  he  honoured  him 
with  the  following  testimony  : 

"  From  Valerian  to  Ragonius  Clarus,2  prefect  of 
Illyricum  and  the  provinces  of  Gaul.  If  you  are 
a  man  of  good  judgement,  my  kinsman  Clarus,  as 
I  know  that  you  are,  you  will  carry  out  the  arrange- 
ments of  Ballista.  Model  your  government  on  them. 
Do  you  see  how  he  refrains  from  burdening  the 
provincials,  how  he  keeps  the  horses  in  places  where 
there  is  fodder  and  exacts  the  rations  for  his  soldiers 
in  places  where  there  is  grain,  how  he  never  compels 
the  provincials  or  the  land-holders  to  furnish  grain 
where  they  have  no  supply,  or  horses  where  they 
have  no  pasture  ?  There  is  no  arrangement  better 
than  to  exact  in  each  place  what  is  there  produced, 
so  that  the  commonwealth  may  not  be  burdened  by 
transport  or  other  expenses.  Galatia  is  rich  in  grain, 
Thrace  is  well  stocked,  and  Illyricum  is  filled  with 

111 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS 

Thracia  etiam  equites  sine  noxa  provincialium  hiemare 

possint.     multum    enim    ex  campis    faeni  colligitur. 

9  iam  vinum,1  laridum,  iam  ceterae  species  in  iis  dandae 

10  sunt  locis,  in  quibus  adfatim  redundant,     quae  omnia 
sunt    Ballistae    consilia,     qui    ex    quadam   provincia 
unam  tantum  speciem  praeberi  iussit,  quod  ea  redun- 
daret,  atque  ab  ea  milites  submoveri.     id  quod  pub- 
licitus  est  decretum." 

11  Est  et  alia  eius  epistula  qua  gratias  Ballistae  agit,2 
in  qua  docet  sibi  praecepta  gubernandae  rei  publicae 
ab  eodem  data,  gaudens  quod  eius  consilio   nullum 
adscripticium  (id    est  vacantem)  haberet  tribunum,3 
nullum   stipatorem,    qui    non    vere    aliquid   ageret, 
nullum  militem,  qui  non  vere  pugnaret. 

12  Hie  igitur  vir  in  tentorio  suo  Cubans  a  quodam  gre- 
gario  milite  in  Odaenathi  et  Gallieni  gratiam  dicitur 

13  mteremptus.     de    quo    ipse  vera    non  satis  comperi, 
idcirco  quod  scriptores  temporum  de  huius  praefectura 
multa,  de  imperio  pauca  dixerunt. 

VALENS 

XIX.   Hie  vir  militaris,  simul  etiam  civilium  virtu- 
turn  gloria   pollens,   proconsulatum    Achaiae   dato  a 
2Gallieno  tune  honore  gubernabat.     quern  Macrianus 
vehementer  reformidans,  simul  quod  in  omni  genere 

1  iam  uinnm  Peter,3  Hohl ;  iam  in  P.  2  agit  S,  Lessing, 
Hohl;  ait  P,  Peter.  3  tribnnnm  Cornelissen  foil,  by 

Hohl ;  et  tribunum  P,  Peter. 

1  See  also  c.  xxi.  2  and  Gall.,  ii.  2-4.  He  is  also  said  in 
Epit.,  32,  4  to  have  declared  himself  emperor  in  Macedonia, 
and  he  is  listed  with  Aureolus,  Postumus  and  Ingenuus  as  an 
opponent  of  Gallienus  by  Ammianus  Marcellinus,  xxi.  16,  10, 
but  no  coins  of  his  are  known. 

112 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS  XVIII.  9  -XIX.  2 

it ;  so  let  the  foot-soldiers  be  quartered  in  these 
regions,  although  in  Thrace  cavalry,  too,  can  winter 
without  damage  to  the  provincials,  since  plenty  of 
hay  can  be  had  from  the  fields.  As  for  wine  and 
bacon  and  other  forms  of  food,  let  them  be  handed 
out  in  those  places  in  which  they  abound  in  plenty. 
All  this  is  the  policy  of  Ballista,  who  gave  orders  that 
any  province  should  furnish  only  one  form  of  food, 
namely  that  in  which  it  abounded,  and  that  from  it 
the  soldiers  should  be  kept  away.  This,  in  fact,  has 
been  officially  decreed." 

There  is  also  another  letter,  in  which  he  gives 
thanks  to  Ballista,  showing  that  he  himself  had 
received  from  him  instruction  in  governing  the  state, 
and  expressing  his  pleasure  that  he  had  on  his  staff 
no  supernumerary  tribune  (that  is,  one  unassigned  to 
some  duty),  no  one  in  attendance  who  did  not  truly 
perform  some  office,  and  no  soldier  who  was  not  truly 
a  fighter. 

This  man,  then,  while  resting  in  his  tent  was  slain, 
it  is  said,  by  a  certain  common  soldier,  in  order  to 
gain  the  favour  of  Odaenathus  and  Gallienus.  I, 
however,  have  not  been  able  to  find  out  sufficiently 
the  truth  concerning  him,  because  the  writers  of  his 
time  have  related  much  about  his  prefecture  but 
little  about  his  rule. 

VALENS 

XIX.  This  man,1  a  warrior  and  at  the  same  time 
excelling  in  glory  for  his  qualities  as  a  citizen,  was 
holding  the  proconsulship  of  Achaea,  an  honour  con- 
ferred on  him  by  Gallienus.  Macrianus  feared  him 
greatly,  both  because  he  had  learned  that  he  was 
distinguished  for  his  whole  manner  of  life  and  because 

113 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS 

vitae  satis  clarum  iiorat,  simul  quod  inimicurn  sibi 
esse  invidia  virtutum  sciebat,  misso  Pisone,  nobilis- 
simae  tune  et  consularis  familiae  viro,  interfici  prae- 
Scepit.  Valens  diligentissime  cavens  et  providens 
neque  aliter  sibi  posse  subveniri  aestimans  sumpsit 
imperium  et  brevi  a  militibus  interemptus  est. 

VALENS  SUPERIOR 

XX.  Et   bene    venit  in  mentem,  ut,  cum  de  hoc 
Valente  loquimur,  etiam  de  illo  Valente  qui  superiorum 
principum  temporibus  interemptus  est  aliquid  dicere- 

2  mus.  nam  huius  Valentis,  qui  sub  Gallieno  imperavit, 
avunculus  magnus  fuisse  perhibetur.  alii  tantum 

Savunculum  dicunt.  sed  par  in  ambobus  fuit  fortuna,1 
nam  et  ille,  cum  2  paucis  diebus  Illyrico  imperasset, 
occisus  est. 

PISO 

XXI.  Hie  a  Macriano  ad  interficiendum  Valentem 
missus,  ubi  eum  providum  futurorum  imperare  cog- 
novit,   Thessaliam    concessit    atque    illic    paucis   sibi 
consentientibus  sumpsit  imperium  Thessalicusque  ap- 
pellatus  vi3  interemptus  est,  vir  summae  sanctitatis 

1  forma  P.  "cum  om.  in  P  ;  ins.  by  Hohl ;  before  ille 

in  2.  3ui  P  ;  om.  by  Peter  and  Hohl. 


1  Probably  Julius  Yalens  Liciniauus  is  meant,  who  pro- 
claimed himself  emperor  in  Rome  during  the  absence  of  the 
Emperor  Decius  in  the  war  against  the  Goths  in  250,  but  was 
promptly  put  to  death  ;  see  Aur.  Victor,  Caes.,  29,  3  ;  E^it., 
29,  5.  As  the  biographer  himself  admits  in  c.  xxxi.  8,  he  has 
no  place  among  the  rivals  of  Gallienus,  and  he  is  inserted 
solely  for  the  purpose  of  increasing  the  number  of  Ti/ranni. 

114 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS  XIX.  3— XXI.  1 

he  knew  him  to  be  his  enemy  out  of  hatred  for  his 
virtues.  He  therefore  despatched  Piso,  a  member  of 
a  family  then  most  noble  and,  in  fact,  of  consular 
rank,  with  orders  to  put  him  to  death.  Valens, 
however,  who  kept  a  most  careful  watch,  foreseeing 
the  future  and  believing  that  there  was  no  other 
means  of  protecting  himself,  seized  the  imperial  power 
and  soon  was  slain  by  the  soldiers. 

VALENS  THE  ELDER 

XX.  It  has    fortunately   occurred   to   us   that,  in 
speaking  of  this  Valens,  we  should  make  some  men- 
tion also  of  the  Valens  l  who  was  killed  in  the  time 
of  the  earlier  emperors.     For  he,  it  is  said,  was  the 
great-uncle  of  the  Valens  who  seized  the  power  under 
Gallienus.     Others,  however,  assert  that  he  was  only 
his  uncle.     But  the  fate  of  them  both  was  alike,  for 
he,  too,  was  killed  after  he  had  ruled  for  a  few  days 
in  Illyricum. 

-  PISO 

XXI.  This  man  '2  was  despatched  by  Macrianus  to 
kill  Valens,  but  on  learning  that  he,  foreseeing  the 
future,  had  declared  himself  emperor,  he  withdrew 
into  Thessaly  ;  there  by  consent  of  a  few  he  assumed 
the  imperial  power,  taking  the  surname  Thessalicus, 
but  was  then  slain  by  violence.      He  was  a  man  of 
the  utmost  righteousness  and  during  his  life- time  he 

2  Known  also  from  c.  xix.  2  and  Gall.,  ii.  2-4,  but  un- 
mentioned  by  any  other  author.  -  That  Macrianus  during  his 
march  through  the  Balkan  Peninsula  (see  c.  xii.  12-14)  sent 
a  force  into  Macedonia  (Achaea)  is  not  improbable  ;  but  no 
coins  of  Piso's  are  known,  and  the  story  of  his  assumption  of 
the  power,  like  the  "  *enatu$  consultum  "  conferring  honours 
on  a  rebel  (I),  must  be  regarded  as  fiction. 

115 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS 

et  temporibus  suis  Frugi  dictus  et  qui  ex  ilia  Pisonum 
familia  ducere  originem  diceretur  cui  se  Cicero  nobili- 
2tandi  causa  sociaverat.  hie  omnibus  principibus  ac- 
ceptissimus  fuit.  ipse  denique  Valens.  qui  ad  eum 
percussores  misisse  perhibetur,  dixisse  dicitur  non  sibi 
apud  deos  inferos  constare  rationem,  quod,  quamvis 
hostem  suum,  Pisonem  tamen  iussisset  occidi,  virum 
cuius  similem  Romana  res  publica  non  haberet. 

3  Senatus  consultum  de  Pisone  factum  ad  noscendam 
eius  maiestatem  libenter  inserui  :    Die  septimo  kal. 
luliarum  cum  esset  nuntiatum  Pisonem  a  Valente  in- 
teremptum,  ipsum  Valentem  a  suis  occisum,  Arellius 
Fuscus,  consularis    primae    sententiae,  qui  in  locum 

4  Valeriani  successerat,  ait :  "  Consul,  consule."    cumque 
consultus  esset,  "  Divinos  '    inquit,  "  honores  Pisoni 
decerno,  patres  conscripti,  Gallienum  et  Valerianum 
et  Saloninum  imperatores  nostros  esse  id  probaturos  1 
confido.     neque  enim  melior  vir  quisquam  fuit  neque 

Sconstantior."  post  quern  ceteri  consulti 2  statuam 
inter  triumphales  et  currus  quadriiugos  Pisoni  decre- 

6verunt.  sed  statua  eius  videtur,  quadrigae  autem, 
quae  decretae  fuerant,  quasi  transferendae  ad  alium 

7  locum  3  positae  sunt  nee  adhuc  redditae.  nam  in  his 
locis  fuerunt  in  quibus  Thermae  Diocletianae  sunt 
exaedificatae,  tarn  aeterni  nominis  quam  sacrati. 

1  id  probaturos  Salm. ;  imperaturos  P.         2  citer  consuU-nm 
P.  a  locum  ins.  by  Richter  aud  Hohl ;  om.  in  P  and  2  • 

alibi  Peter. 

1  Cicero's  daughter  Tullia  was  married  to  C.  Calpurnius  Piso 
Frugi.     They  were  betrothed  in  67  B.C.  after  Cicero  had  been 
elected  praetor. 

2  On  such  "  senatus  consulta  "  see  note  to  VaL,  v.  3. 

3  A  writer  of  this  name  (if  Salmasius'  conjecture  be  correct) 
is  cited  in  c.  xxv.  2,  but  he  may  well  be  fictitious.     Also  an 

116 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS  XXI.  2-7 

was  given  the  name  Frugi,  and  he  was  said  to  derive 
his  descent  from  that  family  of  Pisos  with  which 
Cicero  had  formed  an  alliance  for  the  purpose  of 
entering  the  nobility.1  He  was  highly  esteemed  by 
all  the  emperors  ;  in  fact,  Valens  himself,  who  is  said 
to  have  sent  the  assassins  against  him,  declared,  it  is 
told,  that  never  could  he  render  account  to  the  gods 
of  the  lower  world  for  having  given  an  order  to 
put  Piso  to  death,  albeit  his  enemy,  for  his  like  the 
Roman  commonwealth  did  not  contain. 

I  have  gladly  inserted  the  senate's  decree  2  which 
was  passed  concerning  Piso,  in  order  that  his  honours 
may  be  made  known  :  On  the  seventh  day  before  the 
Kalends  of  July,  when  word  had  been  brought  that 
Piso  was  slain  by  Valens  and  Valens  himself  by  his 
own  soldiers,  Arellius  Fuscus,3  the  consular  whose 
right  it  was  to  give  his  opinion  first,  having  succeeded 
to  the  place  of  Valerian,  said :  "Consul,  consult  us." 
And  on  being  asked  his  opinion,  he  said,  "  I  propose 
divine  honours  for  Piso,  Conscript  Fathers,  and  I 
firmly  believe  that  this  will  be  approved  by  our 
emperors,  Gallienus,  Valerian,  and  Saloninus  ;  for 
never  was  there  a  better  man  or  a  braver."  After 
him  the  others  also  on  being  consulted  voted  Piso 
a  statue  among  the  triumphant  generals  and  also 
a  four-horse  chariot.  His  statue  is  still  to  be  seen, 
but  the  chariot  which  they  decreed  was  erected  only 
to  be  moved  elsewhere,  and  it  has  not  yet  been  brought 
back.  For  it  was  set  up  in  the  place  where  the  Bath 
of  Diocletian  4  was  afterwards  built,  destined  to  have 
a  name  as  undying  as  it  is  revered. 

Arellius  Fuscus  was  proconsul  of  Asia  in  274-275,  according  to 
Aur.,  xl.  4. 

4  Now  the  Museo  Nazionale  delle  Terme. 

117 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS 

AEMILIANUS 

XXII.  Est 1  hoc  familiare  populi  Aegyptiorum  ut 
velut  2  furiosi  ac  dementes  de  levissimis  quib usque  3  ad 

2summa  rei  publicae  pericula  perducantur  ;  saepe  illi 
ob  neglectas  salutationes,  locum  in  balneis  non  con- 
cessum,  carnem  et  olera  sequestrata,  calceamenta 
servilia  et  cetera  talia  usque  ad  summum  rei  publicae 
periculum  in  4  seditiones,  ita  ut  armarentur  contra  eas 

Sexercitus,  pervenerunt.  familiari  ergo  sibi  furore, 
cum  quadam  die  cuiusdam  servus  curatoris,  qui  Alex- 
antlriam  tune  regebat,  militari  ob  hoc  caesus  esset 
quod  crepidas  suas  meliores  esse  quam  militis  diceret, 
collecta  multitude  ad  domum  Aemiliani  ducis  venit 
atque  eum  omni  seditionum  instrumento  et  furore 
persecuta  est  ;  ictus  est  lapidibus,  petitus  est  ferro, 

4  nee  defuit  5  ullum  seditionis  telum.  qua  re  coactus 
Aemilianus  sumpsit  imperium,  cum  sciret  sibi  unde- 

Scumque  pereundum.      consenserunt    ei    Aegyptiacus 

Cexercitus,  maxime  in  Gallieni  odium,  nee  eius  ad 
regendam  rem  publicam  vigor  defuit,  nam  Thebaidem 

1  est  Peter  ;  et  P.  "  uelut  Baehrens,  Peter 3 ;  nel  P,  27. 

9quibusq^le  Editio  Princ. ;  quibus  usque  P;  quibusque  usque 
Peter.  4in  ins.  by  Petschenig  and  Hohl ;  om.  in  P. 

5  defuit  God.  Laurent,  foil,  by  Peter;  de  P. 


1  See  also  c.  xxvi.  4  ;  Gall.,  iv.  1-2  ;  v.  6  ;  ix.  1 ;  He  is  also 
mentioned  in  Epit.,  32,  4.  It  is  known  from  papyri  that 
L.  Mussius  Aemilianus  and  Aurelius  Theodotos  (3  8)  were 
prefects  of  Egypt,  the  former  as  late  as  Oct.  259,  the  latter  in 
August  262.  Aemilianus  would  seem  to  have  held  central 
Egypt  (the  Thebais)  for  Gallienus  against  Macrianus  and 
Quietus,  who  were  acknowledged  as  emperors  in  lower  Egypt 
in  260.  However,  no  genuine  coins  of  his  are  known,  and  it  is 
unlikely  that  he  ever  assumed  the  imperial  power  ;  therefore  it 

118 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS  XXII.   1-6 

AEMILIANUS  l 

XXII.  It  is  the  wont  of  the  people  of  Egypt  that 
like  madmen  and  fools  they  are  led  by  the  most  trivial 
matters  to  become  highly  dangerous  to  the  common- 
wealth ; 2  for  merely  because  a  greeting  was  omitted, 
or  a  place  in  the  baths  refused,  or  meat  and  vegetables 
withheld,  or  on  account  of  the  boots  of  slaves  or  some 
other  such  things,  they  have  broken  out  into  riots, 
even  to  the  point  of  becoming  highly  dangerous  to 
the  state,  so  that  troops  have  been  armed  to  quell 
them.  With  their  wonted  madness,  accordingly,  on 
a  certain  occasion,  when  the  slave  of  the  chief  magis- 
trate 3  then  governing  Alexandria  had  been  killed  by 
a  soldier  for  asserting  that  his  sandals  were  better 
than  the  soldier's,  a  mob  gathered  together,  and, 
coming  to  the  house  of  the  general  Aemiliaiius,  it 
assailed  him  with  all  the  implements  and  the  frenzy 
usual  in  riots  ;  he  was  pelted  with  stones  and  attacked 
with  swords,  and  no  kind  of  weapon  used  in  a  riot 
was  lacking.  And  so  Aemilianus  was  constrained  to 
assume  the  imperial  power,  knowing  well  that  he 
would  have  to  die  in  any  event.  To  this  step  the 
army  in  Egypt  agreed,  chiefly  out  of  hatred  for 
Gallienus.  He  did  not,  indeed,  lack  energy  for 
administering  public  affairs.  For  he  marched  through 
the  district  of  Thebes  and,  in  fact,  the  whole  of 

is  hard  to  understand  why  he  should  have  been  arrested  by  order 
of  Gallienus ;  see  Milne  in  Journ.  Egypt.  Arch.,  ix.  p.  80  f. 

2  See  also  Firm.,  vii.  4. 

3  On  the  curator  rei  publicae  in  the  second  century  see  note 
to  Marc.,  xi.  2.     In  the  third  century  he  became  a  regular 
official,  chosen  by  the  local  curia  but  ratified  by  the  emperor 
and  charged  with  the  general  administration  of  the  city  with 
control  over  the  finances  and  the   power  to  veto  municipal 
legislation. 

119 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS 

totamque  Aegyptum  peragravit  et,  quatenus  potuit, 
7  barbarorum  gentes  forti  auctoritate  summovit.     Alex- 
ander denique    vel    Alexandrinus  (nam  incertuin  id 
Squoque    habetur)    virtutum  merito   vocatus   est.     et 
cum  contra  Indos  pararet  expeditionem,  misso  Theo- 
doto  duce  Gallieno  iubente  dedit  poenas,  et 1  quidera 
strangulatus  in  carcere  captivorum  veterum  more  per- 
hibetur. 

9      Tacendum  esse  11011  credo  quod,  cum  de  2  Aegypto 
loquor,  vetus  suggessit  historia,  simul  etiam  Gallieni 

10  factum.     qui  cum  Theodoco  vellet  imperium  procon- 
sulare  decernere,    a  sacerdotibus  est  probibitus,  qui 
dixerunt  fasces  consulares  ingredi  Alexandrian!  non 

11  licere.     cuius  rei  etiam  Ciceronem,  cum  contra  Ga- 
biiiium  loquitur,  meminisse  satis  novimus.     denique 

l^nunc3  exstat  memoria  rei  frequentatae.  quare  scire 
oportet  Herennium  Celsum,  vestrum  parentem,  cum* 
consulatum  cupit,  hoc  quod  desiderat  non  licere. 

13  fertur  enim  apud  Memphim  in  aurea  columna  Aegyp- 
tiis    esse    litteris    scriptum    tune   demum  Aegyptum 
liberam  fore  cum  in  earn  venissent  Romani  fasces  et 

14  praetexta  Romanorum.     quod  apud  Proculum  gram- 
maticum,  doctissimum    sui    temporis  virum,   cum  de 
peregrinis  regionibus  loquitur,  invenitur. 

1  et  Baehrens,  Peter  - ;  sed  P.  2  de  2,  Peter ;  om.  in.  P. 

*nunc  Petschenig,  Peter  ;  non  P.  4  cum  ins.  by  Peter  and 

Hohl ;  om.  in  P. 


1e.g.,  Juguitha  and  Veruingetorix,  strangled  in  the  Tullianum 
at  Borne. 

8  Aulus  Gabinius,  who  had  restored  Ptolemy  Auletes  to  his 
throne,  was,  on  his  return  to  Rome  in  54,  attacked  by  Cicero 
in  a  speech  now  lost ;  see  Cassius  Dio,  xxxix.  62,  2. 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS  XXII.  7-14. 

Egypt,  and  to  the  best  of  his  powers  drove  back  the 
barbarians  with  courage  and  firmness.  Finally,  he 
won  by  his  merits  the  name  of  Alexander,  or  else 
Alexandrinus — for  this  is  considered  uncertain.  But 
when  he  was  making  ready  for  a  campaign  against 
the  people  of  India,  the  general  Theodotus  was  sent 
against  him  by  order  of  Gallienus,  and  so  he  suffered 
punishment,  for  it  is  related  that,  like  the  captives  ot 
old,1  he  was  strangled  in  prison. 

Now,  since  I  am  speaking  of  Egypt,  I  think  I  must 
not  fail  to  relate  what  the  history  of  former  times  has 
suggested  and,  in  connection  therewith,  a  deed  of 
Gallienus.  For  when  he  wished  to  confer  procon- 
sular power  on  Theodotus,  the  priests  forbade  it, 
saying  that  it  was  not  lawful  for  the  consular  fasces 
to  be  brought  into  Alexandria.  This,  we  know  well 
enough,  was  mentioned  by  Cicero  in  his  speech 
against  Gabinius,2  and,  in  fact,  it  is  still  remembered 
that  this  practice  was  maintained.  Therefore,  your3 
kinsman  Herennius  Celsus,4  in  seeking  the  consul- 
ship, ought  to  know  that  what  he  desires  is  not  law- 
ful. For  at  Memphis,  they  say,  it  was  written  on 
a  golden  column  in  Egyptian  letters  that  Egypt  would 
at  last  regain  its  freedom  when  the  Roman  fasces  and 
the  Roman  bordered  toga  had  been  brought  into  the 
land.  This  may  be  found  in  Proculus 5  the  grammarian, 
the  most  learned  man  of  his  time,  in  the  place  where 
he  tells  of  foreign  countries. 

3  On  the  person  addressed  see  Vol.  I.,  Intro.,  p.  xiv. 

4  Otherwise  unknown. 

'Possibly  either  Eutychius  Proculus  (Mare.,  ii.  3)  or 
Proklos,  the  author  of  a  x°^(rTO/J-^eia  ypa-V-nariK-j  cited  by 
Photios,  but  more  probably,  like  the  "  inscription,"  fictitious. 

121 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS 

SATURNINUS 

XXIII.  Optimus    ducum    Gallieni    temporis,  sed 
2  Valeriano  delectus,  Saturninus  fuit.     hie  quoque,  cum 

dissolutioiiem  Gallieni,  pernoctantis  in  publico,  ferre 
non  posset  et  milites  non  exemplo  imperatoris  sui  sed 
suo  regeret,  ab  exercitibus  sumpsit  imperium,  vir  pru- 
dentiae  singularis,  gravitatis  insignis,  vitae  amabilis, 
Svictoriarum  barbaris  etiam  ubique  notarum.  hie  ea 
die,  qua  est  amictus  a  militibus  peplo  imperatorio, 
contione  adhibita  dixisse  fertur :  "  Commilitones, 
bonum  ducem  perdidistis  et  malum  principem  fecistis." 

4  denique  cum  multa  strenue  in  imperio  fecisset,  quod 
esset  severior  et  gravior  militibus  ab  iisdem  ipsis  a 

5  quibus  factus  fuerat  interemptus  est.     huius  insigne 
est  quod  convivio   discumbere   milites,  ne   inferiora 
denudarentur,1   cum    sagis    iussit,    hieme    gravibus, 
aestate  perlucidis. 

TETRICUS  SENIOR 

XXIV.  Interfecto  Victorino  et  eius  filio  mater  eius 
Victoria   sive    Vitruvia    Tetricum    senatorem    populi 
Romani  praesidatum  in  Gallia  regentem  ad  imperium 

1  denudarentur  2,  Peter,  Hohl ;  nudarentur  P. 


1  Mentioned  in  Gall.,  ix.  1  and  also  in  Firm.,  xi.  1,  where 
a  careful  distinction  is  made  between  him  and  the  historical 
Saturninus,  a  pretender  of  the  time  of  Probus.  In  the  lack  of 
any  evidence  for  his  existence  he  may  be  supposed  to  be  merely 
an  invention  of  the  biographer's. 

2C.  Pius  Esuvius  Tetricus  Augustus,  according  to  his  in- 
scriptions and  coins;  see  Cohen,  vi.2 pp.  91-115.  His  elevation 
to  power  after  the  death  of  Victorinus  is  mentioned  also  in  c.  v. 
3  and  xxxi.  2,  and  Aur.  Victor,  Goes.,  83, 14,  and  further  details 

122 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS  XXIII.  1— XXIV.  1 

SATURNINUS 

XXIII.  The   best  of  the  generals  of  the  time  of 
Gallienus,  though,  in  fact,  he  was  chosen  by  Valerian, 
was  Saturninus.1     He  also,  being  unable  to  endure 
the  loose  ways  of  Gallienus,  who  revelled  all  night  in 
public  places,  and  preferring  to  command  the  soldiers 
in  his  own  way  rather  than  in  that  of  his  emperor, 
accepted  the  imperial  power  from  the  army.      He  was 
a  man  unequalled  in  wisdom,  outstanding  in  dignity, 
lovable  in  his  ways,  and  because  of  his  victories  well 
known  everywhere,  even  among  the  barbarians.      On 
the  day  on  which  the  soldiers  clothed  him  with  the 
imperial  robe  he  called  together  an  assembly,  it  is 
related,  and    said :    "  Fellow-soldiers,  you    have    lost 
a  good  general  and  made  a  bad  emperor."      Finally, 
after   doing  many  vigorous    deeds   during    his    rule, 
merely  because  he  was  too  severe  and  too  harsh  to 
the  soldiers  he  was   killed  by  those  very  men  who 
had    made  him  emperor.      He  is  famous  for  having 
commanded  the  soldiers,  when  reclining  at  table,  to 
wear  military  cloaks  in  order  that  their  lower  limbs 
might  not  be  bared,  heavy  ones  in  winter  and  very 
light  ones  in  summer. 

TETRICUS  THE  ELDER.2 

XXIV.  After  Victorinus 3  and  his  son  were  slain, 
his  mother  Victoria  (or  Vitruvia)   urged  Tetricus,  a 
Roman    senator    then    holding    the    governorship  of 

of  his  career  are  given  by  Butropius  and  Aurelius  Victor.  The 
story  concerning  him  is  fairly  consistent  and  in  the  main  per- 
haps correct,  but  he  does  not  belong  in  the  list  of  the  pretenders 
of  the  time  of  Gallienua,  for  he  assumed  the  imperial  power  in 
270  at  the  earliest. 
8  See  c.  vi. 

123 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS 

hortata,  quod  eius  erat,  ut  plerique  loquuntur,  adfinis, 
Augustum  appellari  fecit  filiurnque  eius  Caesarem  nun- 

2  cupavit.     et  cum  multa  Tetricus  feliciterque  gessisset 
diuque  imperasset,  ab  Aureliano  victus,  cum  militum 
suorum  impudentiam  et  procacitatem  ferre  non  posset, 
volens    se    gravissimo    principi  et  severissimo   dedit. 

3  versus  denique  illius  fertur,  quern  furtim  l  ad  Aureli- 
anum  scripserat : 

"  Eripe  me  his,  invicte,  malis." 

4  Quare  cum  Aurelianus  nihil  simplex  neque  mite  aut 
tranquillum  facile  cogitaret,  senatorem  populi  Romani 
eundemque    consularem,    qui    iure    praesidali    omnes 
Gallias  rexerat,  per  triumphum  duxit,  eodem  tempore 
quo  et  Zenobiam  Odaenathi  uxorem  cum  filiis  minori- 

6  bus  Odaenathi,  Hereniiiano  et  Timolao.  pudore 
tamen  victus  vir  nimium  severus  eum  quern  tri- 
umphaverat  correctorem  totius  Italiae  fecit,  id  est 
Campaniae,  Samnii,  Lucaniae,  Bruttiorum,  Apuliae, 
Calabriae,  Etruriae  atque  Umbriae,  Piceni  et  Flam- 
iniae  omnisque  annonariae  regionis,  ac  Tetricum  non 
solum  vivere,  sed  etiam  in  summa  dignitate  manere 

1  furtim  Peter;  statim  P,  Hohl. 


1  More  correctly,  Aquitania,  according  to  Aur.  Victor,  Caes. 
33, 14  and  Eutropius,  ix.  10  ;  according  to  the  latter  he  was  ac- 
claimed emperor  by  the  soldiers  at  Bordeaux. 

2  Apud  Catalaunos  (Chalons-sur-Marne)  according  to  Eutro- 
pius, ix.  13, 1 ,  who  tells  the  same  story  of  his  surrender.  Further 
details  are  given  by  Aur.  Victor,  Cats.,  35,  4-5. 

3Aeneid,  vi.  365. 

4  In  274 ;  cf.  c.  xxx.  24-26 ;  Aur.,  xxxii.  4 ;  xxxiv.  2-3. 

8  See  c.  xxvii.-xxviii. 

6  Corrector  Lucaniae,  according  to  Aur.,  xxxix.  1 ;  Aur. 
Victor,  Goes.,  35,  5 ;  Epit.,  35,  7 ;  Eutropius,  ix.  13,  2.  It 

124 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS  XXIV.  2-5 

Gaul,1  to  take  the  imperial  power,  for  the  reason, 
many  relate,  that  he  was  her  kinsman ;  she  then 
caused  him  to  be  entitled  Augustus  and  bestowed  on 
his  son  the  nam^  of  Caesar.  But  after  Tetricus  had 
done  many  deeds  with  success  and  had  ruled  for  a 
long  time  he  was  defeated  2  by  Aurelian,  and,  being 
unable  to  bear  the  impudence  and  shamelessness  of 
his  soldiers,  he  surrendered  of  his  own  free  will  to 
this  prince  most  harsh  and  severe.  In  fact,  a  quota- 
tion of  his  is  cited,  which  he  secretly  sent  in  writing 
to  Aurelian  :— 

"  Save  me,  O  hero  unconquered,  from  these  my 
misfortunes."  3 

And  so  Aurelian,  who  did  not  readily  plan  aught 
that  was  guileless  or  merciful  or  peaceful,  led  this 
man,  though  he  was  a  senator  of  the  Roman  people 
and  a  consular  and  had  ruled  the  provinces  of  Gaul 
with  a  governor's  powers,  in  his  triumphal  procession 
at  the  same  time  4  as  Zeriobia,  the  wife  of  Odaenathus, 
and  the  younger  sons  ,of  Odaenathus,  Herennianus 
and  Timolaus/'  Aurelian,  nevertheless,  exceedingly 
stern  though  he  was,  overcome  by  a  sense  of  shame, 
made  Tetricus,  whom  lie  had  led  in  his  triumph, 
supervisor  over  the  whole  of  Italy/'  that  is,  over 
Campania,  Samnium,  Lucania,  Bruttium,  Apulia, 
Calabria,  Etruria  and  Umbria,  Picenum  and  the 
Flaminian  district,  and  the  entire  grain-bearing 
region,  and  suffered  him  not  only  to  retain  his  life 

seems  probable  that  this  is  the  more  correct  version  and  that 
the  statement  in  the  text  is  exaggerated,  like  that  in  §  4,  although 
the  earliest  corrector  of  a  district  of  Italy  is  found  in  an  inscrip- 
tion of  283-284  and  occasional  instances  of  correctores  of  all 
Italy  are  found  earlier;  see  Pauly-Wissowa,  BeaiencycL,  iv. 
165 1  f. 

135 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS 

passus  est,  cum  ilium  saepe  collegam,  nonnumquam 
commilitonem,  aliquando  etiam  imperatorem  appel- 
laret. 

TETRICUS  JUNIOR 

XXV.  Hie  puerulus  a  Victoria  Caesar  est  appel- 
latus,  cum  ilia  mater  castrorum  ab  exercitu  nuncupata 

2esset.  qui  et  ipse  cum  patre  per  triumphum  ductus 
postea  omnibus  senatoriis  honoribus  functus  est  inli- 
bato  patrimonio,  quod  quidem  ad  suos  posteros  misit, 

3  ut  Arellius  1  Fuscus  dicit,  semper  insignis.  narrabat 
avus  meus  sibi  familiarem  fuisse  neque  quemquam  illi 
ab  Aureliano  aut  postea  ab  aliis  principibus  esse 

4praelatum.  Tetricorum  domus  hodieque  exstat  in 
Monte  Caelio  inter  duos  lucos  contra  Iseum  Metel- 
linum,  pulcherrima,  in  qua  Aurelianus  pictus  est 
utrique  praetextam  tribuens  et  senatoriam  dignitatem, 
accipiens  ab  his  sceptrum,  coronam,  cycladem.  pictura 
est 2  de  musivo,3  quam  cum  dedicassent,  Aurelianum 
ipsum  dicuntur  duo  Tetrici  adhibuisse  convivio. 

1  Arellius  Salm.,  Hohl;  Dagellius  P,  susp.  by  Peter. 
8  So  Peter  foil,  by  Hohl ;  cydi  picturiae  P.  *  museo  P, 

Peter,  Hohl. 


1 C.  Pius  Esuvius  Tetricus  Caesar,  according  to  his  inscrip- 
tions and  coins ;  see  Cohen,  vi.2  pp.  118-129.  According  to  Aur., 
xxxiv.  2  he  was  acclaimed  imperator,  and  some  of  his  coins  bear 
the  title  Augustus,  but  as  none  of  these  portrays  him  with  the 
laurel  it  is  not  probable  that  he  ever  had  this  title. 

2  See  note  to  c.  xxi.  3. 

8  The  citation  from  the  writer's  father  or  grandfather,  found 
here  and  in  Aur.t  43,  2 ;  Firm.,  ix.  4 ;  xv.  4  ;  Car.  xiii.  3 ;  xiv.  1 ; 

126 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS  XXV.   1-4 

but  also  to  remain  in  the  highest  position,  calling  him 
frequently  colleague,  sometimes  fellow-soldier,  and 
sometimes  even  emperor. 


TETRICUS  THE  YOUNGER 

XXV.  He,1  when  a  little  lad,  received  the  name  of 
Caesar  from  Victoria  when  she  herself  had  been  en- 
titled by  the  army  Mother  of  the  Camp.  He  was, 
furthermore,  led  in  triumph  along  with  his  father,  but 
later  he  enjoyed  all  the  honours  of  a  senator  ;  nor  was 
his  inheritance  diminished,  and,  indeed,  he  passed  it 
on  to  his  descendants,  and  was  ever,  as  Arellius  Fus- 
cus2  reports,  a  man  of  distinction.  My  grandfather3 
used  to  declare  that  he  was  a  friend  of  his  own,  and 
that  never  was  any  one  given  preference  over  him 
either  by  Aurelian  or  by  any  of  the  later  emperors. 
The  house  of  the  Tetrici  is  still  standing  to-day, 
situated  on  the  Caelian  Hill  between  the  two  groves 
and  facing  the  Temple  of  Isis  built  by  Metellus  ; 4  and 
a  most  beautiful  one  it  is,  and  in  it  Aurelian  is  depicted 
bestowing  on  both  the  Tetrici  the  bordered  toga  and 
the  rank  of  senator  and  receiving  from  them  a  sceptre, 
a  chaplet,  and  an  embroidered  robe.  This  picture  is 
in  mosaic,  and  it  is  said  that  the  two  Tetrici,  when 
they  dedicated  it,  invited  Aurelian  himself  to  a 
banquet. 

xv.  1,  is  merely  a  device  modelled  after  similar  citations  made 
by  Suetonius,  Otho,  x.  1  and  Gal.,  xix.  3. 

4  A  temple  of  Isis  stood  on  the  northern  side  of  the  Caelian 
Hill  near  the  modern  Via  Labicana,  and,  although  we  know  of 
no  connection  between  it  and  any  Metellus,  it  may  be  the  temple 
which  the  author  has  in  mind. 

127 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS 

TREBELLIANUS 

XXVI.  Pudet  iara  persequi  quanti  sub  Gallieno 
fuerint  tyranni  vitio  pestis  illius,,  si  quidem  erat  in  eo 
ea  luxuria  ut  rebelles  plurimos  mereretur  et  ea  crude- 

2litas  ut  iure  timeretur.  qua  erat1  et  in  Trebelliantim 
factum  in  Isauria  principem,  ipsis  Isauris  sibi  ducem 
quaereiitibus.  quern  cum  alii  archipiratam  vocassent, 
ipse  se  imperatorem  appellavit.  moiietam  etiara  cudi 

Siussit.  palatium  in  arce  Isauriae  constituit.  qui 
quidem  cum  se  in  intima  et  tuta  Isaurorum  loca 
munitus  difficultatibus  locorum  et  montibus  contulisset, 

4  aliquamdm  apud  Cilicas  imperavit.  sed  per  Gallieni 
ducem  Camsisoleum,  natione  Aegyptium,  fratrem 
Theodoti  qui  Aemilianum  ceperat,  ad  campum  de- 

5ductus  victus  est  et  occisus.  neque  tamen  postea 
Isauri  timore  ne  in  eos  Gallieiius  saeviret,  ad 
aequalitatem  perduci  quavis  principum  humanitate 

6  potuerunt.     denique  post  Trebellianum  pro  barbaris 
habentur ;    etenim  -   in  medio    Romani  nominis  solo 
regio   eorum  novo   genere    custodiarum   quasi    limes 

7  im-luditur,    locis   defensa  non  hominibus.     narn  sunt 
non  statura  decori,  non  virtute  graves,  non  instructi 

lqua  erat  Evssenhardt  foil,  by  Hohl ;  q-uare  P,  Z",  Peter. 
*  etenim  Petscheuig  foil,  by  Hohl ;  et  cum  P,  2,  Peter. 

1  Trebellianus  is  known  only  from  this  "vita,"  for  the  T>v- 
fcllianus  mentioned  briefly  in  Eutropius,  ix.  8, 1  is  evidently  an 
error  for  Begalianus.  It  is  hardly  likely  that  this  "  archipirata  " 
ever  assumed  the  purple. 

-  A  mountainous  district  in  southern  Asia  Minor,  N.W.  of 
Cilicia,  and  notorious  as  the  haunt  of  brigands. 

3  No  coins  of  his  are  known.  It  appears  to  have  been  a  favourite 
device  of  these  biographers  to  increase  the  importance  of  pretenders 
by  asserting  that  they  issued  coins;  cf.  c.  sxxi.  3;  Firm.,  ii.  1. 

••Otherwise  unknown.     On  Theodotus  see  c.  xxii.  S. 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS  XXVI.  1-7 

TREBELLIANUS 

XXVI.  I  am  by  this  time  ashamed  to  tell  how  many 
tyrants  there  were  in  the  reign  of  Gallienus,  all  on 
account  of  the  vices  of  that  pestiferous  man,  for  such, 
indeed,  were  his  excesses  that  he  deserved  to  have 
many  rebels  rise  up  against  him,  and  such  his  cruelty 
that  he  was  rightly  regarded  with  fear.  This  cruelty 
he  showed  also  toward  TrebelKanus,1  who  was  made 
ruler  in  Isauria2 — for  the  Isaurians  desired  a  leader 
for  themselves.  He,  though  others  dubbed  him  arch- 
pirate,  gave  himself  the  title  of  emperor.  He  even 
gave  orders  to  strike  coins  3  and  he  set  up  an  imperial 
palace  in  a  certain  Isaurian  stronghold.  Then,  when 
he  had  betaken  himself  into  the  inmost  and  safest 
parts  of  Isauria,  where  he  was  protected  by  the 
natural  difficulty  of  the  ground  and  by  the  mountains, 
he  ruled  for  some  time  among  the  Cilicians.  Camsi- 
soleus,4  however,  Gallienus'  general  and  an  Egyptian 
by  race,  the  brother  of  that  Theodotus  who  had  cap- 
tured Aemiliaiius,  brought  him  down  to  the  plains 
and  then  defeated  and  slew  him.  Never  afterwards, 
however,  was  it  possible  to  persuade  the  Isaurians, 
fearing  that  Gallienus  might  vent  his  anger  upon  them, 
to  come  down  to  the  level  ground,  not  even  by  any 
offer  of  kindness  on  the  part  of  the  emperors.  In 
fact,  since  the  time  of  Trebellianus  they  have  been 
considered  barbarians ;  for  indeed  their  district, 
though  in  the  midst  of  lands  belonging  to  the  Romans, 
is  guarded  by  a  novel  kind  of  defence,  comparable  to 
a  frontier- wall,  for  it  is  protected  not  by  men  but  by 
the  nature  of  the  country.  For  the  Isaurians  are  not  of 
noble  stature  or  distinguished  courage,  not  well  pro- 
vided with  arms  or  wise  in  counsel,  but  they  are  kept 

129 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS 

armis,  non  consiliis  prudentes,  sed  hoc  solo  securi 
quod  in  editis  positi  adiri  nequeunt.  quos  quidem 
divus  Claudius  paene  ad  hoc  perduxerat  ut  a  suis 
semotos  locis  in  Cilicia  conlocaret,  daturus  uni  ex 
amicissimis  omnem  Isaurorum  possessionem,  ne  quid 
ex  ea  postea  rebellionis  oreretur. 

HERENNIANUS 

XXVII.  Odaenathus  moriens  duos  parvulos  reliquit, 
Herennianum    et    fratrem    eius    Timolaum,    quorum 
nomine   Zenobia  usurpato  sibi  imperio  diutius  quam 
feminam    decuit    rem    publicam    obtinuit,    parvulos 
Romani    imperatoris    habitu    praeferens    purpuratos 
eosdemque  adhibens   contionibus,   quas    ilia    viriliter 
frequentavit,  Didonem  et  Semiramidem  et  Cleopatram 

2sui  generis  principem  inter  cetera  praedicaiis.  sed 
de  horum  exitu  incertum  est ;  multi  enim  dicunt  eos 
ab  Aureliano  interemptos,  multi  morte  sua  esse  con- 
sumptos,  si  quidem  Zenobiae  posteri  etiam  nunc 
Romae  inter  nobiles  manent.1 

TIMOLAUS 

XXVIII.  De  hoc  ea  putamus  digna  notione  quae 
2de  fratre  sunt  dicta,     unum  tamen  est  quod  eum  a 

1  manent,  S,  Hohl ;  maneat  P. 


1  There  is  no  mention  of  this  in  connection  with  Claudius,  but 
a  similar  measure  was  employed  by  Probus ;  see  Prob.,  xvi.  6. 

2  Herennianus  and  Timolaus,  mentioned  in  this  series  of  vitae 
as  the  sons  of  Odaenathus  and  Zenobia  and  as  ruling  with  their 
mother  (Gall.,  xiii.  2 ;   c.  xxx.  2),  are  known  from  no  other 
source.     The  son  of  Odaenathus  who  succeeded  him  in  266-267, 
and  reigned  jointly  with  Zenobia,  was  Vaballatbus  Athenodorus ; 

ISO 


THIRTY  PRETENDERS  XXVII.  1— XXVIII.  2 

safe  by  this  alone  that,  dwelling,  as  they  do,  on  the 
heights,  no  one  can  approach  them.  The  Deified 
Claudius  did,  it  is  true,  almost  persuade  them  to 
leave  their  native  lands  and  settle  in  Cilicia,1  plan- 
ning to  give  the  entire  possessions  of  the  Isaurians  to 
one  of  his  most  loyal  friends  in  order  that  never  again 
might  a  rebellion  arise  therein. 

HERENNIANUS 

XXVII.  Odaenathus,  when  he  died,  left  two  little 
sons,  Herennianus  and  his  brother  Timolaus,2  in  whose 
name  Zenobia  seized  the  imperial  power,  holding  the 
government    longer   than    was    meet    for   a   woman. 
These  boys  she  displayed  clad  in  the  purple  robe  of 
a  Roman  emperor  and  she  brought  them  to  public 
gatherings  which    she   attended  in  the  fashion  of  a 
man,  holding  up,   among  other  examples,  Dido  and 
Semiramis,  and  Cleopatra,  the  founder  of  her  family.* 
The  manner  of  their  death,  however,  is  uncertain; 
for  many  maintain  that  they  were  killed  by  Aurelian, 
and    many   that   they    died    a   natural    death,   since 
Zenobia's  descendants  still  remain  among  the  nobles 
of  Rome. 

TIMOLAUS 

XXVIII.  With  regard    to    him  we  consider  only 
those  things  to  be  worth  knowing  which  have  been 
told  concerning  his   brother.     One   thing   there   is, 

see  note  to  c.  xxx.  2.  Even  the  author  of  the  vita  of  AureJian 
(see  xxxviii.  1)  knew  of  him  as  his  father's  successor.  If  these 
two  princes  existed  at  all,  they  were  younger  sons  who  never 
ruled. 

3  See  u.  xxx.  V. 

LSI 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS 

fratre  separat,  quod  tanti  ftiit  ardoris  ad  studia 
Romana  ut  brevi  consecutus  quae  insinuaverat  gram- 
maticus  esse  dicatur,  potuisse  quin  etiam  summum 
Latinorum  rhetorem  facere. 

CELSUS  j 

XXIX.  Occupatis  partibus  Gallicanis,  orientalibus, 
quin  etiam  Ponti,  Thraciarum  et  Illyrici,  dum  Gallienus 
popinatur  et  balneis  ac  lenonibus  deputat  vitam,  Afri 
quoque  auctore  Vibio  Passieno,  proconsule  Africae,  et 
Fabio  Pomponiano,  duce  limitis  Libyci,  Celsum  im-  | 
peratorem  appellaverunt  peplo  deae  Caelestis  ornatum. 

2  hie  privatus  ex  tribunis  in  Africa  positus  in  agris  suis 
vivebat,   sed   ea  iustitia  et  corporis   raagnitudine   ut 

3  dignus  videretur  imperio.     quare  creatus  per  quamlam 
mulierem,   Gallienam  nomine,  consobrinam  Gallieni, 
septimo  imperii  die  interemptus  est  atque  adeo  etiam 

4  inter  obscuros  principes  vix  relatus  est.     corpus  eius 
a  canibus  consumptum  est  Siccensibus,  qui  Gallieno 
fidem   servaverant,    perurgentibus,    et    novo    iniuriae 
genere   imago  in  crucem  sublata  persultaiite  vulgo, 
quasi  patibulo  ipse  Celsus  videretur  adfixus. 


Mentioned   nowhere   else  except  in  the  spurious  letter  in 
L,  vii.  4,  and  probably  an  in veutiou  of  the  biographer's. 
Nothing  is  known  of  either  Passienus  or  Pomponianus,  or  the 
alleged  murderess,  whose  existence  Hubert  Goltzius  attempted 
to  prove  by  forging  coins  bearing  the  legend  Licin.  Galliena 
Aug.  ;  see  Eckhel,  D.N.,  vii.  p.  412  f. 
^  See  note  to  Pert.,  iv.  2. 
3  Mod.  el-Kef  in  western  Tunisia. 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS  XXIX.  1-4 

however,  which  distinguishes  him  from  his  brother, 
that  is,  that  such  was  his  eagerness  for  Roman  studies 
that  in  a  short  time,  it  is  said,  he  made  good  the 
statement  of  his  teacher  of  letters,  who  had  said  that 
he  was  in  truth  able  to  make  him  the  greatest  of 
Latin  rhetoricians. 


CELSUS 

XXIX.  When  the  various  parts  of  the  empire  were 
seized,  namely  Gaul,  the  Orient,  and  even  Pontus, 
Thrace  and  lllyricum,  and  while  Gallienus  was  spend- 
ing his  time  in  public-houses  and  giving  up  his  life  to 
bathing  and  pimps,  the  Africans  also,  at  the  instance 
of  Vibius  Passienus,  the  proconsul  of  Africa,  and 
Fabius  Pomponianus,  the  general  in  command  of  the 
Libyan  frontier,  created  an  emperor,  namely  Celsus,1 
decking  him  with  the  robe  of  the  goddess  Caelestis.2 
This  man,  a  commoner  and  formerly  a  tribune 
stationed  in  Africa,  was  then  living  on  his  own 
estates,  but  such  was  his  reputation  for  justice  and 
such  the  size  of  his  body  that  he  seemed  worthy  of 
the  imperial  power.  Therefore  he  was  made  emperor, 
but  on  the  seventh  day  of  his  rule  he  was  killed  by  a 
woman  named  Galliena,  a  cousin  of  Gallienus,  and  so 
he  has  scarcely  found  a  place  even  among  the  least 
known  of  the  emperors.  His  body  was  devoured  by 
dogs,  for  such  was  the  command  of  the  people  of 
Sicca,3  who  had  remained  faithful  to  Gallienus,  and 
then  with  a  new  kind  of  insult  his  image  was  set  up 
on  a  cross,  while  the  mob  pranced  about,  as  though 
they  were  looking  at  Celsus  himself  affixed  to  a 


gibbet. 


133 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS 

ZENOBIA 

XXX.  Omnis  iam  consumptus  est  pudor,  si  qui- 
dem  fatigata  re  publica  eo  usque  perventum  est  ut 
Galliano  nequissime  agente  optime  etiam  mulieres 

2  imperarent.       et   quidem    peregrina    enim,1    nomine 
Zenobia,   de  qua  raulta   iam  dicta  sunt,  quae  se  de 
Cleopatrarum  Ptolemaeorumque  gente  iactaret,  post 
Odaenathum   maritum  imperiali   sagulo   perfuso   per 
umeros,    habitu    Didonis  2    ornata,    diademate    etiam 
accepto,  nomine  filiorum  Herenniani  et  Timolai  diutius 

3  quam  femineus  sexus  patiebatur  imperavit.     si  quidem 
Gallieno  adhuc  regente  rem  publicam  regale  mulier 
superba  munus   obtinuit  et    Claudio    bellis    Gothicis 
occupato  vix  denique  ab  Aureliano  victa  et  triumphata 
concessit  in  iura  Romana. 

4  Exstat  epistula  Aureliani,  quae  captivae  mulieri  testi- 
monium  fert.     nam  cum  a  quibusdam  reprehenderetur, 
quod  mulierem  veluti  ducem  aliquem  vir  fortissimus 
triumphasset,  missis  ad  senatumpopulumque  Romanum 

6  litteris  hac  se  adtestatione  defendit :  "  Audio,  patres 

1  enim  P,  def .  by  Tidner ;  etiam  Peter;  <  per 'egrina^>  enim, 
Petschenig,  Hohl.  2  Didonis  Salm. ;  donis  P. 


1  Septimia  Zenobia,  wife  of  Septirnius  Odaeuathus.  Iii  the 
inscriptions  erected  to  her  during  her  rule  at  Palmyra  she  is 
called  TJ  \afj.TrpoTo.Tri  fia<ri\HT<ra  (O.G.I.  648-650)  and  in  one  (O.G.I. 
647)  she  actually  has  the  title  of  2e8a<rr7]  (Augusta),  but,  as  has 
been  pointed  out  by  Mommsen,  this  is  probably  an  honorary 
designation,  and  her  son  and  co-ruler  Vaballathus  Atheuodorus 
(see  note  to  c.  xxvii.  1)  bore,  at  first,  only  the  titles  of  consul,  rex 
and  dux  imperator  Rovianorum,  and  there  is  no  reason  to  believe 
that  she  actually  claimed  the  imperial  power.  For  her  invasion 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS  XXX.  1-5 

ZENOBIA 

XXX.  Now  all  shame  is  exhausted,  for  in  the 
weakened  state  of  the  commonwealth  things  came 
to  such  a  pass  that,  while  Gallienus  conducted  him- 
self in  the  most  evil  fashion,  even  women  ruled  most 
excellently.  For,  in  fact,  even  a  foreigner,  Zenobia  l 
by  name,  about  whom  much  has  already  been  said, 
boasting  herself  to  be  of  the  family  of  the  Cleopatras 
and  the  Ptolemies,2  proceeded  upon  the  death  of  her 
husband  Odaenathus  to  cast  about  her  shoulders  the 
imperial  mantle  ;  and  arrayed  in  the  robes  of  Dido 
and  even  assuming  the  diadem,  she  held  the  imperial 
power  in  the  name  of  her  sons  Herennianus  and 
Timolaus,3  ruling  longer  than  could  be  endured  from 
one  of  the  female  sex.  For  this  proud  woman  per- 
formed the  functions  of  a  monarch  both  while  Gal- 
lienus was  ruling  and  afterwards  when  Claudius  was 
busied  with  the  war  against  the  Goths,4  and  in  the 
end  could  scarcely  be  .conquered  by  Aurelian  himself, 
under  whom  she  was  led  in  triumph  and  submitted  to 
the  sway  of  Rome. 

There  is  still  in  existence  a  letter  of  Aurelian's 
which  bears  testimony  concerning  this  woman,  then 
in  captivity.  For  when  some  found  fault  with  him, 
because  he,  the  bravest  of  men,  had  led  a  woman  in 
triumph,  as  though  she  were  a  general,  he  sent  a 
letter  to  the  senate  and  the  Roman  people,  defending 
himself  by  the  following  justification  :  "  I  have  heard, 

of  Egypt,  see  Claud.,  xi.  1.  On  Aurelian's  campaign  against 
her  and  his  subsequent  triumph,  see  Aur.,  xxii.-xxx.  ;  xxxiii- 
xxxiv. 

a  So  also  c.  xxvii.  2.     It  was,  of  course,  a  fiction. 

3  See  note  to  c.  xxvii.  1.  4  See  Claudn  vi.  xi. 

135 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS 

conscript!,  mihi  obici,  quod  non  virile  munus  im- 
pleverim  Zenobiam  triumphando.  ne  illi,  qui  me 
reprehendunt,  satis  laudarent,  si  scirent  quae  ilia  sit  1 
mulier,  quam  prudens  in  consiliis,  quam  constans  in 
dispositionibus,  quam  erga  milites  gravis,  quam  larga, 
cum  necessitas  postulet,  quam  tristis,  cum  severitas 

6  poscat.  possum  dicere  illius  esse  quod  Odaenathus 
Persas  vicit  ac  fugato  Sapore  Ctesiphonta  usque  per- 

7venit.  possum  adserere  tanto  apud  orientales  et 
Aegyptiorum  populos  timori  mulierem  fuisse  ut  se  non 
Arabes,  non  Saraceni,  non  Armenii  commoverent. 

8  nee   ego   illi   vitam   conservassem,   nisi    earn    scissem 
multum  Romanae  rei  publicae  profuisse,  cum  sibi  vel 

9  liberis    suis   orientis    servaret   imperium.      sibi    ergo 
habeant  propriarum  venena  linguarum  ii  quibus  nihil 

10  placet,     nam  si  vicisse  ac  triumphasse  feminam  non 
est  decorum,  quid   de   Gallieno    loquuntur,   in  cuius 

11  contemptu  haec  bene  rexit  imperium  ?     quid  de  divo 
Claudio,  sancto  ac  venerabili  duce,  qui  earn,  quod  ipse 
Gothicis  esset  expeditionibus  occupatus,  passus  esse 
dicitur  imperare  ?    idque  consulte  a  ac  prudenter,  ut 
ilia  servante  orientalis  fines  imperii  ipse  securius  quae 

12instituerat   perpetraret."       haec    oratio    indicat    quid 
iudicii  Aurelianus  habuerit  de  Zenobia. 

Cuius  ea  castitas  fuisse  dicitur  ut  ne  virum  suum 
quidem  scierit  nisi  temptandis  3  conceptionibus.     nam 


1  -ilia  sit  Peter,  Hohl  ;  illas  P.  2  consulte  Paucker,  Corne- 
lissen,  Peter  '^  ;  occulte  P,  Peter1.  3  temptandis  Cornelissen, 
Hohl  ;  temi'tatls  P,  Peter. 


1  See  c.  xv.  3-4. 
136 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS  XXX.  6-12 

Conscript  Fathers,  that  men  are  reproaching  me  for 
having  performed  an  unmanly  deed  in  leading  Zenobia 
in  triumph.  But  in  truth  those  very  persons  who  find 
fault  with  me  now  would  accord  me  praise  in  abun- 
dance, did  they  but  know  what  manner  of  woman  she 
is,  how  wise  in  counsels,  how  steadfast  in  plans,  how 
firm  toward  the  soldiers,  how  generous  when  necessity 
calls,  and  how  stern  when  discipline  demands.  I 
might  even  say  that  it  was  her  doing  that  Odaenathus 
defeated  the  Persians  and,  after  putting  Sapor  to 
flight,  advanced  all  the  way  to  Ctesiphon.1  I  might 
add  thereto  that  such  was  the  fear  that  this  woman 
inspired  in  the  peoples  of  the  East  and  also  the 
Egyptians  that  neither  Arabs  nor  Saracens  nor 
Armenians  ever  moved  against  her.  Nor  would  I 
have  spared  her  life,  had  I  not  known  that  she  did  a 
great  service  to  the  Roman  state  when  she  preserved 
the  imperial  power  in  the  East  for  herself,  or  for  her 
children.  Therefore  let  those  whom  nothing  pleases 
keep  the  venom  of  their  own  tongues  to  themselves. 
For  if  it  is  not  meet  to  vanquish  a  woman  and  lead 
her  in  triumph,  what  are  they  saying  of  Gallienus,  in 
contempt  of  whom  she  ruled  the  empire  well  ?  What 
of  the  Deified  Claudius,  that  revered  and  honoured 
leader  ?  For  he,  because  he  was  busied  with  his 
campaigns  against  the  Goths,  suffered  her,  or  so  it  is 
said,  to  hold  the  imperial  power,  doing  it  of  purpose 
and  wisely,  in  order  that  he  himself,  while  she  kept 
guard  over  the  eastern  frontier  of  the  empire,  might 
the  more  safely  complete  what  he  had  taken  in  hand." 
This  speech  shows  what  opinion  Aureliaii  held  con- 
cerning Zenobia. 

Such  was  her  continence,  it  is  said,  that  she  would 
not  know  even  her  own  husband  save  for  the  purpose 

137 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS 

cuin  semel  concubuisset,  exspectatis  menstruis  con- 
tinebat  se,  si  praegnans  esset,  sin  minus,  iterum 

ISpotestatem  quaerendis  liberis  dabat.  vixit  regali 
pompa.  more  magis  Persico  adorata  est,  regum 

14  more  Persarum  convivata  est.  imperatorum  more 
Romanorum  ad  contiones  galeata  processit  cum  limbo 
purpureogemmis  dependentibus  per  ultimam  fimbriam, 
media  etiam  cochlide  veluti  fibula  muliebri  adstricta, 

15bracchio  saepe  nudo.  fuit  vultu  subaquilo,  fusci 
colons,  oculis  supra  modum  vigentibus l  nigris,  spiritus 
divini,  venustatis  incredibilis.  tantus  candor  in 
dentibus  ut  margaritas  earn  plerique  putarent  habere, 

16  noil    dentes.      vox    clara    et    virilis.       severitas,    ubi 
iiecessitas    postulabat,    tyrannorum,    bonorum    prin- 
cipum     dementia,     ubi     pietas     requirebat.       larga 
prudenter,  conservatrix  thesaurorum  ultra  femineum 

17  modum.      usa  vehiculo  carpentario,  raro  pilento,  equo 
saepius.     fertur   autem   vel   tria    vel    quattuor    milia 

18  frequenter    cum    peditibus   ambulasse.     venata 2  est 
Hispanorum   cupiditate.     bibit   saepe    cum    ducibus, 
cum   esset   alias   sobria ;    bibit   et  cum   Persis  atque 

19  Armeniis,    ut    eos    vinceret.       usa    est    vasis    aureis 
gemmatis    ad    convivia,    iam    usa 3   Cleopatranis.     in 
ministerio  eunuchos  gravioris  aetatis  habuit,  puellas 

1  uigentibus  2,  Peter;  ingentibus  P.  2uenata  Kiessling, 
Peter  ;  nata  P.  3  So  Editor  ;  conuiuicimusa  Pb  ;  conuiuia 
non  nisi  Peter ;  conuiuia,  usa  Hohl. 


1  Found  in  Arabia,  according  to  Pliny,  Nat.  Hist.,  xxxvii. 
194,  and  often  of  such  great  size  that  they  were  used  by  eastern 
kings  on  the  frontals  of  their  horses  and  as  ornamental 
pendants. 

J38 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS  XXX.  13-19 

of  conception.  For  when  once  she  had  lain  with  him, 
she  would  refrain  until  the  time  of  menstruation  to 
see  if  she  were  pregnant ;  if  not,  she  would  again 
grant  him  an  opportunity  of  begetting  children.  She 
lived  in  regal  pomp.  It  was  rather  in  the  manner  of 
the  Persians  that  she  received  worship  and  in  the 
manner  of  the  Persian  kings  that  she  banqueted  ;  but 
it  was  in  the  manner  of  a  Roman  emperor  that  she 
came  forth  to  public  assemblies,  wearing  a  helmet 
and  girt  with  a  purple  fillet,  which  had  gems  hanging 
from  the  lower  edge,  while  its  centre  was  fastened 
with  the  jewel  called  cochlis,1  used  instead  of  the 
brooch  worn  by  women,  and  her  arms  were  frequently 
bare.  Her  face  was  dark  and  of  a  swarthy  hue,  her 
eyes  were  black  and  powerful  beyond  the  usual  wont, 
her  spirit  divinely  great,  and  her  beauty  incredible. 
So  white  were  her  teeth  that  many  thought  that  she 
had  pearls  in  place  of  teeth.  Her  voice  was  clear 
and  like  that  of  a  man.  Her  sternness,  when  neces- 
sity demanded,  was  that  of  a  tyrant,  her  clemency, 
when  her  sense  of  right  called  for  it,  that  of  a  good 
emperor.  Generous  with  prudence,  she  conserved 
her  treasures  beyond  the  wont  of  women.  She  made 
use  of  a  carriage,  and  rarely  of  a  woman's  coach,  but 
more  often  she  rode  a  horse  ;  it  is  said,  moreover, 
that  frequently  she  walked  with  her  foot-soldiers  for 
three  or  four  miles.  She  hunted  with  the  eagerness 
of  a  Spaniard.  She  often  drank  with  her  generals, 
though  at  other  times  she  refrained,  and  she  drank, 
too,  with  the  Persians  and  the  Armenians,  but  only 
for  the  purpose  of  getting  the  better  of  them.  At 
her  banquets  she  used  vessels  of  gold  and  jewels,  and 
she  even  used  those  that  had  been  Cleopatra's.  As 
servants  she  had  eunuchs  of  advanced  age  and  but 

139 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS 

20  nimis  raras.     filios  Latine  loqui  iusserat,  ita l  ut  Graece 

21  vel  difficile  vel  raro  loquerentur.       ipsa  Latini  ser- 
monis  non   usque   quaque   gnara,   sed  ut   loqueretur 
pudore  cohibito 2 ;  loquebatur  et  Aegyptiace  ad  per- 

22  fectum  modum.     historiae  Alexandrinae  atque  orieii- 
talis  ita  perita  ut  earn  epitomasse  dicatur ;  Latinam 
autem  Graece  legerat. 

23  Cum  ilJam  Aurelianus  cepisset  atque  in  conspectum 
suum  adductam  sic  appellasset,  "  Quid  est,3  Zenobia  ? 
ausa  es  insultare  Romanis  imperatoribus  ?  "  ilia  dixisse 
fertur :   "  Imperatorem  te  esse  cognosce,  qui  vincis, 
Gallienurn   et    Aureolum   et    ceteros    principes    non 
putavi.     Victoriam  mei  similem  credens  in  consortium 
regni  venire,  si  facultas  locorum  pateretur,  optavi." 

24  ducta  est   igitur   per  triumphum  ea  specie   ut   nihil 
pompabilius  populo  Romano  videretur.     iam  primum 
ornata  gemmis  ingeiitibus,  ita  ut  ornamentorum  onere 

25  laboraret.      fertur  enim  mulier  fortissima  saepissime 
restitisse,  cum  diceret  se  gemmarum  onera  ferre  non 

26  posse.      vincti    erant    praeterea    pedes    auro,    manus 
etiam    catenis    aureis,    nee    collo    aureum     vinculum 

27  deerat,  quod  scurra  Persicus  praeferebat.      huic  vita4 
ab    Aureliano    concessa   est,    ferturque    vixisse    cum 
liberis  matronae  iam  more  Romanae  data  sibi  posses- 

1  ita  Peter;  id  P.  -cohibito  Peter;  cohibita  P,  Hohl. 

*est  Z",  Mommsen,  Hohl ;  es  P  corr. ;  0  Peter.  *ui tains. 

by  Walter  and  Hohl ;  om.  in  P. 


1  See  c.  xxxi.  a  Of.  Aur.t  xxxiv.  3. 

140 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS  XXX.  20-27 

very  few  maidens.  She  ordered  her  sons  to  talk 
Latin,  so  that,  in  fact,  they  spoke  Greek  but  rarely 
and  with  difficulty.  She  herself  was  not  wholly  con- 
versant with  the  Latin  tongue,  but  nevertheless, 
mastering  her  timidity  she  would  speak  it ;  Egyptian, 
on  the  other  hand,  she  spoke  very  well.  In  the 
history  of  Alexandria  and  the  Orient  she  was  so  well 
versed  that  she  even  composed  an  epitome,  so  it  is 
said  ;  Roman  history,  however,  she  read  in  Greek. 

When  Aurelian  had  taken  her  prisoner,  he  caused 
her  to  be  led  into  his  presence  and  then  addressed  her 
thus :  "  Why  is  it,  Zenobia,  that  you  dared  to  show 
insolence  to  the  emperors  of  Rome  r  "  To  this  she 
replied,  it  is  said  :  "  You,  I  know,  are  an  emperor 
indeed,  for  you  win  victories,  but  Gallienus  and 
Aureolus  and  the  others  I  never  regarded  as  em- 
perors. Believing  Victoria  l  to  be  a  woman  like  me, 
I  desired  to  become  a  partner  in  the  royal  power, 
should  the  supply  of  lands  permit."  And  so  she 
was  led  in  triumph  with  such  magnificence  that 
the  Roman  people  had  never  seen  a  more  splendid 
parade.  For,  in  the  first  place,  she  was  adorned 
with  gems  so  huge  that  she  laboured  under  the 
weight  of  her  ornaments  ;  for  it  is  said  that  this 
woman,  courageous  though  she  was,  halted  very 
frequently,  saying  that  she  could  not  endure  the  load 
of  her  gems.  Furthermore,  her  feet  were  bound 
with  shackles  of  gold  and  her  hands  with  golden 
fetters,  and  even  on  her  neck  she  wore  a  chain 
of  gold,  the  weight  of  which  was  borne  by  a  Persian 
buffoon.2  Her  life  was  granted  her  by  Aurelian,  and 
they  say  that  thereafter  she  lived  with  her  children 
in  the  manner  of  a  Roman  matron  on  an  estate  that 
had  been  presented  to  her  at  Tibur,  which  even  to 

141 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS 

sione  in  Tiburti,  quae  hodieque  Zenobia  dicitur,  noil 
longe  ab  Hadrian!  palatio  atque  ab  eo  loco  cui  nomen 
est  Conchae. 

VICTORIA 

XXXI.  Non  tarn  digna  res  erat  ut  etiam  Vitruvia 
sive  Victoria  in  litteras  mitteretur,  nisi  Gallieni  mores 
hoc  facerent  ut  memoria  dignae  etiam  mulieres  cen- 

2serentur.  Victoria  enim,  ubi  filium  ac  nepotem  a 
militibus  vidit  occisos,  Postumum,  deinde  Lollianum, 
Marium  etiam,  quern  principem  milites  nuncupave- 
rant,  interemptos,  Tetricum,  de  quo  superius  dictum 
est,  ad  imperium  hortata  est,  ut  virile  semper  facinus 
auderet.  insignita  est  praeterea  hoc  titulo,  ut  cas- 

Strorum  se  diceret  matrem.  cusi  sunt  eius  nummi 
aerei,  aurei  et  argentei,  quorum  hodieque  forma 

4exstat  apud  Treviros.  quae  quidem  non  diutius  vixit. 
nam  Tetrico  imperante,  ut  plerique  loquuntur,  occisa, 
ut  alii  adserunt,  fatal!  necessitate  consumpta. 

5  Haec  sunt  quae  de  triginta  tyrannis  dicenda  vide- 
bantur.  quos  ego  in  unum  volumen  idcirco  contuli, 
ne,  de  singulis  si1  singula  quaeque  narrarem,  nasce- 
rentur  indigna  fastidia  et  ea  quae  ferre  lector  non 

2si  ins.  by  Peter;  om.  in  P. 


1  See  note  to  Hadr.,  xxvi.  5. 

2  Frequently  mentioned  as  responsible,  after  the  death  of 
her  son  Victorinus,  for  the  bestowal  of  the  imperial  power,  first 
on  her  grandson,  then  on  the  various  pretenders  in  Gaul ;  see 
c.  v.  3  ;   vi.  3  ;   vii.  1 ;   xxiv.  1 ;  xxv.  1 ;  Aur.  Victor,  Caes., 
xxxiii.  14.     The  name  Vitruvia,  given  as  an  alternate  form  in 
the  Tyranni  Triginta  and  in  Claud.,  iv.  4,  seems  to  have  no 
warrant. 

142 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS  XXXI.  2-5 

this  day  is  still  called  Zenobia,  not  far  from  the  palace 
of  Hadrian  l  or  from  that  place  which  bears  the  name 
of  Concha. 

VICTORIA 

XXXI.  It  would,  indeed,  be  an  unworthy  thing 
that  Vitruvia  also,  or  rather  Victoria,2  should  be  given 
a  place  in  letters,  had  not  the  ways  of  Gallienus  brought 
it  about  that  women,  too,  should  be  deemed  worthy 
of  mention.  For  Victoria,  after  seeing  her  son  and 
grandson  slain  by  the  soldiers,  and  also  Postumus, 
then  Lollianus,  and  Marius  3  too  (whom  the  soldiers 
had  named  emperor)  all  put  to  death,  urged  Tetricus, 
of  whom  I  have  spoken  above,4  to  seize  the  power, 
solely  that  she  might  always  be  daring  the  deeds  of 
a  man.  She  was  distinguished,  furthermore,  by  her 
title,  for  she  called  herself  Mother  of  the  Camp.5 
Coins,  too,  were  struck  in  her  name,6  of  bronze  and 
gold  and  silver,  and  even  to-day  the  type  is  still  in 
existence  among  the  Treviri.7  She  did  not,  indeed, 
live  long  ;  for  during  Tetricus'  rule  she  was  slain, 
some  say,  while  others  assert  that  she  succumbed  to 
the  destiny  of  fate. 

This  is  all  that  I  have  deemed  worthy  of  being 
related  concerning  the  thirty  pretenders,  all  of  whom 
I  have  gathered  into  one  book,  lest  the  telling  of 
each  single  detail  about  each  one  singly  might  bring 
about  an  aversion  that  is  undeserved  and  not  to  be 

3  See  c.  iii. ;  v. ;  viii.  4  See  c.  xxiv. 

5  The  title  Mater  Castrorum,  first  borne  by  Faustina   (see 
Marc.,  xxvi.  8),  was  regularly  used  by  the  later  empresses. 

6  None  are  known  ;  see  note  to  c.  xxvi.  2. 

7  Their  capital  was  the  modern  Trier  (Augusta  Trevirorum). 

148 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS 

6  posset.      mine   ad   Claudium  principem   redeo.      de 
quo  speciale  mihi  volumen  quamvis  breve  merito  vitae 
illius  videtur  edendum  addito  fratre  singular!  viro,  ita 
ut  de  familia  tarn  sancta  et  tarn  nobili  saltern1  pauca 
referantur. 

7  Studiose    in    medio    feminas    posui    ad     ludibrium 
Gallieni,  quo  nihil  prodigiosius  passa  est  Romana  res 
publica,     duos    etiam    nunc     tyrannos     quasi    extra 
numerum,    quod    alieni    essent    temporis,    additurus, 
unum    qui    fuit     Maximini    temporibus,    alterum   qui 
Claudii,  ut  tyrannorum  triginta  vitae 2  hoc  volumine 

8  teiierentur.     quaeso,    qui    expletum    iam   librum   ac- 
ceperas,  boni  consulas  atque  hos  volumini  tuo  volens 
addas,    quos  ego,  queni  ad  modum  Valentem    supe- 
riorem  huic  volumini,  sic  post  Claudium  et  Aurelianum 
iis  qui  inter  Taciturn  et  Diocletianum  fuerunt  addere 

9  destinaveram.     sed   errorem  meum  memor   historiae 
lOdiligentia    tuae    eruditionis    avertit.       habeo    igitur 

gratiam,  quod  titulum  meum  prudentiae  tuae  benig- 

nitas  implevit.     nemo  in  Templo  Pacis  dicturus  est 

me   feminas    inter    tyrannos,   tyrannas    videlicet    vel 

tyrannides,  ut  ipsi  de  me  solent   cum  risu  et  ioco 3 

11  iactitare,   posuisse.      habent  integrum  numerum   ex 

12arcanis  historiae  in  meas  litteras  datum.     Titus  enim 

et  Censorinus  addentur,4  quorum  unus,  ut  dixi,  sub 

lsaltim  S\   saluti  P.  -  nitae  Peter;  uiri  P,  Hohl. 

9 cum  risu  et  ioco  transp.  by   Peter;    after  tyrannos  in   P. 
4 addentur  sugg.  by  Peter2;  om.  in  P. 

1  Quintillus  ;  see  Claud.,  xii. 

2  See  c.  xx. 

3  Built,  with  an  enclosing  forum,  by  Vespasian,  N.E.  of  the 
Forum  Romanum.     Adjacent  to  it  was  the  Bibliotheca  Templi 
Pacis,  apparently  a  resort  of  critics. 

144 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS  XXXT.  6-12 

borne  by  my  readers.  Now  1  will  return  to  the 
Emperor  Claudius.  Concerning  him  I  think  I  should 
publish  a  special  book,  short  though  it  be,  for  his 
manner  of  life  deserves  it,  and  I  must  say  something, 
besides,  about  that  peerless  man,  his  brother,1  in  order 
that  at  least  a  few  facts  may  be  told  of  so  righteous 
and  noble  a  family. 

It  was  with  deliberate  purpose  that  I  included  the 
women,  namely  that  I  might  make  a  mock  of  Gal- 
lienus,  a  greater  monster  than  whom  the  Roman 
state  has  never  endured ;  now  I  will  add  two  pre- 
tenders besides,  supernumeraries,  so  to  speak,  for 
they  lived  each  at  a  different  period,  since  one  was  of 
the  time  of  Maximinus,  the  other  of  the  time  of  Clau- 
dius, my  purpose  being  to  include  in  this  book  the 
lives  of  thirty  pretenders.  I  ask  you,  accordingly, 
you  who  have  received  this  book  now  completed,  to 
look  on  my  plan  with  favour  and  to  consent  to  add 
to  your  volume  these  two,  whom  I  had  purposed  to 
include  after  Claudius  and  Aurelian  among  those  who 
lived  between  Tacitus  and  Diocletian,  just  as  I  in- 
cluded the  elder  Valens  2  in  this  present  book.  This 
error  on  my  part,  however,  your  accurate  learning, 
mindful  of  history,  prevented.  And  so  I  am  grateful 
that  the  -kindliness  of  your  wisdom  has  filled  out  my 
title.  Now  no  one  in  the  Temple  of  Peace  3  will  say 
that  among  the  pretenders  I  included  women,  female 
pretenders,  forsooth,  or,  rather,  pretendresses — for 
this  they  are  wont  to  bandy  about  concerning  me 
with  merriment  and  jests.  They  have  now  the 
number  complete,  gathered  into  my  writings  from 
the  secret  stores  of  history.  For  I  will  add  to  my 
work  Titus  and  Censorinus,  the  former  of  whom,  as 

145 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS 

Maximino,  alter  sub  Claudio  fuit,  qui  ambo  ab  iisdem 
militibus  a  quibus  purpura  velati  fuerant  interempti 
sunt. 

TITUS 

XXXII.  Docet  Dexippus,  nee  Herodianus  tacet 
omnesque  qui  talia  legenda  posteris  tradiderunt, 
Titum,  tribunum  Maurorum,  qui  a  Maximino  inter 
privates  relictus  fuerat,  timore  violentae  mortis,  ut 
illi l  dicunt,  invitum  vero  et  a  militibus  coactum, 
ut  plerique  adserunt,  imperasse,  atque  hunc  intra 
paucos  dies  post  vindicatam  defectionem,  quam 
consularis  vir  Magnus  Maximino  paraverat,  a  suis 
militibus  interemptum.  imperasse  autem  mensibus 

2  sex.       fuit    hie    vir    de    primis     erga    rem    publicam 
domi    forisque    laudabilis,     sed    in    imperio    parum 

3  felix.       alii    dicunt    ab    Armeniis    sagittariis,     quos 
Maximinus  ut  Alexandrinos  et  oderat  et  offenderat, 

4  principem    factum.     nee   mireris   tantam    esse  varie- 

5  tatem  de  homine,  cuius  vix  nomen  agnoscitur.     huius 
uxor  Calpurnia  fuit,  sancta  et  venerabilis  femina  de 
genere  Caesoninorum,  id  est  Pisonum,  quam  maiores 
nostri  univiriam  sacerdotem  inter  sacratissimas  feminas 

1  alii  P,  def.  by  Lenze. 


1  On  this  "  pretender,"  called  Quartinus  by  Herodian,  vii.  1, 
9-10,  see  Maxim.,  xi.  1-4  and  note. 

2  See  note  to  Alex.,  xlix.  3. 

3  Herodian,  vii.  1,  9. 

4  See  Maxim.,  x. 

5  According  to  Maxim.,  xi.  1  and  Herodian  I.e.,  they  were 
Osroenians. 

6  L.  Calpurnius  Piso  Caesoninus,  consul  in   148  B.C.,  be- 
queathed his  second  surname  to  his  descendants,  among  whom 
was  the  consul  of  58  B.C.,  made  famous  by  Cicero's  invective, 

146 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS  XXXII.  1-5 

I  have  said,  lived  under  Maximinus  and  the  latter 
under  Claudius,  but  both  were  slain  by  the  very 
soldiers  who  clothed  them  with  the  purple. 

TITUS  i 

XXXII.  It  is  related  by  Dexippus  2  and  not  left 
immentioned  by  Herodian  3  or  any  of  those  who  have 
recorded  such  things  for  posterity  to  read,  that  Titus, 
once  a  tribune  of  the  Moors  but  reduced  by  Maximinus 
to  the  position  of  a  civilian,  fearing  a  violent  death, 
as  they  narrate,  but  reluctantly,  so  most  assert,  and 
compelled  by  the  soldiers,  seized  the  imperial  power. 
But  within  a  few  days,  after  the  revolt  was  put  down 
which  Magnus,4  a  man  of  consular  rank,  led  against 
Maximinus,  he  was  slain  by  his  own  troops.  He 
reigned,  however,  for  the  space  of  six  months.  He 
was  one  who  especially  deserved  the  praise  of  the 
commonwealth  both  at  home  and  abroad,  but  in 
his  ruling  he  had  ill-fortune.  Some  say,  on  the 
other  hand,  that  he  was  made  emperor  by  the 
Armenian 5  bowmen,  whom  Maximinus  hated  as 
devoted  to  Alexander  and  to  whom  he  had  given 
offence.  You  will  not,  indeed,  wonder  that  there  is 
such  diversity  of  statement  about  this  man,  for  even 
his  name  is  scarcely  known.  His  wife  was  Calpurnia, 
a  revered  and  venerated  woman  of  the  stock  of  the 
Caesonini  (that  is,  of  the  Pisos),6  to  whom  our  fathers 
did  reverence  as  a  priestess  married  but  once  and 
among  the  most  holy  of  women,  and  whose  statue 

but  there  is  no  reason  for  believing  tbat  tbe  family  was  in 
existence  in  tbe  tbird  century,  and  tbis  Calpurnia  is  probably 
an  invention  of  tbe  author's,  due  to  bis  desire  to  ornament  his 
work  with  great  names. 

147 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS 

adorarunt,  cuius  statuam  in  Templo    Veneris  adhuc 

6  vidimus  acrolitham  sed  auratam.      haec  uniones  Cleo- 
patranos   habuisse    perhibetur,   haec   lancem   centum 
librarum  argenti,  cuius  plerique  poetae  meminerunt} 
in  qua  maiorum  eius  expressa  ostenderetur  historia. 

7  Longius  mihi  videor  processisse  quam  res  postulabat. 
sed  quid  faciam  ?     scientia  naturae  facilitate  verbosa 

8  est.     quare  ad  Censorinum  revertar,  hominem  nobilem 
sed  qui  non  tarn  bono  quam  malo  rei  publicae  septem 
diebus  dicitur  imperasse. 

CENSORINUS 

XXXIII.  Vir  plane  militaris  et  antiquae  in  curia 
dignitatis,  bis  consul,  bis  praefectus  praetorii,  ter 
praefectus  urbi,  quarto  pro  coiisule,  tertio  consularis, 
legatus  praetorius  secundo,  quarto  aedilicius,  tertio 
quaestorius,  extra  ordinem  quoque  legatione  Persica 
functus,  etiam  Sarmatica. 

2  Post  omnes  tamen  honores  cum  in  agro  suo  degeret 
senex  atque  uno  pede  claudicans  vulnere,  quod  bello 
Persico    Valeriani    temporibus    acceperat,    factus    est 
imperator  et  scurrarum  ioco  Claudius  appellatus  est. 

3  cumque  se  gravissime   gereret  neque  a  militibus   ob 
disciplinam  censoriam  ferri  posset,  ab  iis  ipsis  a  quibus 

4  factus  fuerat  interemptus  est.     exstat  eius  sepulchrum 


1  Despite  the  imposing  array  of  offices   which   this   "  pre- 
tender "  is  said  to  have  held,  no  trace  of  him  is  found  in  any 
record  of  any  kind,  and,  if  he  existed  at  all,  he  was  certainly 
not  the  man  of  importance  that  the  writer   would   have  ua 
believe. 

2  Apparently  a  pun  on  claudus  =  "  lame." 

148 


THIRTY  PRETENDERS  XXXII.  6— XXXIII.  4 

we  have  seen  still  standing  in  the  Temple  of  Venus, 
its  head,  hands  and  feet  made  of  marble  but  the  rest 
of  it  gilded.  She  is  said  to  have  owned  the  pearls 
that  once  belonged  to  Cleopatra  and  a  silver  platter 
weighing  a  hundred  pounds,  of  which  many  poets 
have  made  mention  and  on  which  was  shown  wrought 
in  relief  the  history  of  her  forefathers. 

I  seem  to  have  gone  on  further  than  the  matter 
demanded.  But  what  am  I  to  do  ?  For  knowledge 
is  ever  wordy  through  a  natural  inclination.  Where- 
fore I  shall  now  return  to  Censorinus,  a  man  of  noble 
birth,  but  said  to  have  ruled  for  seven  days  not  so 
much  to  the  welfare  as  to  the  hurt  of  the  state. 


CENSORINUS1 

XXXIII.  He  was  a  soldier,  indeed,  and  a  man  of 
old-time  dignity  in  the  senate-house,  having  been 
twice  consul,  twice  prefect  of  the  guard,  three  times 
prefect  of  the  city,  four  times  proconsul,  three  times 
legate  of  consular  rank,  twice  of  praetorian,  four  times 
of  aedilician,  three  times  of  quaestorian,  and  having 
held  the  post  of  envoy  extraordinary  to  the  Persians 
and  also  to  the  Sarmatians. 

Nevertheless,  after  all  these  offices,  while  living  on 
his  own  estates,  now  an  old  man  and  lame  in  one  foot 
from  a  wound  received  in 'the  Persian  War  under 
Valerian,  he  was  created  emperor  and  by  a  jester's 
witticism  given  the  name  of  Claudius.2  But  when  he 
proceeded  to  act  with  the  greatest  severity  and  be- 
came intolerable  to  the  soldiers  because  of  his  rigid 
discipline,  he  was  put  to  death  by  the  very  men 
who  had  made  him  emperor.  His  tomb  is  still  in 

149 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS 

circa  Bononiam,1  in  quo  grandibus  litteris  incisi  sunt 
omnes  eius  honores  ;  ultimo  tamen  versu  adscriptum 

5  est 2  :   "  Felix  omnia,  infelicissimus  imperator."     exstat 
eius  familia,  Censorinorum  nomine  frequentata,  cuius 
pars  Thracias  odio  rerum  Romanarum,  pars  Bithyniam 

6  petiit.       exstat    etiam    domus   pulcherrima,   adiuncta 
Gentibus   Flaviis,  quae  quondam  Titi  principis  fuisse 
perhibentur. 

7  Habes  integrum  triginta  numerum  tyrannorum,  qui 

8  cum  malevolis  quidem  sed  bono  animo  causabaris.    da 
nunc  cuivis  libellum,  non  tam  diserte  quam  fideliter  3 
scriptum.     neque  ego  eloquentiam  mini  videor  polli- 
citus  esse,  sed    rem,    qui  hos   libellos,    quos    de    vita 
principum  edidi,  non  scribo  sed  dicto,  et  dicto  cum  ea 
festinatione,  quam,  si  quid  vel  ipse  promisero  vel  tu 
petieris,    sic    perurges    ut    respirandi    non    habeam 
facultatem. 

1  circa  Bononiam  transp.  by  Eyssenhardt,  foil,  by  Peter ; 
after  litteris  in  P.  2  adscriptum  est  Hohl ;  asscri2Jt'nsest  Z\ 
adseripext  P1;  adseri  potest  P  corr.,  Peter.  3 fideliter  2, 
Peter ;  ft-liciter  P. 


1  See  note  to  c.  xiv.  3. 

2  The  Templum  Gentis  Flaviae,  originally  the  private  house 
of  Vespasian,  was  converted  into  a  temple  by  Domitian  (Suet., 
Dotn.,  i.  1)  and  was  used  as  the  burial-place  of  the  Flavian 


150 


THE  THIRTY  PRETENDERS  XXXIII.  5-8 

existence  near  Bologna,  and  on  it  are  inscribed  in 
large  letters  all  the  honours  he  had  held,  but  in  the 
last  line  there  is  added  :  "  Happy  in  all  things,  as 
emperor  most  hapless."  His  family  is  still  in  exist- 
ence,1 well  known  by  the  name  of  Censorini,  some  of 
whom,  in  their  hatred  of  all  things  Roman,  have 
departed  to  Thrace,  and  some  to  Bithynia.  His 
house,  too,  is  still  in  existence,  and  a  most  beautiful 
one  it  is,  adjacent  to  the  Flavian  House,2  which  is  said 
to  have  once  belonged  to  the  Emperor  Titus. 

You  have  now  the  complete  number  of  the  thirty 
tyrants,  you  who  used  to  dispute  with  those  ill  dis- 
posed to  me,  though  always  in  a  kindly  spirit.  Now 
bestow  on  any  one  you  wish  this  little  book,  written 
not  with  elegance  but  with  fidelity  to  truth.  Nor,  in 
fact,  do  I  seem  to  myself  to  have  made  any  promise 
of  literary  style,  but  only  of  facts,  for  these  little 
works  which  I  have  composed  on  the  lives  of  the 
emperors  I  do  not  write  down  but  only  dictate,  and 
I  dictate  them,  indeed,  with  that  speed,  which, 
whether  I  promise  aught  of  my  own  accord  or  you 
request  it,  you  urge  with  such  insistence  that  I  have 
not  even  the  opportunity  of  drawing  breath. 

emperors.  It  stood  on  the  Quirinal  Hill  close  to  the  modern 
Quattro  Fpntane.  The  term  Oentes  Flaviae  used  in  the  text 
to  denote  this  building  is  given  as  Gentem  Flaviam  in  the 
Notitia  Regionum  and  the  Curiosum. 


151 


DIVUS  CLAUDIUS 

TREBELLII    POLLIONIS 

I.  Ventum  est  ad  principem  Claudium,  qui  nobis 
intuitu  Constant!!  Caesaris  cum  cura  in  litteras  dige- 
rendus  est.  de  quo  ego  idcirco  recusare  non  potui 
quod  alios,  tumultuarios  videlicet  imperatores  ac 
regulos,  scripseram  eo  libro  quern  de  triginta  tyrannis 
edidi,  qui  Cleopatranam  etiam  stirpem  Victoriamque  l 

2  mine  detinet ;  si  quidem  eo  res  processit  ut  mulierum 

3  etiam  vitas  scribi  Gallieni  comparatio  effecerit.    neque 
enim  fas  erat  eum  tacere  principem,  qui  tantam  generis 
sui  prolem  reliquit,2  qui  bellum  Gothicum  sua  virtute 


1  Victoriamque  Peter;   Victor ianamgue  P,  Hohl. 
"  reliquit  ins.  by  Salm.  foil,  by  Peter  ;  om.  in  P. 


2 


*M.  Aurelius  Claudius  Augustus  (268-270).  The  names 
Flavius  (c.  vii.  8 ;  Aur.,  xvii.  2)  and  Valerius  (c.  xviii.  3)  are 
incorrectly  given  to  him  by  the  biographer  for  the  purpose  of 
connecting  him  more  closely  with  Flavius  Valerius  Constantius 
(Chlorus),  his  reputed  descendant;  see  note  to  c.  xiii.  2.  He 
seems  to  have  been  born  in  Illyricum  (c.  xi.  9),  probably  in 
214,  and  to  have  served  under  Gallienus  in  the  wars  against 
Postumus  (Gall.,  vii.  1)  and  against  the  Goths;  see  c.  vi.  1; 
xviii.  1.  For  his  accession  to  power  and  his  victory  over 
Aureolus,  see  c.  v.  1-3 ;  Gail.,  xiv.  2  f . ;  xv.  3 ;  Tyr.  Trig., 
xi.  4.  The  biographer  omits  from  this  hysterical  panegyric  all 

152 


THE  DEIFIED  CLAUDIUS 

BY 

TREBELLIUS   POLLIO 

I.  I  have  now  come  to  the  Emperor  Claudius,1 
whose  life  1  must  set  forth  in  writing  with  all  due 
care,  out  of  respect  for  Constantius  Caesar.  I  could 
not,  indeed,  refuse  to  write  of  him,  inasmuch  as  I  had 
already  written  of  others,  emperors  created  in  tumult, 
I  mean,  and  princes  of  no  importance,  all  in  that  book 
which  I  composed  about  the  thirty  pretenders  and 
which  now  includes  even  a  descendant  of  Cleopatra  2 
and  a  Victoria  ;  3  for  things  had  come  to  such  a  pass 
that,  for  the  sake  of  comparison  with  Gallienus,  I  was 
forced  to  write  even  the  lives  of  women.4  And,  in 
fact,  it  would  not  be  right  to  leave  unmentioned  an 
emperor  who  left  us  such  a  scion  of  his  race,5  who 
ended  the  war  against  the  Goths  by  his  own  valour, 

mention  of  his  great  victory  in  268  over  the  Alamanni,  near 
Lake  Garda,  recorded  by  Epit.,  34,  2  and  an  inscription  in 
which  he  has  the  cognomen  Germanicus,  as  well  as  by  his 
coins  with  the  legend  Victoria  Germanica  (Matt.-Syd.,  v.  p.  232, 
nos.  247-250). 

3  i.e.,  Zenobia ;  see  Tyr.  Trig.,  xxx.  2. 

»See  Tyr.  Trig.,  xxxi.  1-4.  4Cf.  Tyr.  Trig.,  xxi.  1. 

'Constantius  Ghlorus  ;  see  c.  xiii.  2  and  note. 

153 


THE  DEIFIED  CLAUDIUS 

coiifecit,  qui  manum  publicis  cladibus  victor  imposuit, 
qui  Gallienum,  prodigiosum  imperatorem,  etiamsi 
non  auctor  consilii  fuit,  tamen  ipse  imperaturus  bono 
generis  humani,  a  gubernaculis  publicis  depulit,  qui, 
si  diutius  in  hac  esset  commoratus  re  publica,  Sci- 
piones  nobis  l  et  Camillos  omnesque  illos  veteres  suis 
viribus,  suis  consiliis,  sua  providentia  reddidisset 

II.  Breve  illius,  negare 2  non  possum,  in  impeno  fuit 
tempus,  sed  breve  fuisset,  etiamsi  quantum  hominum 
vita  suppetit,  tantum  vir  talis  imperare  potuisset. 

2  quid    enim    in    illo    non   mirabile  ?     quid   lion    con- 
spicuum  ?  quid  non  triumphalibus  vetustissimis  prae- 

3  ferendum  ?    in  quo  Traiani    virtus,  Antonini    pietas, 
Augusti  moderatio,  et  magnorum  principum  bona  sic 
fuerunt,  ut  non  ille  3  ab  aliis  exemplum  caperet,  sed, 
etiamsi   illi    non    fuissent,  hie  ceteris   reliquisset  ex- 

4  emplum.     doctissimi  mathematicorum  centum  viginti 
annos    homini    ad    vivendum    datos    iudicant    neque 
amplius  cuiquam  iactitant  esse  concessos,  etiam  illud 
addentes  Mosen  solum,  dei,   ut    ludaeorum  libri  lo- 
quuntur,    familiarem,    centum  viginti  quinque  annos 
vixisse ;    qui  cum  quereretur  quod    iuvenis  interiret, 
responsum  ei  ab  incerto  ferunt  numine  neminem  plus 

6  esse  victurum.  quare  etiamsi  centum  et  viginti  quinque 
annos  Claudius  vixisset,  ne  necessarian!  quidem  mortem 
eius  exspectandam  fuisse,  ut  Tullius  de  Scipione 

1  nobis  Salin. ;  bonis  P.         .   2  negare  Eyssenhardt,  Peter  ; 
genere  P,  27.  3  ille  Salm. ;  nihil  P,  Z. 


1  See  note  to  Gall.,  xiv.  1. 

2  Usually  applied  to  Abraham  ;  but  cf.  Exodus,  xxxiii.  11  and 
EcclesiasticuSt  xliv.  1. 

3  120  years,  according  to  Deuteronomy,  xxxiv.  11. 

4  Cicero,  pro  Milone,  16,  of  the  younger  Scipio  Africanus. 

154 


THE  DEIFIED  CLAUDIUS  II.  1-5 

who  as  victor  laid  a  healing  hand  upon  the  public 
miseries,  who,  though  not  the  contriver  of  the  plan,1 
nevertheless  thrust  Gallienus,  that  monstrous  emperor, 
from  the  helm  of  the  state,  himself  destined  to  rule 
for  the  good  of  the  human  race,  who,  finally,  had  he 
but  tarried  longer  in  this  commonwealth,  would  by 
his  strength,  his  counsel,  and  his  foresight  have  re- 
stored to  us  the  Scipios,  the  Camilli,  and  all  those 
men  of  old. 

II.  Short,  indeed,  was  the  time  of  his  rule — I  can- 
not deny  it — but  too  short  would  it  have  been,  could 
such  a  man  as  he  have  ruled  even  as  long  as  human 
life  may  last.  For  what  was  there  in  him  that  was 
not  admirable  ?  that  was  not  pre-eminent  ?  that  was 
not  superior  to  the  triumphant  generals  of  remote 
antiquity  ?  The  valour  of  Trajan,  the  righteousness 
of  Antoninus,  the  self-restraint  of  Augustus,  and  the 
good  qualities  of  all  the  great  emperors,  all  these 
were  his  to  such  a  degree  that  he  did  not  merely  take 
others  as  examples,  but,  even  if  these  others  had 
never  existed,  he  himself  would  have  left  an  example 
to  all  who  came  after.  Now  the  most  learned  of  the 
astrologers  hold  that  one  hundred  and  twenty  years 
have  been  allotted  to  man  for  living  and  assert  that 
no  one  has  ever  been  granted  a  longer  span  ;  they 
even  tell,  us  that  Moses  alone,  the  friend  of  God,2 
as  he  is  called  in  the  books  of  the  Jews,  lived  for  one 
hundred  and  twenty-five  years,3  and  that  when  he 
complained  that  he  was  dying  in  his  prime,  he  re- 
ceived from  an  unknown  god,  so  they  say,  the  reply 
that  no  one  should  ever  live  longer.  But  even  if 
Claudius  had  lived  for  one  hundred  and  twenty-five 
years — as  his  life,  so  marvellous  and  admirable,  shows 
us — we  need  not,  as  Tullius  says  of  Scipio,4  have 


THE  DEIFIED  CLAUDIUS 

6  loquitur,1  stupenda  et  mirabilis  docet  vita,  quid  enim 
magnum  vir  ille  domi  forisque  non  habuit  ?  amavit 
parentes ;  quid  mirum  ?  amavit  et  fratres  ;  iam  potest 2 
dignum  esse  miraculo.  amavit  propinquos  ;  res  nostris 
temporibus  comparanda  miraculo.  invidit  nulli,  malos 

7persecutus  est.  fures  iudices  palam  aperteque  dam- 
navit ;  stultis  quasi  neglegenter  indulsit.  leges 

8  optim/> s  dedit.  talis  in  re  publica  fuit,  ut  eius  stirpem 
ad  imperium  summi  principes  eligerent,  emendatior 
senatus  optaret. 

III.  In  gratiam  me  quispiam  p utet  Constantii Caesaris 
loqu',  sed  testis  est  et  tua  conscientia  et  vita  mea  me 
nihil  umquam  cogitasse,  dixisse,  fecisse  gratiosum. 

2Claudium  principem  loquor,  cuius  vita,  probitas,  et 
omnia  quae  in  re  publica  gessit  tantam  posteris  famam 
dedere  ut  senatus  populusque  Romanus  novis  eum 

3  honoribus  post  mortem  adfecerit :   illi  clipeus  aureus, 
vel,  ut  grammatici  loquuntur,  clipeum  aureum,  senatus 
totius   iudicio  in  Romana    Curia    conlocatum    est,   et 
etiam  nunc   videtur  expresso 3   thorace    vultus    eius. 

4  illi,  quod  nulli  antea,  populus  Romanus  sumptu  suo 
in    Capitolio    ante   lovis    Optimi    Maximi    Templum 

6  statuam  auream  decem  pedum  conlocavit.  illi  totius 
orbis  iudicio  in  Rostris  posita  est  columna  palmata 

1  So  Gas.  foil,  by  Peter ;  sic  loquitur  pro  Milone  P. 
8 potest  27;  post  P.  *  expresso  Salm. ;  expressa  P,  Peter, 

Hohl. 


1  The  author  protests   frequently   and  in   vain  against  the 
imputation  of  flattery  ;  see  c.  vi.  5  ;  viii.  2  ;  xi.  5. 

2  See  note  to  Pius,  v.  2. 

3  As  a  matter  of  fact,   the  masculine  form  is  the  more 
common. 

156 


THE  DEIFIED  CLAUDIUS  II.  6— III.  5 

expected  for  him  even  a  natural  death.  For  what 
great  quality  did  not  that  man  exhibit  both  at  home 
and  abroad  ?  He  loved  his  parents  ;  what  wonder  in 
that  ?  He  loved  also  his  brothers  ;  that,  indeed,  may 
seem  worthy  of  wonder.  He  loved  his  kinsmen  ; 
and  that,  in  these  times  of  ours,  may  well  be  com- 
pared to  a  wonder.  He  envied  none,  but  he  punished 
evil-doers.  Judges  guilty  of  theft  he  condemned 
openly  and  in  public ;  but  to  the  stupid  he  extended 
a  sort  of  careless  indulgence.  He  enacted  most  excel- 
lent laws.  Indeed,  so  great  a  man  did  he  show 
himself  in  public  affairs,  that  the  greatest  princes 
chose  a  descendant  of  his  to  hold  the  imperial  power, 
and  a  bettered  senate  desired  him. 

III.  Some  one  perhaps  may  believe  that  I  am  speak- 
ing thus  to  win  the  favour  of  Constant! us  Caesar,  but 
your  sense  of  justice  and  my  own  past  life  will  bear 
me  witness  that  never  have  I  thought  or  said  or  done 
anything  to  curry  favour.1  I  am  speaking  of  the 
Emperor  Claudius,  whose  manner  of  life,  whose  up- 
rightness, and  whose  whole  career  in  the  state  have 

~ 

brought  him  such  fame  among  later  generations  that 
after  his  death  the  senate  and  people  of  Rome  be- 
stowed on  him  unprecedented  rewards  :  in  his  honour 
there  was  set  up  in  the  Senate-house  at  Rome,  by 
desire  of  the  entire  senate,  a  golden  c/ipeus2 — or 
clipeum,  as  the  grammarians  say  3 — and  even  at  the 
present  time  his  likeness  may  be  seen  in  the  bust  that 
stands  out  in  relief;  in  his  honour — and  to  none 
before  him — the  Roman  people  at  their  own  expense 
erected  a  golden  statue  ten  feet  high  on  the  Capitol 
in  front  of  the  Temple  of  Jupiter,  Best  and  Greatest ; 
in  his  honour  by  action  of  the  entire  world  there  was 
placed  on  the  Rostra  a  column  bearing  a  silver  statue 

157 


THE  DEIFIED  CLAUDIUS 

statua  superfixa  librarum  argenti  mille  quingeniarum. 

6ille,  velut  futurorum  memor,  Gentes  Flavias,  quae 
Vespasian!  quoque 1  et  Titi,  nolo  autem  dicere  Domi- 
tiani,  fuerant,  propagavit.  ille  bellum  Gothicum  brevi 

7tempore  implevit.  adulator  igitur  senatus,  adulator 
populus  Romanus,  adulatrices  exterae  gentes,  adula- 
trices  provinciae,  si  quidem  omnes  ordhies,  omnis 
aetas,  omnis  civitas  statuis,  vexillis,  coronis,  fanis, 
arcubus,  aris  ac  templis2  bonum  principem  hono- 
raverit. 

IV.  Interest  et  eorum  qui  bonos  imitantur  principes 
et  totius  orbis  humani  cognoscere  quae  de  illo  viro 
senatus  consulta  sint  condita,  ut  omnes  iudicium  pub- 

2licae  mentis  adnoscant.  nam  cum  esset  nuntiatum 
IX  kal.  Aprilis  ipso  in  Sacrario  Matris  sanguinis  die 
Claudium  imperatorem  factum,  neque  cogi  senatus 
sacrorum  celebrandorum  causa  posset,  sumptis  togis 
itum  est  ad  Apollinis  Templum,  ac  lectis  litteris 

3  Claudi?  principis  haec  in  Claudium  dicta  sunt :  "  Au- 
guste  Claudi,  di  te  praestent,"  dictum  sexagies. 
"Claudi  Auguste,  te  principem  aut  qualis  tu  es 
semper  optavimus,"  dictum  quadragies.  "Claudi 

1  Vespasiani  quoque  2,  Hohl ;  om.  in  P.  2  aris  ac 

transp.  by  Klotz  ;  after  principem  in  P,  Peter. 


1  See  note  to  Gord.,  iv.  4. 

a  See  note  to  Tyr.  Trig.,  xxxiii.  6. 

8  See  c.  vi.-xi. 

4  The  date  is  incorrect,  for  Gallienus  was  killed  probably  in 
July ;  see  note  to  Gall.,  xiv.  1. 

5  March  24  was  the  second  day  of  the  great  four-day  festival 
held  in  honour  of  the  Magna  Mater,  whose  temple  stood  on  the 
Palatine  Hill.    Originally  the  day  of  the  castration  of  the  Galli, 

158 


THE  DEIFIED  CLAUDIUS  III.  6— IV.  3 

arrayed  in  the  palm- embroidered  tunic  1  and  weigh- 
ing fifteen  hundred  pounds.  It  was  he  who,  as 
though  mindful  of  the  future,  enlarged  the  Flavian 
House,2  which  had  also  belonged  to  Vespasian  and 
Titus,  and — I  say  it  reluctantly — of  Domitian  as  well. 
It  was  he  who,  in  a  brief  space  of  time,  put  an  end 
to  the  war  against  the  Goths.3  Therefore  the  senate 
and  people  of  Rome,  foreign  nations  and  provinces, 
too,  must  all  be  his  flatterers,  for  indeed  all  ranks,  all 
ages,  and  all  communities  have  honoured  this  noble 
emperor  with  statues,  banners,  and  crowns,  shrines 
and  arches,  altars  and  temples. 

IV.  It  will  be  of  interest,  both  to  those  who  imitate 
righteous  princes  and  to  the  whole  world  of  mankind 
as  well,  to  learn  the  decrees  of  the  senate  that  were 
passed  about  this  man,  in  order  that  all  may  know 
the  official  opinion  concerning  him.  For  when  it  was 
announced  in  the  shrine  of  the  Great  Mother  on  the 
ninth  day  before  the  Kalends  of  April,4  the  day  of 
the  shedding  of  blood,5  that  Claudius  had  been 
created  emperor,  the  senators  could  not  be  held  to- 
gether for  performing  the  sacred  rites,  but  donning 
their  togas  they  set  forth  to  the  Temple  of  Apollo,6 
and  there,  when  the  letter  of  the  Emperor  Claudius 
was  read,  the  following  acclamations  were  shouted  in 
his  honour  7  :  "  Claudius  Augustus,  may  the  gods  pre- 
serve you  !"  said  sixty  times.  "  Claudius  Augustus, 
you  or  such  as  you  we  have  ever  desired  for  our 
emperor,"  said  forty  times.  "  Claudius  Augustus,  the 

or  priests  of  the  goddess,  it  was  later  the  occasion  of  a  ceremony 
in  which  the  Archigallus  cut  his  arm  and  so  shed  blood 
symbolically. 

6  The  great  temple  on  the  Palatine  Hill,  built  by  Augustus. 

7  See  note  to  Val.,  v.  4. 

159 


THE  DEIFIED  CLAUDIUS 

Auguste,  te  res  publica  requirebat/'  dictum  quad- 
ragies.  ft  Claudi  Auguste,  tu  frater,  tu  pater,  tu 
amicus,  tu  bonus  senator,  tu  vere  princeps,"  dictum 

4octogies.  "Claudi  Auguste,  tu  nos  ab  Aureolo  vin- 
dica,"  dictum  quinquies.  "Claudi  Auguste,  tu  nos  a 
Palmyrenis  vindica,"  dictum  quinquies.  "  Claudi  Au- 
guste, tu  nos  a  Zenobia  et  a  Vitruvia  libera,"  dictum 
septies.  "  Claudi  Auguste,  Tetricus  iiihil  fecit," 
dictum  septies. 

V.  Qui  primum  ut  factus  est  imperator,  Aureolum, 
qui  gravior  rei  publicae  fuerat,  quod  Gallieno  multum 
placebat,  conflictu  habito  a  rei  publicae  gubernaculis 
depulit  tyrannumque  missis  ad  populum  edictis,  datis 

2  etiam  ad  senatum  orationibus,  iudicavit.  his  accedit 
quod  rogantem  Aureolum  et  foedus  petentem  impera- 
tor gravis  et  serius  non  audivit,  response  tali  re- 
pudiatum :  "  Haec  a  Gallieno  petenda  fuerant ;  qui 

Sconsentiret  moribus,  poterat  et  timere."  denique 
iudicio  suorum  militum  apud  Mediolanum  Aureolus 
dignum  exitum  vita  ac  moribus  suis  habuit.  et  hunc 
tamen  quidam  historici  laudare  conati  sunt,  et  ridicule 

4  quidem.    nam  Gallus  Antipater,  ancilla  honorum  et  his- 
toricorum  dehonestamentum,  principium  de  Aureolo 
habuit:     "  Venimus   ad    imperatorem    nominis    sui." 

5  magiia  videlicet  virtus  ab  auro  nomen  accipere.     at 
ego  scio  saepius  inter  gladiatores  bonis  propugnatori- 


1  See  T;>/r.  Trig.,  xi.  2  Otherwise  unknown. 

3  Probably  imitated  from  Sallust  (Historiae  i.  frg.  55,  22) : 
ancilla  liirpis,  bonornm  omnium  deJionestamentum. 

ifio 


THE  DEIFIED  CLAUDIUS  IV.  4— V.  5 

state  was  in  need  of  you,"  said  forty  times.  "  Claudius 
Augustus,  you  are  brother,  father,  friend,  righteous 
senator,  and  truly  prince,"  said  eighty  times. 
"  Claudius  Augustus,  deliver  us  from  Aureolus,"  said 
five  times.  "  Claudius  Augustus,  deliver  us  from  the 
men  of  Palmyra,"  said  five  times.  "Claudius 
Augustus,  set  us  free  from  Zenobia  and  from  Vrt- 
ruvia,"  said  seven  times.  "  Claudius  Augustus, 
nothing  has  Tetricus  accomplished,"  said  seven 
times. 

V.  As  soon  as  he  was  made  emperor,  entering 
into  battle  against  Aureolus,1  who  was  the  more 
dangerous  to  the  commonwealth  because  he  had 
found  great  favour  with  Gallienus,  he  thrust  him 
from  the  helm  of  the  state  ;  then  he  pronounced  him 
a  pretender,  sending  proclamations  to  the  people  and 
also  despatching  messages  to  the  senate.  It  must  be 
told  in  addition  that  when  Aureolus  pleaded  with  him 
and  sought  to  make  terms,  this  stern  and  unbending 
emperor  refused  to  hearken,  but  rejected  him  with 
a  reply  as  follows  :  "  This  should  have  been  sought 
from  Gallienus  ;  for  his  character  was  like  your  own, 
he,  too,  could  feel  fear."  Finally,  near  Milan,  by  the 
judgement  of  his  own  soldiers  Aureolus  met  with  an 
end  worthy  of  his  life  and  character.  And  yet  certain 
historians  have  tried  to  praise  him,  though  indeed 
most  absurdly.  For  Gallus  Antipater,2  the  hand- 
maiden of  honours  and  the  dishonour  of  historians,3 
composed  a  preface  about  Aureolus,  beginning  as 
follows :  "  We  have  now  come  to  an  emperor  who 
resembled  his  own  name."  Great  virtue,  forsooth,  to 
get  one's  name  from  gold  !  I,  however,  know  well 
that  among  gladiators  this  name  has  often  been  given 
to  courageous  fighters.  Indeed,  only  recently  your 

161 


THE  DEIFIED  CLAUDIUS 

bus  hoc  nomen  adpositum.     habuit  proxime  tuus  libel- 
lus  munerarius  hoc  nomen  in  indice  ludiorum. 

VI.  Sed  redeamus  ad  Claudium.  nam,  ut  superius 
diximus,1  illi  Gothi,  qui  evaserant  eo  tempore  quo  illcs 
Marcianus  est  persecutus,  quosque  Claudius  emitti 
non  siverat,  ne  id 2  fieret  quod  effectum  est,  omnes 
gentes  suorum  ad  Romanas  incitaverunt  praedas. 

2denique  Scytharum  diversi  populi,  Peucini,  Greu- 
thungi,  Austrogothi,  Tervingi,  Visi,3  Gepedes,  Celtae 
etiam  et  Eruli,  praedae  cupiditate  in  Romanura  solum 
inruperunt 4  atque  illic  pleraque  vastarunt,  dum  aliis 
occupatus  est  Claudius  dumque  se  ad  id  bellum  quod 
confecit  imperatorie  instruit,  ut  videantur  fata  Romana 

3boni  principis  occupatione  lentata,  sed  credo,  ut 
Claudii  gloria  adcresceret  eiusque  fieret  gloriosior  toto 

4penitus  orbe  victoria,     armatarum  denique  gentium 

6  trecenta  viginti  milia  tune  fuere.  dicat  nunc  qui  nos 
adulationis  accusat  Claudium  minus  esse  amabilem. 
armatorum  trecenta  viginti  milia.  quis  tandem 

1  So  Gruter,  foil,  by  Peter  ;  diximus  triginta  P.    2  id  Peter, 
quid  P.     5  Names  corr.  by  Muellenhoff;  virtingui  sigypedes  P. 
4  inruperunt  Peter,  Hohl ;  in  tep.  uenerunt  P. 


1  See  Gall.,  vi.  1 ;   xiii.  10  and  notes. 

zi.e.,  under  Gallienus;  see  note  to  c.  i.  1. 

3  Cc.  vi.-xi.  describe  the  great  Gothic  invasion  of  269-270,  the 
most  important  event  of  Claudius'  reign.  The  account,  padded 
with  fabricated  letters  and  rhetorical  questions,  is  hopelessly 
inadequate.  A  fuller  description  is  given  by  Zosimus,  i.  42-43 ; 
45.  The  East  and  West  Gothic  tribes,  Greuthungi-Austrogothi 
and  Tervingi-Visi  (the  author  has  made  four  out  of  two),  and 
the  Gepidae,  led,  apparently,  by  the  Eruli  (see  Gall.  xiii.  6-10) 

Iffc 


THE  DEIFIED  CLAUDIUS  VI.  1-5 

own  announcement  of  games  contained  in  the  list  of 
the  combatants  this  very  name. 

VI.  But  let  us  return  to  Claudius.  For,  as  we  have 
said  before,  those  Goths  who  had  escaped  when 
Marcianus  chastised  them1  and  those  whom  Claudius, 
hoping  to  prevent  what  actually  came  to  pass,  had  not 
allowed  to  break  forth,2  fired  all  the  tribes  of  their 
fellow-countrymen  with  the  hope  of  Roman  booty.3 
Finally,  the  various  tribes  of  the  Scythians,  the 
Peucini,  Greuthungi,  Austrogothi,  Tervingi,  Visi,  and 
Gepedes,  and  also  the  Celts  and  the  Eruli,  in  their 
desire  for  plunder  burst  into  Roman  territory  and 
there  proceeded  to  ravage  many  districts  ;  for  mean- 
while Claudius  was  busied  with  other  things  and  was 
making  preparation,  like  a  true  commander,  for  that 
war  which  he  finally  brought  to  an  end  ;  and  so  it 
may  seem  that  the  destiny  of  Rome  was  retarded  by 
the  diligence  of  an  excellent  prince,  but  I,  for  my 
part,  believe  that  it  so  came  to  pass  in  order  that  the 
glory  of  Claudius  might  be  enhanced  and  his  victory 
have  a  greater  renown  throughout  the  whole  world. 
There  were  then,  in  fact,  three  hundred  and  twenty 
thousand  men  of  these  tribes  under  arms.  Now  let 
him  who  accuses  us  of  flattery  4  say  that  Claudius  was 
not  worthy  of  being  beloved  !  Three  hundred  and 

and  accompanied  by  some  of  the  Peucini  from  the  mouth  of  the 
Danube  invaded  Thrace  and  Macedonia  and  the  Propontis  by 
land  and  sea.  After  a  vain  attempt  to  take  Byzantium  and 
Cyzicus  they  laid  siege  to  Thessalouica  and  Cassandrea  but 
were  called  away  by  the  arrival  of  Claudius,  who  completely 
defeated  and  scattered  their  forces  at  Naissus  (modern  Nish  in 
Jugoslavia).  The  figures  of  320,000  men  (§  4)  and  2000  ships 
(c.  viii.  1)  are,  of  course,  gross  exaggerations,  like  the  number 
of  Germans  in  Prob.t  xiii.  7. 
4  See  c.  iii.  1  and  note. 

163 


THE  DEIFIED  CLAUDIUS 

Xerxes  hoc  habuit  ?     quae  fabella  istum  numerum  ad- 
finxit  ?    quis  poeta  composuit  ?    trecenta  viginti  milia 

6armatorum  fuerunt.  adde  servos,  adde  familias,  adde 
carraginem  et  epotata  flumina  consumptasque  silvas, 
laborasse  denique  terram  ipsam,  quae  tantum  barbaric! 
tumoris  excepit. 

VII.  Exstat  ipsius  epistula  missa  ad  senatum  le- 
geiida  ad  populum,  qua  indicat  de  numero  bar- 
barorum,  quae  tails  est : 

2  "Senatui  populoque  Romano  Claudius  priiiceps." 
(hanc  autem  ipse  dictasse  perhibetur,  ego  verba 

Smagistri  memoriae  non  require.)  "  Patres  conscripti, 
mirantes1  audite  quod  verum  est.  trecenta  viginti 
milia  barbarorum  in  Romanum  solum  armati  venerunt. 
haec  si  vicero,  vos  vicem  reddite  meritis ;  si  non  vicero, 

4scitote  me  post  Gallienum  velle  pugnare.  fatigata 
est  tota  res  publica.  pugnamus  post  Valerianum,  post 
Ingenuum,  post  Regalianum,  post  Lollianum,  post 
Postumum,  post  Celsum,  post  mille  alios,  qui  con- 

Stemptu  mali 2  principis  a  re  publica  defecerunt.  non 
scuta,  non  spathae,  non  pila  iam  supersunt.  Gallias 
et  Hispanias,  vires  rei  publicae,  Tetricus  tenet,  et 
omnes  sagittarios,  quod  pudet  dicere,  Zenobia  possi- 
det.  quidquid  fecerimus  satis  grande  est." 

6  Hos  igitur  Claudius  ingenita  ilia  virtute  superavit, 
hos  brevi  tempore  adtrivit,  de  bis  vix  aliquos  ad 

1  mirantes   Obreoht,  Peter;    militantes  P.  '2mali  v. 

Wintorfeld  ;    olio  P;    Gallieni   Egnatius,  foil,   by   Peter  arid 
Hohl. 


1  According  to  Herodotus,  vii.  60  and  87,  Xerxes  brought 
across  the  Hellespont  1,700,000  foot  and  80,000  horse;  these 
figures  are  ceita;nly  greatly  exaggerated. 

-See  Pesc.  Nig.,  vii.  4  and  note. 

164 


THE  DEIFIED  CLAUDIUS  VI.  6— VII.  6 

twenty  thousand  armed  men !  What  Xerxes,1  pray, 
had  so  many  ?  What  tale  has  ever  imagined,  what 
poet  ever  conceived  such  a  number  ?  There  were 
three  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  armed  men  ! 
Add  to  these  their  slaves,  add  also  their  families, 
their  waggon -trains,  too,  consider  the  streams  they 
drank  dry  and  the  forests  they  burned,  and,  finally, 
the  labour  of  the  earth  itself  which  carried  such  a 
swollen  mass  of  barbarians  ! 

VII.  There  is  still  in  existence  a  letter  of  his,  sent 
to  the  senate  to  be  read  before  the  people,  in  which 
he  tells  the  number  of  the  barbarians.  It  is  as  follows  : 
"  From  the  Emperor  Claudius  to  the  senate  and  people 
of  Rome."  (This  letter,  it  is  said,  he  dictated  himself, 
and  I  will  not  demand  the  version  of  the  secretary  of 
memoranda.2)  "  Conscript  Fathers,  you  will  hear  with 
wonder  what  is  only  the  truth.  Three  hundred  and 
twenty  thousand  barbarians  have  come  in  arms  into 
Roman  territory.  If  I  defeat  them,  do  you  requite 
my  services;  if  I  fail  to  defeat  them,  reflect  that  I 
am  striving  to  fight  after  Gallienus'  reign.  The  whole 
commonwealth  is  exhausted.  We  are  fighting  now 
after  Valerian,  after  Ingenuus,  after  Regalianus,  after 
Lollianus,  after  Postumus,  after  Celsus,  and  after  a 
thousand  others,  who,  in  their  contempt  for  an  evil 
prince,  revolted  against  the  commonwealth.  No 
shields,  no  swords,  no  spears  are  left  to  us  now.  The 
provinces  of  Gaul  and  Spain,  the  sources  of  strength 
for  the  state,  are  held  by  Tetricus,  and  all  the  bow- 
men— I  blush  to  say  it — Zenobia  now  possesses.  Any- 
thing we  accomplish  will  be  achievement  enough." 

These  barbarians,  then,  Claudius  overcame  by  his 
own  inborn  valour  and  crushed  in  a  brief  space  of 
time,  suffering  scarcely  any  to  return  to  their  native 

165 


THE  DEIFIED  CLAUDIUS 

patrium  solum  redire  permisit.     rogo,  quantum  pre- 
tium  est  clipeus  in  Curia  tantae  victoriae  ?     quantum 

7  una  aurea  statua  ?     dicit  Ennius  de  Scipione  :   "  Quan- 
tam  statuam  faciet  populus  Romanus,  quantam  colum- 

8  nam,  quae  res  tuas  gestas  loquatur  ?  "     possumus  dicere 
Flavium  Claudium,  unicum  in  terris  principem,  non 
columnis,  non  statuis  sed  famae  viribus  adiuvari. 

VIII.  Habuerunt  praeterea  duo  milia  navium,  du- 
plicem  scilicet  numerum  quam  ilium  quo  tota  pariter 
Graecia  omnisque  Thessalia  urbes  Asiae  quondam  ex- 
pugnare  conata  est.  sed  illud  poeticus  stilus  fingit, 

2  hoc  vera  continet  historia.  Claudio  igitur  scriptores 
adulamur,  qui  duo  milia  navium  barbararum  et  tre- 
centa  viginti  milia  armatorum  delevit,  oppressit,  ad- 
trivit,  qui  carraginem  tantam,  quantam  numerus  hie 
armatorum  sibimet  aptare  potuit  et  parare,  nunc  in- 
cendi  fecit,  nunc  cum  omnibus  familiis  Romano  ser- 

Svitio  deputavit.  ut  docetur  eiusdem  epistula,  quam 
ad  lunium  Brocchum  scripsit  Illyricum  tuentem : 

4  "  Claudius    Broccho.       delevimus    trecenta    viginti 

5  milia  Gothorum,  duo  milia  navium  mersimus.     tecta 
sunt  flumina  scutis,  spathis  et  lanceolis  omnia  litora 
operiuntur.     campi  ossibus   latent   tecti,   nullum  iter 

epurum  est,  ingens  carrago  deserta  est.     tantum  muli- 

erum  cepimus  ut  binas  et  ternas  mulieres  victor  sibi 

IX.  miles  possit  adiungere.     et  utinam  Gallienum  non  esset 

passa  res   publica  !     utinam    sescentos   tyrannos   non 

1  See  c.  iii.  3. 

2  Evidently  from  Ennius'  Scipio,  a  poem  eulogizing  the  elder 
Africanus.     These  two  lines  are  unmetrical  and  are  plainly  an 
inexact  quotation. 

3  See  note  to  c.  i.  1. 

4  The  thousand  ships  of  the  Greeks  in  the  war  against  Troy. 
But  see  note  to  c.  vi.  1. 

8 See  c.  iii.  1  and  note.  "Otherwise  unknown. 


THE  DEIFIED  CLAUDIUS    VII.  7— IX.  1 

soil.  What  reward  for  such  a  victory,  I  ask  you,  is  a 
shield x  in  the  Senate-house  ?  What  reward  is  one 
golden  statue  ?  Of  Scipio  Ennius  wrote  2  :  "  What 
manner  of  statue,  what  manner  of  column  shall  the 
Roman  people  make,  to  tell  of  your  deeds  ? ':  We 
can  say  with  truth  that  Flavius  3  Claudius,  an  emperor 
without  peer  upon  earth,  is  raised  to  eminence  not  by 
any  columns  or  statues  but  by  the  power  of  fame. 

VIII.  They  had,  furthermore,  two  thousand  ships, 
twice  as  many,  that  is,  as  the  number  with  which  all 
Greece  and  all  Thessaly  together  once  sought  to 
conquer  the  cities  of  Asia.4  This  number,  however, 
was  devised  by  the  pen  of  a  poet,  while  ours  is  found 
in  truthful  history.  And  so  do  we  writers  flatter 
Claudius  !  5  the  man  by  whom  two  thousand  barbarian 
ships  and  three  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  armed 
men  were  crushed,  destroyed  and  blotted  out,  and  by 
whom  a  waggon-train,  as  great  as  this  host  of  armed 
men  could  fit  out  and  make  ready,  was  in  part  con- 
signed to  the  flames  and  in  part  delivered  over,  along 
with  the  families  of  all,  to  Roman  servitude.  This  is 
shown  by  the  following  letter  of  his,  written  to  Junius 
Brocchus,6  then  in  command  of  Illyricum : 

"  From  Claudius  to  Brocchus.  We  have  destroyed 
three  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  Goths,  we  have 
sunk  two  thousand  ships.  The  rivers  are  covered 
over  with  their  shields,  all  the  banks  are  buried  under 
their  swords  and  their  spears.  The  fields  are  hidden 
beneath  their  bones,  no  road  is  clear,  their  mighty 
waggon-train  has  been  abandoned.  We  have  cap- 
tured so  many  women  that  the  victorious  soldiers  can 
take  for  themselves  two  or  three  apiece.  IX.  And 
would  that  the  commonwealth  had  not  had  to  endure 
Gallienus !  Would  that  it  had  not  had  to  bear  six 

167 


THE  DEIFIED  CLAUDIUS 

pertulisset  !  salvis  militibus,  quos  varia  proelia  sustu- 
lerunt,  salvis  legionibus  quas  Gallienus  male  victor 

2occidit,  quantum  esset  additum  rei  publicae !  si  qui- 
dem  nunc  membra  l  naufragii  publici  colligit  nostra 
diligentia  ad  Romanae  rei  publicae  salutem."2 

Pugnatum  est  enim  apud  Moesos,  et  multa  proalia 

4fuerunt  apud  Marcianopolim.  multi  naufragio  perie- 
runt,  plerique  capti  reges,  captae  diversarum  gentium 
nobiles  feminae,  impletae  barbaris  servis  Scythicisque  3 
cultoribus  Romanae  provinciae.  factus  limitis4  bar- 

5  bari  colonus  e  Gotho.     nee  ulla  fuit  regio  quae  Gothum 

6  servum  triumphali  quodam  servitio  non  haberet.     quid 
bourn  barbarorum  nostri  videre  maiores  ?     quid  ovium  ? 
quid  equarum,  quas  fama  nobilitat,  Celticarum  ?     hoc 
totum  ad  Claudii  gloriam  pertinet.      Claudius  et  secu- 
ritate  rem  publicam  et  opulentiae  nimietate  donavit. 

7pugnatum    praeterea    est   apud    Byzantios,    ipsis    qui 

8  superfuerant 5  Byzantinis  fortiter  facientibus.     pugna- 
tum  apud  Thessalonicenses,  quos  Claudio  absente  ob- 

9  sederant  barbari.     pugnatum  in  diversis  regionibus,  et 
ubique  auspiciis  CLiudianis  victi  sunt   Gothi,  prorsus 
ut  iam  tune  Constantio  Caesari  nepoti  future  videretur 
Claudius  securam  parare  rem  publicam. 

1  membra  Damste,  Thomell ;  uerba  P,  27,  Peter;  reliqua 
Gas.,  Hohl.  '*  salutem  in=.  by  Hohl ;  om.  in  P  ;  lacuna 

assumed  by  Peter,  c.  ix.  1-2  incl.  in  letter  of  Claudius  by 
Thornell  and  Hohl;  letter  ended  in  c.  viii.  6  by  Peter. 

s  Scythicisqiie  Gloss  foil,  by  Peter  and  Hohl;  senibusque 
P,  27.  4  limit  is  Peter  ;  miles  P,  27.  s  superfuerant  27, 

Peter  ;  su}>erius  f iterant  P. 


1  An  allusion   to   Gallienus'   victories  over  the   Goths  and 
Aureolus  ;  see  Gall.,  xiii.  6  and  xiv.  1  and  notes. 

2  The  capital  of  the  province  of  Moesia,  now  Preslav  near 
Devna  in  eastern  Bulgaria,  founded  by  Trajan  and  named  for 

168 


THE  DEIFIED  CLAUDIUS  IX.  j>-y 

hundred  pretenders!  Had  but  those  soldiers  been 
saved  who  fell  in  divers  battles,  those  legions  saved 
which  Gallienus  destroyed,  disastrously  victorious,1 
how  much  strength  would  the  state  have  gained  ! 
Now,  indeed,  my  diligence  has  but  gathered  together 
for  the  preservation  of  the  Roman  commonwealth  the 
scattered  remains  of  the  shipwrecked  state." 

For  there  was  fighting  in  Moesia  and  there  were 
many  battles  near  Marcianopolis.2  Many  perished 
by  shipwreck,  many  kings  were  captured,  noble 
women  of  divers  tribes  taken  prisoner,  and  the  Roman 
provinces  filled  with  barbarian  slaves  and  Scythian 
husbandmen.3  The  Goth  was  made  the  tiller  of  the 
barbarian  frontier,  nor  was  there  a  single  district  which 
did  not  have  Gothic  slaves  in  triumphant  servitude. 
How  many  cattle  taxen  from  the  barbarians  did  our 
forefathers  see  ?  How  many  sheep  ?  How  many 
Celtic  mares,  which  fame  has  rendered  renowned  ? 
All  these  redound  to  the  glory  of  Claudius.  For 
Claudius  gave  the  state  both  security  and  an  abun- 
dance of  riches.  There  was  fighting,  besides,  at 
Byzantium,4  for  those  Byzantines  who  survived  acted 
with  courage.  There  was  fighting  at  Thessalonica, 
to  which  the  barbarians  had  laid  siege  while  Claudius 
was  far  away.  There  was  fighting  in  divers  places, 
and  in  all  of  them,  under  the  auspices  of  Claudius,  the 
Goths  were  defeated,  so  that  even  then  he  seemed 
to  be  making  the  commonwealth  safe  in  days  to  come 
for  his  nephew  Constantius  Caesar.5 

his  sister  Marciana.  It  was  unsuccessfully  attacked  by  the 
Goths  on  their  southward  march. 

3  Underlying  the  rhetoric  is  the  fact,  related  in  Zosimus  i. 
46,  that  many  of  the  Goths  who  survived  the  battle  were  settled 
as  farmers  in  Roman  territory. 

4  See  note  to  c.  vi.  1.  5  See  note  to  c.  xiii.  2. 

169 


THE  DEIFIED  CLAUDIUS 

X.  Et  bene  venit  in  mentera,  expriraenda  est  sors 
quae  Claudio  data  esse  perhibetur  Comagenis,  ut  in- 
tellegant  omnes  genus  Claudii  ad  felicitatem  rei 

2  publicae  divinitus  constitutum.     nam  cum  consuleret 
factus    imperator    quamdiu    imperaturus  esset,    sors 
tails  emersit : 

3  "  Tu,  qui  nunc  patrias  gubernas  oras 
et  mundum  regis,  arbiter  deorum, 
tu  vinces l  veteres  tuis  novellis  ; 
regnabunt  etenim  tui2  minores 

et  reges  facient  suos  minores." 

4  item  cum  in  Appennino  de  se  consuleret,  responsum 
huius  modi  accepit  : 

"Tertia  dum  Latio  regnantem  viderit  aestas." 

5  item  cum  de  posteris  suis  : 

"  His  ego  nee  metas  rerum  nee  tempora  ponam." 

6  item  cum  de  fratre  Quintillo,  quern  consortem  habere 
volebat  imperii,  responsum  est : 

"  Ostendeiit  terris  hunc  tantum  fata." 

7  quae  idcirco  posui  ut  sit  omnibus  clarum  Constantium, 
divini    generis    virum,    sanctissimum    Caesarem,     et 
Augustae  ipsum  familiae  esse  et  Augustos  multos  de 
se  daturum,  salvis  Diocletiano  et  Maximiano  Augustis 
et  eius  fratre  Galerio. 

1  tu  uinces  Salm.  ;  in  P,  27.  a  tui  om.  in  P. 


1Mod.  Tulln  on  the  Danube,  about  20  m.  N.W.  of  Vienna. 
2  Cf.  Alex.,  iv.  6  and  note  and  Firm.,  iii.  4. 
sAeneid,  i.  265.  4  Aeneid,  i.  278.  sSee  c.  xii. 

tAetteid,  vi.  669  ;  quoted  also  in  Ael.t  iv.  1  and  Gard.,  xx.  5. 

170 


THE  DEIFIED  CLAUDIUS  X.   1-7 

X.  It  has  fortunately  come  into  my  mind,  and  so 
I  must  relate  the  oracle  given  to  Claudius  in  Coma- 
gena,1  so  it  is  said,  in  order  that  all  may  know  that 
the  family  of  Claudius  was  divinely  appointed  to  bring 
happiness  to  the  state.  For  when  he  inquired,  after 
being  made  emperor,  how  long  he  was  destined  to 
rule,  there  came  forth  the  following  oracle 2 : 

"  Thou,  who  dost  now  direct  thy  fathers'  empire, 
Who  dost  govern  the  world,  the  gods'  vicegerent, 
Shalt  surpass  men  of  old  in  thy  descendants  ; 
For  those  children  of  thine  shall  rule  as  monarchs, 
And  make  their  children  into  monarchs  also." 

Similarly,  when  once  in  the  Apennines  he  asked  about 
his  future,  he  received  the  following  reply : 

"Three  times  only  shall  summer  behold  him  a  ruler 

in  Latium  3." 

Likewise,  when  he  asked  about  his  descendants : 

"  Neither  a  goal  nor  a  limit  of  time  will  I  set  for  their 

power4." 

Likewise,  when  he  asked  about  his  brother  Quiiitillus,5 
whom  he  was  planning  to  make  his  associate  in  the 
imperial  power,  the  reply  was  : 

"  Him  shall  Fate  but  display  to  the  earth.6  ' 

These  oracles  I  have  included,  in  order  that  it  may  be 
clear  to  all  that  Constantius,  scion  of  a  family  divinely 
appointed,  our  most  venerated  Caesar,  himself  springs 
from  a  house  of  Augusti  and  will  give  us,  likewise, 
many  Augusti  of  his  own — with  all  safety  to  the 
Augusti  Diocletian  and  Maximian  and  his  brother 
Galerius. 

171 


THE  DEIFIED  CLAUDIUS 

XI.  Sed  dum  haec  a  divo  Claudio  aguntur,  Palmy- 
reni  ducibus  Saba  et  Timagene  contra  Aegyptios 
bellum  suniunt  atque  ab  his  Aegyptia  pervicacia  et 
2indefessa  pugnandi  continuatione  vincuntur.  dux 
tamen  Aegyptiorum  Probatus  Timagenis  insidiis 
interemptus  est.  Aegyptii  vero  omnes  se  Romano 
imperatori  dederunt  in  absentis  Claudii  verba  iurantes. 

3  Antiochiano l  et  Orfito  consulibus  auspicia  Claudiana 
favor    divinus  adiuvit.     nam  cum  se  Haemimontum 
multitude   barbararum    gentium,  quae  superfueraiit, 
contulisset,  illic  ita  fame  ac  pestilentia  laboravit  ut 

4  iam  Claudius  dedignaretur  et  vincere.    denique  finitum 
est  asperrimum  bellum,  terroresque  Romani  nominis 
sunt  depulsi. 

5  Vera  dici  fides  cogit,  simul  ut  sciant  ii  qui  adulatores 
nos  aestimari  cupiunt,  id  quod  historia  dici  postulat 

6nos2  non  tacere  :  eo  tempore,  quo  parta  est  plena 
victoria,  plerique  milites  Claudii  secundis  rebus  elati, 
quae  "sapientium  quoque  animos  fatigant,"  ita  in 
praedam  versi  sunt  ut  non  cogitarent  a  paucissimis  se 

1  Atticiano  P,  Peter.  2  nos  ins.  by  Hohl ;  om.  in  P  and 

by  Peter. 


1  According  to  the  better  account  in  Zosimus  i.  44,  Septimius 
Zabdas  (Saba),  tbe  general  of  Zenobia  (see  also  Anr.t  xxv.  3), 
aided  by  the  Egyptian  Timagenes  conquered  Egypt  and  left 
a  garrison  in  it.     Probatus  (or  Probus),  Claudius'  admiral,  aided 
by  some  of  the  Egyptians,  drove  out  the  Palmyrenes,  but  he  was 
later  caught  in  a  trap  by  Timagenes  and  his  army  was  destroyed. 
He  committed  suicide  after  being  captured,  and  Egypt  remained 
in  the  possession  of  the  Palmyrenes.     The  statement  in  §  2  that 
Egypt  submitted  to  Claudius  seems  to  be  the  usual  fabrication 
for  the  purpose  of  eulogy. 

2  In  this  name  the  biographer  is  anticipating,  for  Haemi- 
montum was  the  name  of  one  of  the  six  provinces  into  which 

172 


THE  DEIFIED  CLAUDIUS  XI.  1-6 

XI.  While  these  things  were  being  done  by  the 
Deified  Claudius,  the  Palmyrenes,  under  the  generals 
Saba  and  Timagenes,  made  war  against  the  Egyptians,1 
who  defeated  them  with  true  Egyptian  pertinacity 
and  unwearied  continuance  in  fighting.  Probatus, 
nevertheless,  the  leader  of  the  Egyptians,  was  killed 
by  a  trick  of  Timagenes'.  All  the  Egyptians,  how- 
ever, submitted  to  the  Roman  emperor,  swearing 
allegiance  to  Claudius  although  he  was  absent. 

In  the  consulship  of  Antiochianus  and  Orfitus  the  270 
favour  of  heaven  furthered  Claudius'  success.  For 
a  great  multitude,  the  survivors  of  the  barbarian  tribes, 
who  had  gathered  in  Haemimontum,2  were  so  stricken 
with  famine  and  pestilence  that  Claudius  now  scorned 
to  conquer  them  further.  And  so  at  length  that  most 
cruel  of  wars  was  brought  to  an  end,  and  the  Roman 
nation  was  freed  from  its  terrors.3 

Now  good  faith  forces  me  to  speak  the  truth,  and 
also  the  desire  of  showing  to  those  who  wish  me  to 
appear  as  a  flatterer  4  that  I  am  not  concealing  what 
history  demands  should  be  told  :  namely,  that  at  the 
time  when  the  victory  was  won  in  full,  a  number  of 
Claudius'  soldiers,  puffed  up  with  success — which 
"  weakens  the  minds  of  even  the  wise  "  5 — turned  to 
plundering  ;  for  they  did  not  reflect  that,  while  busied 

Diocletian  divided  the  diocese  of  Thrace.     Zosimus  (i.  45)  gives 
the  scene  more  correctly  as  Mt.  Haemus,  i.e.,  the  Balkan  Range. 

3  The  victory  was  commemorated  by  Claudius'  assumption  of 
the  cognomen  Gothicus,  which  appears  in  an  inscription  and  on 
the  coins  issued  after  his  death  with  the  legend  Divo  Clandio 
Gothico  (Matt.-Syd.,  v.  p.  234,  nos.  263-265) ;   it  was  also  com- 
memorated by  an  issue  of  coins  with  the  legend  Victoriaa 
Gothicae  ;  see  ibid.,  pp.  232-233,  nos.  251-252. 

4  See  note  to  c.  iii.  1. 

5  A  quotation  from  Sallust,  Catilina,  xi.  7. 

173 


THE  DEIFIED  CLAUDIUS 

posse  fugari,1  dum  occupati  animo  atque  corporibus 

7  avertendis    praedis  2    inserviunt.       denique    in    ipsa 
victoria  prope  duo  milia  railitum  a  paucis  barbaris  et 

8  iis  qui  fugerant  interempta  sunt.     sed  ubi  hoc  com- 
perit  Claudius,  omnes  qui  rebelles  animos  extulerant 
conducto  exercitu  rapit  atque  in  vincula  Romam  etiam 
mittit    ludo    publico    deputandos.     ita    id,  quod    vel 
fortuna    vel     miles     egerat,     virtute    boni    principis 
antiquatum  est.     nee  sola  de  hoste  victoria,  sed  etiam 

9  vindicta  praesumpta  est.     in  quo  bello,  quoad  3  gestum 
est,  equitum  Dalmatarum  ingens  exstitit  virtus,  quod 
originem  ex  ea  provincia  Claudius  videbatur  ostendere, 
quamvis  alii  Darclanum  et  ab  Ilo  Troianorum  rege  4 
atque  ab  ipso  Dardano  sanguinem  dicerent  trahere. 

XII.  Fuerunt  per  ea  tempora  et  apud  Cretam 
Scythae  et  Cyprum  vastare  temptarunt,  sed  ubique 
morbo  aeque  5  exercitu  laborante  superati  sunt. 

2  Finito  sane  bello  Gothico  gravissimus  morbus 
increbruit,  tune  cum  etiam  Claudius  adfectus  morbo 
mortalis  reliquit  et  familiare  virtutibus  suis  petiit 

3caelum.     quo  ad    deos    atque    ad  sidera  demigrante 


1 


1  fugari  Petschenig,  Hohl  ;  fatigari  P,  Peter.  *praesidiis 
P.  8  quoad  Petschenig,  Ellis  ;  quod  P  ;  quod  foil,  by  lacuna 
Peter.  4  rege  ins.  by  Salm.  ;  om.  in  P.  B  aeque 

Bitschofsky  ;  atque  P  ;  atque  <fame>  Salm.,  Peter. 


1  He  is  referred  to  as  an  Illyrian  in  c.  xiv.  2,  and  he  may  well 
have  been  a  native  of  the  district  of  Dardania,  hi  southern  Jugo- 
slavia, extending  northwards  from  Uskiib.     An  easy  confusion 
between  this  region  and  the  Asiatic  Dardanus  near  Troy,  com- 
bined with  a  desire  to  give  the  emperor  royal  ancestry,  led  to 
the  story  of  his  descent  from  the  Trojan  kings. 

2  Zosimus  (i.  46)  records  that  the  Goths  with  their  fleet  in- 

174 


THE  DEIFIED  CLAUDIUS  XL  7-  XII.  3 

in  mind  and  in  body,  they  gave  themselves  up  to 
seizing  their  prey,  a  very  few  could  put  them  to  flight. 
And  so,  at  the  very  moment  of  victory,  about  two 
thousand  soldiers  were  slain  by  a  few  barbarians,  who 
had  already  been  routed.  When  Claudius  learned  this, 
however,  he  assembled  his  army  and  seized  all  those 
who  had  shown  a  rebellious  spirit,  and  he  even  sent 
them  to  Rome  in  chains  to  be  used  in  the  public 
spectacles.  So,  whatever  damage  either  fortune  or 
the  soldiers  had  caused  was  made  good  through  the 
courage  of  the  excellent  prince,  and  not  only  was 
victory  won  from  the  enemy,  but  revenge  was  taken 
as  well.  In  this  war,  throughout  its  whole  length, 
the  valour  of  the  Dalmatian  horsemen  stood  out  as 
especially  great,  because  it  was  thought  that  Claudius 
claimed  that  province  as  his  original  home  x ;  others, 
however,  declared  that  he  was  a  Dardanian  and  derived 
his  descent  from  Ilus,  a  king  of  the  Trojans  and,  in 
fact,  even  from  Dardanus  himself. 

XII.  During  this  same  period  the  Scythians  at- 
tempted to  plunder  in  Crete  and  Cyprus  as  well,  but 
everywhere  their  armies  were  likewise  stricken  with 
pestilence  and  so  were  defeated.2 

Now  when  the  war  with  the  Goths  was  finished, 
there  spread  abroad  a  most  grievous  pestilence,  and 
then  Claudius  himself  was  stricken  by  the  disease, 
and,  leaving  mankind,  he  departed  to  heaven,  an 
abode  befitting  his  virtues.3  He,  then,  moved  away 

vaded  Crete  and  Rhodes  but  did  no  harm  worthy  of  mention ; 
he  says  nothing  about  this  division  suffering  from  pestilence. 

3  He  died  early  in  270  at  Sirmium  (mod.  Mitrovitz  on  the 
lower  Save),  according  to  Zonaras  xii.  26.  The  tendency  to 
exalt  him  caused  the  fabrication  of  a  romantic  story  which  re- 
presented his  death  as  a  voluntary  sacrifice ;  see  Aur.  Victor, 
Goes.,  34,  3-5 ;  Epit.,  34,  3. 

175 


THE  DEIFIED  CLAUDIUS 

Quiiitillus  frater  eiusdera,  vir  sanctus  et  sui  fratris,  ut 
vere  dixerim,  frater,  delatum  sibi  omnium  iudicio 
suscepit  imperium,  non  hereditarium  sed  merito 
virtutum,  qui  factus  esset  imperator,  etiamsi  frater 
4Claudii  principis  non  fuisset.  sub  hoc  barbari  qui 
superfuerant  Anchialum  vastare  conati  sunt,  Nicopolim 
etiam  obtinere.  sed  illi  provincialium  virtute  obtriti 

5  sunt.     Quintillus  autem  ob  brevitatem  temporis  nihil 
dignum  imperio  gerere  potuit,  nam  septima  decima 
die,  quod  se  graven  et  serium  c.mtra  milites  ostenderat 
ac   verum   principem   pollicebatur,   eo    genere,    quo 

6  Galba,  quo  Pertinax  interemptus  est.     et  Dexippus 
quidem  Quintillum  l  non  dicit  occisum,  sed  tantum 
mortuum.     nee  tamen  addit  morbo,  ut  dubium  sentire 
videatur. 

XIII.  Quoniam    res    bellicas    diximus,    de   Claudii 
genere  et  familia  saltern  pauca  dicenda  sunt,  ne  ea 

2  quae    scienda    sunt    praeterisse  videamur  :    Claudius, 
Quintillus   et  Crispus    fratres    fuerunt.     Crispi  filia 2 
Claudia ;    ex  ea  et  Eutropio,  nobilissimo  gentis  Dar- 

3  danae  viro,  Constantius  Caesar  est  genitus.     fuerunt 

1  Quintillum  Salm.,  Peter ;  Claudium  P,  Hohl.  *  filia 

2 ;  familia  P. 


*M.  Aurelius  Quintillus  Augustus,  according  to  his  coins; 
see  Matt.-Syd.,  v.  p.  238  f. 

2  Mod.  Anchiali  on  the  Gulf  of  Burgas  on  the  western  shore 
of  the  Black  Sea. 

3  Mod.  Stari  Nikub  in  southern  Bulgaria. 

4  The  length  of  Quintillus'  reign  is  also  given  as  17  days  in 
Eutropius  ix.  12  and  Zonaras  xii.  26,  but  as  77  days  by  the 
"  Chronographer  of  354  "  and  as  a  few  months  by  Zosimus 
(i.  47).     As  the  coins  bearing  his  name  are  very  numerous,  we 
must  suppose  a  longer  reign  than  17  days  ;  on  the  other  hand, 
as,  according  to  a  papyrus  dated  25  May,  270,  Aurelian  was 

176 


THE  DEIFIED  CLAUDIUS  XII.  4— XIII.  3 

to  the  gods  and  the  stars,  and  his  brother  Quintillus,1 
a  righteous  man  and  the  brother  indeed,  as  I  might 
truly  say,  of  his  brother,  assumed  the  imperial  power, 
which  was  offered  him  by  the  judgement  of  all,  not 
as  an  inherited  possession,  but  because  his  virtues  de- 
served it ;  for  all  would  have  made  him  emperor,  even 
if  he  had  not  been  the  brother  of  the  Claudius  their 
prince.  In  his  time  those  barbarians  who  still  sur- 
vived endeavoured  to  lay  waste  Anchialus 2  and  even 
to  seize  Nicopolis,3  but  they  were  crushed  by  the 
valour  of  the  provincials.  Quintillus,  however,  could 
do  naught  that  was  worthy  of  the  imperial  power 
because  his  rule  was  so  short,  for  on  the  seventeenth 
day  of  his  reign  4  he  was  killed,  as  Galba  5  had  been 
and  Pertinax6  also,  because  he  had  shown  himself 
stern  and  unbending  toward  the  soldiers  and  promised 
to  be  a  prince  in  very  truth.  Dexippus,7  to  be  sure, 
does  not  say  that  Quintillus  was  killed,  but  merely 
that  he  died.  He  does  not,  however,  relate  that  he 
died  of  an  illness,  and  so  he  seems  to  feel  doubt. 

XIII.  Since  we  have  now  described  his  achieve- 
ments in  war,  we  must  tell  a  few  things,  at  least,  con- 
cerning the  kindred  and  the  family  of  Claudius,  lest 
we  seem  to  omit  what  all  should  know  :  now  Claudius, 
Quintillus,  and  Crispus  were  brothers,  and  Crispus  had 
a  daughter  Claudia  ;  of  her  and  Eutropius,  the  noblest 
man  of  the  Dardanian  folk,  was  born  Constantius 


then  known  in  Egypt  to  be  emperor,  the  period  of  77  days  is 
too  long.  He  may  be -supposed  to  have  ruled  for  six  weeks  at 
the  most ;  see  Stein  in  Arch.  f.  Pa/p.-Forsch.,vn.  p.  45  f.  Ac- 
cording to  Aur.,  xxxvii.  6  and  Zosimus  and  Zonaras,  he  killed 
himself  by  opening  his  veins. 

5  See  Tacitus,  Hist.,  i.  18  f . 

*  See  Pert.,  xi.  7  See  note  to  Alex.,  xlix.  3. 

177 


THE  DEIFIED  CLAUDIUS 

etiam   sorores,    quarum    una,    Constantina    nomine, 
4nupta  tribune  Assyriorum,  inprimis  annis  defecit.    de 
avis    nobis    parum    cognitum  ;    varia   enim    plerique 
prodiderunt. 

6  Ipse  Claudius  insignis  morum  gravitate,  insignis 
vita  singulari  et  unica  castimonia,  vini  parcus,  ad 
cibum  promptus,  statura  procerus,  oculis  ardentibus, 
lato  et  pleno  vultu,  digitis  usque  adeo  fortibus,  ut 
saepe  equis  et  mulis  ictu  pugni  dentes  excusserit. 

6  fecerat  hoc  etiam  adulescens  in  militia,  cum  ludicro 
Martiali  in  Campo  luctamen  inter  fortissimos  quosque 

7  monstraret.      nam    iratus    ei,    qui   non   balteum    sed 
genitalia  sibi  contorserat,  omnes  dentes    uno  pugno 
excussit.     quae    res l    indulgentiam    meruit  '2  pudoris 

Svindictae.  si  quidem  tune  Decius  imperator,  quo 
praesente  fuerat  perpetratum,  et  virtutem  et  vere- 
cundiam  Claudii  publice  praedicavit  donatumque 
armillis  et  torquibus  a  militum  congressu  facessere 
praecepit,  ne  quid  atrocius  quam  luctamen  exigit 
faceret. 

1  quae  res  Hohl ;  quaeres  P  ;  quaerens  editors.  meruit 

E,  Hohl ;  om.  in  P  and  by  Peter. 


1  The  statement  of  the  relationship  of  Constantius  to  Claudius 
as  given  here  differs  from  that  of  Eutropius  (ix.  22)  and  Zona- 
ras  (xii.  26  end),  both  of  whom  represent  Constantius  as  the 
son  of  Clauaius'  daughter,  while  the  nepos  of  c.  ix.  9  is  am- 
biguous. On  the  other  hand,  the  accepted  official  version, 
found  in  the  Panegyrics  addressed  to  Constantino  and  in  the 
inscriptions  of  both  the  emperor  himself  and  his  sons,  in  which 
Constantine  appears  as  Claudius'  grandson,  presupposes  the 
theory  that  Constantius  was  Claudius'  son.  This  divergence 
leads  inevitably  to  the  suspicion  that  the  relationship  was 

178 


THE  DEIFIED  CLAUDIUS  XIII.  4-8 

Caesar.1  There  were  also  some  sisters,  of  whom  one, 
Constantina  by  name,  was  married  to  a  tribune  of  the 
Assyrians,  but  died  at  an  early  age.  Concerning  his 
grandparents  we  know  all  too  little,  for  varying  state- 
ments have  been  handed  down  by  most  of  the  writers. 
Now  Claudius  himself  was  noted  for  the  gravity  of 
his  character,  and  noted,  too,  for  his  matchless  life 
and  a  singular  purity  ;  he  was  sparing  in  his  use 
of  wine,  but  was  not  averse  to  food;  he  was  tall 
of  stature,  with  flashing  eyes  and  a  broad,  full  face, 
and  so  strong  were  his  fingers  that  often  by  a  blow  of 
his  fist  he  would  dash  out  the  teeth  of  a  horse  or 
a  mule.  He  even  performed  a  feat  of  this  kind  as 
a  youth  in  military  service,  while  taking  part  in  a 
wrestling-match  between  some  of  the  strongest  cham- 
pions at  a  spectacle  in  the  Campus  Martius  held  in 
honour  of  Mars.  For,  becoming  angry  at  one  fellow 
who  grasped  at  his  private  parts  instead  of  his  belt, 
he  dashed  out  all  the  man's  teeth  with  one  blow  of 
his  fist.  This  action  won  him  favour  for  thus  protect- 
ing decency ;  for  the  Emperor  Decius,  who  was  present 
when  this  was  done,  publicly  praised  his  courage  and 
modesty  and  presented  him  with  arm-rings  and  col- 
lars,2 but  bade  him  withdraw  from  the  soldiers'  con- 

ii 

tests  for  fear  he  might  do  some  more  violent  deed 
than  the  wrestling  required. 

wholly  a  fabrication,  designed,  in  the  interests  of  the  dynasty, 
to  provide  tlie  parvenu  Constantius  with  ancestors.  This  is 
strengthened  by  the  fact  that,  with  the  exception  of  Quintillus, 
none  of  the  members  of  Claudius'  family  named  in  this  chapter 
is  known  to  us,  and  by  the  wholly  incorrect  attribution  to 
Claudius  of  the  names  Flavius  and  Valerius  which  were  those 
of  Constantius ;  see  note  to  c.  i.  1. 

2  i.e.,  the  usual  rewards  given  to  soldiers  ;  see  Maxim.,  ii.  4 ; 
Aur.,  vii.  7  ;  Prob.,  v.  i. 

179 


THE  DEIFIED  CLAUDIUS 

9  Ipsi  Claudio  liberi  nulli  fuerunt,  Quintillus  duos 
reliquit,  Crispus,  ut  diximus,  filiam. 

XIV.  Nunc  ad  iudicia  principum  veniamus,  quae 
de1  illo  a  diversis  edita  sunt,  et  eatenus  quidem  ut 
appareret  quandocumque  Claudium  imperatorem  fu- 
turum. 

2  Epistula  Valerian!  ad  Zosimionem,  procuratorem  Sy- 
riae  :  "  Claudium,  Illyricianae  gentis  virum,  tribunum 
Martiae  quintae  legioni  fortissimae  ac  devotissimae 2 
dedimus,  virum  devotissimis  quibusque  ac  fortissimis 

Sveterum  praeferendum.  huic  salarium  de  nostro 
private  aerario  dabis  annuos  frumenti  modios  tria 
milia,  hordei  sex  milia,  laridi  libras  duo  milia,  vini 
veteris  sextarios  tria  milia  quingentos,  olei  boni 
sextarios  centum  qainquaginta,  olei  secundi  sextarios 
sescentos,  salis  modios  viginti,  cerae  pondo  centum 
quinquaginta,  feni,  paleae,  aceti,  holeris,  herbarum 
quantum  satis  est,  pellium  tentoriarum  decurias  tri- 
ginta,  mulos  annuos  sex,  equos  annuos  tres,  camelas 
annuas  decem,  mulas  annuas  novem,  argenti  in  opere 
annua  pondo  quinquaginta,  Philippeos  nostri  vultus 
annuos  centum  quinquaginta  et  in  strenis  quadraginta 

4septem  et  trientes  centum  sexaginta.     item  in  cauco 

1  de  ora  in  P.  2ac  deuotissimae  2,  Hohl ;  om.  in  P  and 

by  Peter. 


1None  of  the  persons  to  whom  this  letter  and  the  following 
ones  (cc.  xv.-xvii.)  are  addressed  is  otherwise  known.  They  are 
probably  as  fictitious  as  the  letters  themselves. 

2  No  Legio  V.  Martia  is  known,  but  a  Legio  IV.  Martia  is 
mentioned  as  stationed  in  Arabia  in  the  early  fifth  century; 
see  Not.  Dig.  Or.  xxxvii.  22. 

3  This  name,  originally  given  to  the  famous  gold  stater  of 
Philip  II.  of  Macedonia,  was  also  occasionally  applied  to  the 

J80 


THE  DEIFIED  CLAUDIUS  XIII.  9— XIV.  4 

Claudius  himself  had  no  children,  but  Quintillus 
left  two  sons,  and  Crispus,  as  I  have  said,  a  daughter. 

XIV.  Let  us  now  proceed  to  the  opinions  that 
many  emperors  expressed  about  him,  and  in  such 
wise,  indeed,  that  it  became  apparent  that  he  would 
some  day  be  emperor. 

A  letter  from  Valerian  to  Zosimio,  the  procurator 
of  Syria l :  "  We  have  named  Claudius,  a  man  of 
Illyrian  birth,  as  tribune  of  our  most  valiant  and  loyal 
Fifth  Legion,  the  Martian,2  for  he  is  superior  to  all 
the  most  loyal  and  most  valiant  men  of  old.  By  way 
of  supplies  you  will  give  him  each  year  out  of  our 
private  treasury  three  thousand  pecks  of  wheat,  six 
thousand  pecks  of  barley,  two  thousand  pounds  of 
bacon,  three  thousand  five  hundred  pints  of  well- 
aged  wine,  one  hundred  and  fifty  pints  of  the  best 
oil,  six  hundred  pints  of  oil  of  the  second  grade, 
twenty  pecks  of  salt,  one  hundred  and  fifty  pounds 
of  wax,  and  as  much  hay  and  straw,  cheap  wine,  greens 
and  herbs  as  shall  be  sufficient,  thirty  half-score  of 
hides  for  the  tents ;  also  six  mules  each  year,  three 
horses  each  year,  ten  camels  each  year,  nine  she- 
mules  each  year,  fifty  pounds  of  silverware  each  year, 
one  hundred  amd  fifty  Philips,3  bearing  our  likeness, 
each  year,  and  as  a  New-year's  gift  forty-seven  Philips 
and  one  hundred  and  sixty  third-Philips.  Likewise 
in  cups  and  tankards  and  pots  eleven  pounds.  Also 

Koman  aureus,  but  tbe  author  is  probably  using  it  loosely  bere, 
as  also  in  Firm.,  xv.  8,  tbinking  of  it  as  named  after  Philippus 
Arabs;  see  note  to  Aur.,  ix.  7.  Coins  of  a  tbird-aureus  are 
said  to  have  been  issued  for  tbe  first  time  by  Sever  us  Alexander 
(Alex.,  xxxix.  7),  but  no  certain  examples  eitber  of  tbese  or  of 
any  of  Gallienus  and  Saloninus  are  in  existence  ;  see  Menadier, 
Die  M'ilnzen  .  .  .  bei  den  S.  II.  A.  p.  30  f. 

181 


THE  DEIFIED  CLAUDIUS 

5et  scypho  et  zema  pondo  undecim.  tunicas  russas 
militares  annuas  duas,1  sagochlamydes  annuas  duas, 
fibulas  argenteas  inauratas  duas,  fibulam  auream  cum 
acu  Cyprea  unam.  balteum  argenteum  inauratum 
unum,  anulum  bigemmem  unum  uncialem,  brachialem 
unam  unciarum  septem,  torquem  libralem  unum, 
cassidem  inauratam  unam,  scuta  chrysographata  duo, 

Cloricam  unam,  quam  refundat.  lanceas  Herculianas 
duas,  aclides  duas,  falces  duas,  falces  fenarias  quattuor. 

7  cocum,  quern  refundat,  unum.  mulionem,  quern  re- 
fundat, unum,  mulieres  speciosas  ex  captivis  duas. 

Salbam  subsericam  unam  cum  purpura  Girbitana,  sub- 

9armalem  unum  cum  purpura  Maura,  notarium,  quern 
refundat,  unum,  structorem,  quern  refundat,  unum. 

10  accubitalium    Cypriorum    paria   duo,   interulas   puras 
duas,    fascias    viriles    duas,2    togam,   quam    refundat, 

11  unam,  latum  clavum,  quern  refundat,  unum.     vena- 
tores,     qui    obsequantur,    duo,    carpentarium    unum, 
curam   praetorii   unum,    aquarium   unum,   piscatorem 

12  unum,  dulciarium  unum.     ligni  cotidiani  pondo  mille, 
si  est  copia,  sin  minus,  quantum  fuerit  et  ubi  fuerit ; 

I3coctilium    cotidiana   vatilla   quattuor.       balneatorem 
unum  et  ad  balneas  ligna,  sin  minus,  lavetur  in  publico. 

1  duas  ins.  by  Gas.  foil,  by  Hohl ;  om.  in  P  and  by  Peter. 
a fascias  .  .  .  duas   2,  Hohl ;  om.  in  P  and  by  Peter. 


1  The  adjective  Herculianus,  if  the  form  is  correct,  ia 
evidently  from  Herculius,  the  name  assumed  by  Maximian.  It 
occurs  in  the  forms  Herculia  and  Herculiani  given  by  him  to 
legions  and  other  bodies  of  troops,  and  the  name  of  the  lances 
here  mentioned  seems  to  have  the  same  derivation  ;  its  presence 
in  a  letter  attributed  to  Valerian  is  an  unfortunate  slip  on  the 
part  of  the  author.  It  is,  of  course,  possible  to  alter  the  read- 
ing to  Herculaneus,  but  Heracles  is  almost  uniformly  repre- 


THE  DEIFIED  CLAUDIUS  XIV.  5-13 

two  red  military  tunics  each  year,  two  military  cloaks 
each  year,  two  silver  clasps  gilded,  one  golden  clasp 
with  a  Cyprian  pin,  one  sword-belt  of  silver  gilded, 
one  ring  with  two  gems  to  weigh  an  ounce,  one  arm- 
let to  weigh  seven  ounces,  one  collar  to  weigh  a 
pound,  one  gilded  helmet,  two  shields  inlaid  with 
gold,  one  cuirass,  to  be  returned.  Also  two  Her- 
culian1  lances,  two  javelins,  two  reaping-hooks,  and 
four  reaping-hooks  for  cutting  hay.  Also  one  cook, 
to  be  returned,  one  muleteer,  to  be  returned,  two 
beautiful  women  taken  from  the  captives.  One 
white  part-silk2  garment  ornamented  with  purple 
from  Girba,3  and  one  under- tunic  with  Moorish 
purple.  One  secretary,  to  be  returned,  and  one 
server  at  table,  to  be  returned.  Two  pairs  of  Cyprian 
couch-covers,  two  white  under-garmenis,  a  pair  of 
men's  leg-bands,4  one  toga,  to  be  returned,  one  broad- 
striped  tunic,  to  be  returned.  Two  huntsmen  to 
serve  as  attendants,  one  waggon-maker,  one  head- 
quarters-steward,5 one  waterer,  one  fisherman,  one 
confectioner.  One  thousand  pounds  of  fire-wood  each 
day,  if  there  is  an  abundant  supply,  but  if  not,  as 
much  as  there  is  and  wherever  it  is,  and  four  braziers 
of  charcoal  each  day.  One  bath-man  and  firewood 
for  the  bath,  but  if  there  is  none,  he  shall  bathe  in 
the  public  bath.  All  else,  which  cannot  be  enume- 

sented  with  a  club  ;  the  spear  appears  as  his  weapon  only  in 
the  Hesiodic  Shield  and  on  coins  of  Erythrae ;  see  Eoscher, 
Lexikon,  i.  2137-2188. 

2  See  note  to  Heliog.,  xxvi.  1. 

3  Mod  Djerba,  an  island  off  the  coast  of  southern  Tunisia 
and  the  seat  of  an  imperial  purple-factory. 

4  See  note  to  Alex.,  xl.  11. 

5  More  correctly  a  cur  is  or  domicurius  ;  see  Pauly-Wissowa, 
RealencycL,  iv.  1773. 

183 


THE  DEIFIED  C'LAUDIUS 

14  iam  cetera,  quae  propter  minutias  suas  scribi  nequennt, 
pro  moderatione  praestabis,  sed  ita  ut  nihil  adaeret, 
et  si  alicubi  aliquid  defuerit,  non  praestetur  nee  in 

15  nummo  exigatur.     liaec  autem  omnia  idcirco  special- 
iter  non  quasi  tribune  sed  quasi  duci  detuli,  quia  vir 
talis  est  ut  ei  plura  etiam  deferenda  sint." 

XV.  Item  ex  epistula  eiusdem  alia  inter  cetera  ad 
Ablavium  Murenam  praetectum  praetorii :    "  Desine 
autem  conqueri,  quod  adhuc  Claudius  est  tribunus  nee 
exercitus  ducis  loco1  accipit,  unde  etiam  senatum  et 

2populum  conqueri  iactabas.  dux  factus  est  et  dux 
totius  Illyrici.  habet  in  potestatem  Thracios,  Moesos, 

SDalmatas,  Pannonios,  Dicos  exercitus.  vir  ille  sum- 
mus  nostro  quoque  iudicio  speret  consulatum  et,  si 
eius  animo  commodum  est,  quando  voluerit,  accipiat 

4  praetorianam  praefecturam.  sane  scias  tantum  ei 
a  nobis  decretum  salarii  quantum  habet  Aegypti 
praeiectura,  tantum  vestium  quantum  proconsulatui 
Africano  detulimus,  tantum  argenti  quantum  accipit 
curator  Illyrici  metallarius/  tantum  ministeriorum 
quantum  nos  ipsi  nobis  per  singulas  quasque  decer- 
nimus  eivitates,  ut  intellegant  omnes  quae  sit  nostra 
de  viro  tali  sententia." 

XVI.  Item  epistula  Decii  de  eodem  Claudio  : 

"  Decius     Messallae    praesidi    Achaiae    salutem." 

1  duels  loco  Mominsen,  Hohl ;  ducem  locoP,  Z\  ducendos 
Cas.,  Peter.  *metallarius  Mommsen,  Hohl;  Metlarins  P, 

Peter. 


1  The  silver  mines  in  eastern  Dalmatia  were  under  the 
charge  of  an  imperial  procurator  metallornm  Pannoniorum  et 
Delmaticorum  (C./.L.,  iii.  12721). 

184 


THE  DEIFIED  CLAUDIUS  XIV.   14— XVI. 

rated  here  because  of  its  insignificance  you  will  supply 
in  due  amount,  but  in  no  case  shall  the  equivalent  in 
money  be  given,  and  if  there  should  be  a  lack  of  any- 
thing in  any  place,  it  shall  not  be  supplied,  nor  shall 
the  equivalent  be  exacted  in  money.  All  these  things 
I  have  allowed  him  as  a  special  case,  as  though  lie 
were  not  a  mere  tribune  but  rather  a  general,  because 
to  such  a  man  as  he  an  even  larger  allowance  should 
be  made." 

XV.  Likewise     in    another    letter    of    Valerian's, 
addressed  to   Ablavius   Murena,    the  prefect   of  the 
guard,  among  other  statements  the  following  :  "  Cease 
now  your    complaints   that    Claudius  is    still    only  a 
tribune  and  has  not  been  appointed  the  leader  of  our 
armies,  about  which,  you  were  wont  to  declare,  the 
senate  and  people  also  complain.     He  has  been  made 
a   general,  and,    in    fact,    the    general    in    command 
of  all  lllyricum.     He  has  under  his  rule  the  armies  of 
Thrace,    Moesia,    Dalmatia,     Pannonia,     and    Dacia. 
Indeed,  this  man,  eminent  in  my  estimation  as  well, 
may  hope  for  the  consulship,  and,  if  it  accords  with 
his  wishes,  he  may  receive  the  prefecture  of  the  guard 
whenever  he  desires.     I  would  have  you  know,  more- 
over, that  we  have  allotted  to  him  the  same  amount 
of  supplies   that  the  prefect  of  Egypt   receives,  the 
same  amount  of  clothing  that  we  have  allowed  to  the 
proconsulate  of  Africa,  the  same  amount  of  silver  that 
the   procurator  of  the  mines  in  lllyricum  l  receives, 
and  the  same  number  of   servants  that  we  allot    to 
ourselves  in  each  and  every  community ;    for  I  wish 
all  to  know  my  opinion  of  such  a  man." 

XVI.  Likewise  a  letter  of  Decius'  concerning  this 
same  Claudius  : 

"  From  Decius  to  Messalla,  the  governor  of  Achaea, 

185 


THE  DEIFIED  CLAUDIUS 

inter  cetera :  "  Tribunum  vero  nostrum  Claudium, 
optimum  iuvenem,  fortissimum  militem,  constantissi- 
mum  civem,  castris,  senatui  et  rei  publicae  necessarium, 
in  Thermopylas  ire  praecipimus  mandata  eidem  cura 
Pelopoimensium,  scientes  neminem  melius  omiiia 
2quae  iniungimus  esse  curaturum.  huic  ex  regione 
Dardanica  dabis  milites  ducentos,  ex  cataphractariis 
centum,  ex  equitibus  sexaginta,  ex  sagittariis  Creticis 

3  sexaginta,  ex  tironibus  bene  armatos  mille.     nam  bene 

O  * 

illi  novi  creduntur  exercitus ;  neque   enim  illo  quis- 
quam  devotior,  fortior,  gravior  invenitur." 

XVII.  Item  epistula  Gallieni,  cum  nuntiatum  esset 
per   frumentarios   Claudium  irasci.  quod   ille   mollius 

2viveret:  "  Nihil  me  gravius  accepit  quam  quod  no- 
taria  tua  intimasti  Claudium,  parentem  amicumque 
nostrum,  insinuatis  sibi  falsis  plerisque  graviter  irasci. 

Squaeso  igitur,  mi  Venuste,  si  mihi  fidem  exhibes,  ut 
eum  facias  a  Grato  et  Herenniano  placari,  nescientibus 
hoc  militibus  Daciscianis,  qui  iam  saeviunt,  ne  graviter 

4  res    erumpant.1     ipse    ad    eum    dona   misi,    quae   ut 
libenter  accipiat  tu  facies.     curandum  praeterea  est, 
ne  me  hoc  scire  intellegat  ac  sibi  suscensere  iudicet 

5et  pro  necessitate  ultimum  consilium  capiat.  misi 
autem  ad  eum  pateras  gemmatas  trilibres  duas,  scyphos 
aureos  gemmatos  trilibres  duos,  discum  corymbiatum 

1  res  erumpant  Salm.  foil,  by  Peter1  and  Lenze;  reserum  P; 
remferant  Petschenig,  Peter,2  Hohl. 


1  See  note  to  c.  xi.  9.    The  district  must  have  been  under  the 
command  of  the  governor  of  Moesia,  not  of  Achaea. 

2  See  note  to  Alex.,  Ivi.  5. 

3  See  note  to  Hadr.,  xi.  4.  4  Otherwise  unknown. 

186 


THE  DEIFIED  CLAUDIUS  XVI.  2— XVII.  5 

greetings."  Among  other  orders  the  following : 
"  But  to  our  tribune  Claudius,  an  excellent  young 
man,  a  most  courageous  soldier,  a  most  loyal  citizen, 
necessary  alike  to  the  camp,  the  senate,  and  the 
commonwealth,  we  are  giving  instructions  to  proceed 
to  Thermopylae,  entrusting  to  his  care  the  Pelopon- 
nesians  also,  lor  we  know  that  no  one  will  carry  out 
more  carefully  all  our  injunctions.  You  will  assign 
him  from  the  district  of  Dardania  l  two  hundred  foot- 
soldiers,  one  hundred  cuirassiers,2  sixty  horsemen, 
sixty  Cretan  archers,  and  one  thousand  new  recruits, 
all  well  armed.  For  it  is  well  to  entrust  new  troops 
to  him,  inasmuch  as  none  can  be  found  more  loyal, 
more  valiant,  or  more  earnest  than  he." 

XVII.  Likewise  a  letter  of  Gallienus',  written  when 
he  was  informed  by  his  private  agents  3  that  Claudius 
was  angered  by  his  loose  mode  of  life  :  "  Nothing  has 
grieved  me  more  than  what  you  have  stated  in  your 
report,  namely,  that  Claudius,  my  kinsman  and  friend, 
has  been  made  very  angry  by  certain  false  statements 
that  have  reached  his  ears.  I  request  you,  therefore, 
my  dear  Venustus,  if  you  are  faithful  to  me,  to  have 
him  appeased  by  Gratus  and  Herennianus,4  while  the 
Dacian  troops,  even  now  in  a  state  of  anger,  are  still 
in  ignorance,  for  I  fear  there  may  be  some  serious 
outbreak.  I  myself  am  sending  him  gifts,  and  you 
will  see  to  it  that  he  accepts  them  willingly.  You 
will  take  care,  furthermore,  that  he  shall  not  become 
aware  that  I  know  all  this  and  so  suppose  that  I  am 
incensed  against  him,  and,  accordingly,  out  of  neces- 
sity adopt  some  desperate  plan.  I  am  sending  to  him, 
moreover,  two  sacrificial  saucers  studded  with  gems 
three  pounds  in  weight,  two  golden  tankards  studded 
with  gems  three  pounds  in  weight,  a  silver  disk-shaped 

187 


THE  DEIFIED  CLAUDIUS 

argenteum  librarum  viginti,  lancem  argenteam  pampi- 
natam  librarum  triginta,  patenam  argenteam  hede- 
raciam  librarum  viginti  et  trium,  boletar  halieuticum 
argenteum  librarum  viginti,  urceos  duos  auro  inclusos 
argenteos  librarum  sex  et  in  vasis  minoribus  argenti 
libras  viginti  quinque,  calices  Aegyptios  operisque 

6  diversi  decem,  chlamydes  veri  luminis  limbatas  duas, 
vestes    diversas    sedecim,    albam    subsericam,    para- 
gaudem  triuncem  unam,  zanchas  de  nostris  Parthicas 
paria  tria,  singiliones  Dalmatenses  decem,  chlamydem 
Dardanicam  mantuelem  unam,  paenulam  Illyricianam 

7  unam,  bardocucullum  unum,  cucutia  villosa  duo,  oraria 
Sarabdena  quattuor,  aureos  Valerianos  centum  quin- 
quaginta,  trientes  Saloninianos  trecentos." 

XVIII.  Habuit  et  senatus  iudicia,  priusquam  ad 
imperium  perveniret,,  ingentia.  nam  cum  esset  nun- 
tiatum  ilium  cum  Marciaiio  fortiter  contra  gentes  in 

2  Illyrico  dimicasse,  adclamavit  senatus  :   "  Claudi,  dux 
fortissime,    aveas  !     virtutibus    tuis,    devotioni    tuae  ! 
Claudio  statuam  omnes  dicamus.     Claudium  consulem 

3  omnes  cupimus.      qui  amat  rem  publicam  sic  agit,  qui 
amat  principes  sic  agit,  antiqui  milites  sic  egerunt. 
felicem    te,    Claudi,    iudicio    prmcipum,    felicem    te 


1  The    paragaudes   or  paragauda    (irapayu>8r)s)t   also   men- 
tioned in.  Aur.,  xv.  4;   xlvi.  6;  Prob.,  iv.  5,  is  described  by 
Lydus  (de  Magistratibus,  i.  17;    ii.  4)  as  a  xiT&v  Ao7x£t)T^, 
a  tunic  of  eastern  origin,  having  sleeves  and  a  purple  border 
embroidered  with  designs  in  gold.     The   Edict  of   Justinian 
permits  its  use  by  men  as  a  special  distinction. 

2  See  Com.,  viii.  8  and  note. 
8 See  Pert.,  viii.  3  and  note. 

4  Near  Sidon  in  Phoenicia  and  famous  for  its  purple. 

188 


THE  DEIFIED  CLAUDIUS  XVII.  6— XVIII.  3 

platter  with  an  ivy-cluster  pattern  twenty  pounds  in 
weight,  a  silver  dish  with  a  vine-leaf  pattern  thirty 
pounds  in  weight,  a  silver  bowl  with  an  ivy-leaf 
pattern  twenty -three  pounds  in  weight,  a  silver  vessel 
for  fish  twenty  pounds  in  weight,  two  silver  pitchers 
embossed  with  gold  six  pounds  in  weight  and  smaller 
vessels  of  silver  amounting  to  twenty-five  pounds  in 
weight,  ten  cups  of  Egyptian  and  other  workmanship, 
two  cloaks  witti  purple  borders  of  the  tine  brilliance, 
sixteen  garments  of  various  kinds,  a  white  cne  of  part- 
silk,  one  tunic  with  bands  of  embroidery1  three 
ounces  in  weight,  three  p.urs  of  Parthian  shoes  from 
our  own  supply,  ten  Dalmatian 2  striped  tunics,  one 
Dardaniaii  great-coat,  one  Illy rian  mantle,  one  hooded- 
cloak,s  two  shaggy  hoods,  four  handkerchiefs  from 
Sarepta  4  ;  also  one  hundred  and  fifty  aurei  with  the 
likeness  of  Valerian  and  three  hundred  third-aurei 
with  that  of  Saloninus."  5 

XVIII.  He  had  also  the  approval  of  the  senate 
before  he  became  emperor,  and  weighty,  indeed,  it 
was.  For  when  the  announcement  was  made  that 
he,  together  with  Marciunus,0  had  fought  valiantly 
against  the  barbarian  tribes  in  Illyricum,  the  senate 
acclaimed  him  thus7:  "  Claudius,  our  most  valiant 
leader,  hail  !  Hail  to  your  courage,  hail  to  your 
loyalty  !"  Let  us  all  decree  a  statue  to  Claudius. 
We  all  desire  Claudius  as  consui.  So  acts  he  who 
loves  the  commonwealth,  so  acts  he  who  loves  the 
emperors,  so  acted  the  soldiers  of  old.  Happy  are 
you,  Claudius,  in  the  approval  of  princes,  happy  are 
you  in  your  own  valour,  you  our  consul,  you  our 


6  See  note  to  c.  xiv.  3.  6  See  Gall.,  vi.  1. 

7  Of.  c.  iv.  3. 


189 


THE  DEIFIED  CLAUDIUS 

virtutibus   tuis,   consulem   te,   praefectum   te !   vivas 
Valeri,  et  ameris  a  principe  ! ' 

4  Longum  est  tarn  multa  quam  meruit  vir  ille  per- 
scribere ;  unum  tamen  tacere  non  debeo,  quod  ilium 
et  senatus  et  populus  et  ante  imperium  et  in  imperio 
et  post  imperium  sic  dilexit  ut  satis  constet  neque 
Traianum  neque  Antoninos  neque  quemquam  alium 
principem  sic  amatum. 


1  See  note  to  c.  i.  1. 


190 


THE  DEIFIED  CLAUDIUS  XVIII.  4 

prefect  !     Long  may  you  live,  Valerius,1  and  enjoy 
the  love  of  your  prince  !  ' 

It  would  be  too  long  to  set  forth  all  the  many 
honours  that  this  man  earned ;  one  thing,  however, 
I  must  not  omit,  namely,  that  both  the  senate  and 
people  held  him  in  such  affection  both  before  his 
rule  and  during  his  rule  and  after  his  rule  that  it  is 
generally  agreed  among  all  that  neither  Trajan  nor 
any  of  the  Antonines  nor  any  other  emperor  was  so 
beloved. 


191 


DIVUS  AURELIANUS 

FLAVII  VOPISCI  SYRACUSII 

I.  Hilaribus,  quibus  omnia  festa  et  fieri  debere 
scimus  et  dici,  impletis  sollemnibus  vehiculo  suo  me 
et  iudiciali  carpento  praefectus  urbis,  vir  inlustris  ac 
praefata  reverentia  nominandus,  lunius  Tiberianus  ac- 

2  cepit.  ibi  cum  animus  a  causis  atque  a  negotiis  pub- 
licis  solutus  ac  liber  vacaret,  sermoiiem  multum  a 
Palatio  usque  ad  Hortos  Varianos  instituit  et  in  eo 

Spraecipue  de  vita  principum.  cumque  ad  Templum 
Solis  venissemus  ab  Aureliano  principe  consecratum, 
quod  ipse  lion  iiihilum  ex  eius  origine  sanguinem 
duceret,  quaesivit  a  me  quis  vitam  eius  in  litteras  ret- 

4tulisset.  cui  cum  ego  respondissem  iieminem  a  me 
Latinorum,  Graecorum  aliquos  lectitatos,  dolorem 


1  Celebrated  in  honour  of  the  Magna  Mater  on  25  March. 

2  Junius  Tiberianus  was  consul   in  281  and  291.     He  was 
prefect  of  the  city,  according  to  the  list  of  the  "  Chronographer 
of  354,"  from  18  Feb.,  291,  to  3  Aug.,  292,  and  again  irom 
12  Sept.,   303,   to   4  Jan.,  304.     Since  neither  this  group  of 
biographies  nor  those  ascribed  to  Trebellius  Pollio  was  written 
as  early  as  292,  it  must  be  his  second  prefecture  that  is  meant 
here.     This,  however,  did  not  include  the  Hilaria,  and  one  is 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN 

BY 

FLAVIUS  VOPISCUS  OF  SYRACUSE 

I.  At  the  festival  of  the  Hilaria1 — when,  as  we 
know,  everything  that  is  said  and  done  should  be  of 
a  joyous  nature — when  the  ceremonies  had  been 
completed,  Junius  Tiberianus,2  the  prefect  of  the 
city,  an  illustrious  man  and  one  to  be  named  only 
with  a  prefix  of  deep  respect,  took  me  up  into  his 
carriage,  that  is  to  say,  his  official  coach.  There,  his 
mind  being  now  at  leisure,  relaxed  and  freed  from 
law-pleas  and  public  business,  he  engaged  in  much 
conversation  all  the  way  from  the  Palatine  Hill  to 
the  Gardens  of  Varius,3  his  theme  being  chiefly  the 
lives  of  the  emperors.  And  when  we  had  reached 
the  Temple  of  the  Sun,4  consecrated  by  the  Emperor 
Aurelian,  he  asked  me — for  he  derived  his  descent  in 
some  degree  from  him — who  had  written  down  the 
record  of  the  life  of  that  prince.  When  I  replied 
that  I  had  read  none  in  Latin,  though  several  in 

forced  to  the  conclusion  that,  unless  the  feast  of  Isis  on  3  Nov., 
sometimes  also  referred  to  as  the  Hilaria,  is  meant,  the  episode 
described  here  is  merely  a  literary  device. 

8  Otherwise  unknown.  4  See  c.  xxxv.  3  and  note. 

193 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN 

gemitus    sui  vir  sanctus   per    haec    verba    pro  fuel  it : 

5 "  Ergo  Thersitem,   Sinonem   ceteraque  ilia*  prodigia 

vetustatis  et  nos  bene  scimus  et   poster!  frequenta- 

buiit  ;    divum    Aurelianum,    clarissimum    principem, 

severissimum  imperatorem,  per  quern  totus  Romano 

nomini  orbis  est  restitutus,  poster!  nescient  ?    deus 

Gavertat    hanc   amentiam.     et    tamen,    si    bene    novi, 

ephemeridas  illius  viri  scriptas  habemus,  etiam  bella 

charactere   historico   digesta,  quae  velim  accipias   et 

per  ordinem  scribas,  additis  quae  ad  vitam  pertinent. 

7  quae  omnia  ex  libris  liiite  s,  in  quibus  ipse  cotidiana 

sua  scribi  praeceperat,  pro  tua  sedulitate  condisces. 

curabo  autem  ut  tibi   ex    Ulpia   Bibliotheca  et  libri 

Slintei    proferantur.       tu    velim    Aurelianum    ita    ut 

9  est,  quatenus    potes,  in    litteras    mittas."     parui,  mi 

Ulpiane,1  praeceptis,  accepi  libros  Graecos  et  omnia 

mihi  necessaria  in  manum  sumpsi,  ex  quibus  ea  quae 

10  digna  erant  memoratu  in  unum  libellum  contuli.     tu 

velim  meo  muneri  boni  consulas  et,  si  hoc  contentus 

non  meris,  lectites  Graecos,  linteos  etiam  libros  re- 

quiras,    quos    Ulpia   tibi    Bibliotheca,    cum   volueris, 

ministrabit. 

1  So  Mommsen  ;  parrumipiane  P  ;  parui  Tiberiani  Peter. 


1  The  reviler  of  Agamemnon  in  Iliad,  ii.  212  f. 

2  He  persuaded  the  Trojans  to   bring   into  their   city  the 
Wooden  Horse ;  see  Aeneid,  ii.  67  f. 

3  Probably,  like  the  whole  incident,  fictitious.     They  seem 
to  have  been  suggested  by  the  Libri  Lintei,  containing  lists  of 
magistrates,   cited  by   the   annalists   C.    Licinius   Macer  and 
Q.  Aelius  Tubero,  of  the  first  century  B.C.  (see  Livy,  iv.  7,  1 2 ; 
23,  2),  but  regarded  by  many  modern  scholars  as  apocryphal. 

4 In  the  Forum  of  Trajan  ;  see  note  to  Hadr.,  vii.  6.     It  is 

194 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN  I.  5-10 

Greek,  that  revered  man  poured  forth  in  the  follow- 
ing words  the  sorrow  that  his  groan  implied  :  "  And 
so  Thersites  J  and  Sinon  2  and  other  such  monsters  of 
antiquity  are  well  known  to  us  and  will  be  spoken  of 
by  our  descendants  ;  but  shall  the  Deified  Aurelian, 
that  most  famous  of  princes,  that  most  firm  of  rulers, 
who  restored  the  whole  world  to  the  sway  of  Rome, 
be  unknown  to  posterity  ?  God  prevent  such  mad- 
ness !  And  yet,  if  I  am  not  mistaken,  we  possess 
the  written  journal  of  that  great  man  and  also  his 
wars  recorded  in  detail  in  the  manner  of  a  history, 
and  these  I  should  like  you  to  procure  and  set  forth 
in  order,  adding  thereto  all  that  pertains  to  his  life. 
All  these  things  you  may  learn  in  your  zeal  for 
research  from  the  linen  books,3  for  he  gave  instruc- 
tions that  in  these  all  that  he  did  each  day  should 
be  written  down.  I  will  arrange,  moreover,  that  the 
Ulpian  Library4  shall  provide  you  with  the  linen 
books  themselves.  It  would  be  my  wish  that  you 
write  a  work  on  Aurelian,  representing  him,  to  the 
best  of  your  ability,  just  as  he  really  was."  I  have 
carried  out  these  instructions,  my  dear  Ulpianus,5 
I  have  procured  the  Greek  books  and  laid  my  hand* 
on  all  that  I  needed,  and  from  these  sources  I  have 
gathered  together  into  one  little  book  all  that  was 
worthy  of  mention.  You  I  should  wish  to  think 
kindly  of  my  work,  and,  if  you  are  not  content  there- 
with, to  study  the  Greeks  and  even  to  demand  the 
linen  books  themselves,  which  the  Ulpian  Library  will 
furnish  you  whenever  you  desire. 

a  favourite  source  for  the  erudition  displayed  by  this  biographer ; 
see  Tac.,  viii.  1 ;  Prob.,  ii.  1 ;  Car.,  xi.  3. 

8  Only  a  tentative  restoration  of  the  text  and  wholly  un- 
known (cf.  note  to  Prob.,  i.  3). 

195 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN 

II.  Et  quoniam  sermo  nobis  de  Trebellio  Pollione, 
qui  a  duobus  Philippis  usque  ad  divum  Claudium  et 
eius  fratrem  Quintillum  imperatores  tarn  claros  quam 
obscures   memoriae  prodidit,  in  eodem  vehiculo  fuit 
adserente    Tiberiano    quod    Pollio    multa    incuriose, 
multa  breviter  prodidisset,  me  contra  dicente  neminem 
scriptorum,  quantum  ad  historiam  pertinet,  non  aliquid 
esse  mentitum,  prodente  quin  etiam  in  quo  Livius,  in 
quo  Sallustius,  in  quo  Cornelius  Tacitus,  in  quo  denique 
Trogus  manifestis  testibus  convincerentur,  pedibus  in 
sententiam   transitum    faciens   ac    manum    porrigens 

2iocando  praeterea,1  "Scribe,"  inquit,  "  ut  libet.  se- 
curus  quod  veils  dices,  habiturus  mendaciorum  comites, 
quos  historicae  eloquentiae  miramur  auctores." 

III.  Ac  lie  multa  et  frivola  prooemiis  odiosus  in- 
texam,  divus  Aurelianus  ortus,  ut   plures   loquuntur, 
Sirmii  familia  obscuriore,  ut  nonnulli,  Dacia  Ripensi. 

2  ego  autem  legisse  me  memini  auctorem  qui  eum 
Moesia  genii  um  praedicaret.  et  evenit  quidem  ut  de 
eorum  virorum  genital!  solo  nesciatur  qui  humiliore 
loco  et  ipsi  plerumque  solum  genitale  confingunt,  ut 

8  dent  posteritati  de  locorum  splendore  fulgorem.  nee 
tamen  magnorum  principum  in  rebus  2  summa  sciendi 

lpraeterea  P,  Lessing,  Hohl;  propterea  Gas.,  Peter.         2in 
rebus  Peter;  uiribus  P,  E. 


aSee  note  to  Val.,  i.  1. 

2  Pompeius   Trogus,  of  the  time   of  Augustus,  who   wrote 
Historiae   Philipijicae,  extant   only   in    the   abridgement  by 
Justinus. 

3L.  Domitius  Aurelianus  Augustus  (270-275). 
4  According  to  Epit.,  35,  1,  his   father  was  a  colonus  of  a 
senator  named  Aurelius. 

3  Mod.  Mitrovitz.     His  actual  birthplace  is,  indeed,  unknown, 

196 


THE  DEIFIED  AURKLIAN  IF.   1— III  3 

II.  Now,  when  in  the  same  carriage  our  talk  had 
fallen  on  Trebellius  Pollio,  who  has  handed  down  to 
memory  all  the  emperors,  both  illustrious  and  obscure, 
from  the  two  Philips  l  to  the  Deified  Claudius  and  his 
brother  Quintillus,  Tiberianus  asserted  that  much  of 
Pollio's  work  was  too  careless  and  much  was  too  brief  ; 
but  when  I  said  in  reply  that  there  was  110  writer,  at 
least  in  the  realm  of  history,  who  had  not  made  some 
false  statement,  and  even  pointed  out  the  places  in 
which  Livy  and  Sallust,  Cornelius  Tacitus,  and,  finally, 
Trogus  2  could  be  refuted  by  manifest  proofs,  he  came 
over   wholly    to  my  opinion,  and,  throwing    up   his 
hands,  he  jestingly  sa  d  besides  :   "  Well  then,  write 
as  you  will.      You  will  be  safe  in  saying  whatever  you 
wish,  since  you  will    have  as  comrades  in  falsehood 
those  authors  whom  we  admire  for  the  style  of  their 
histories." 

III.  So  then — lest  I  become  tiresome  by  weaving 
too    many    trifles    into    my    preface  —  the    Deified 
Aurelian  3  was  born  of  a  humble  family,4  at  Sirmium  5 
according  to  most  writers,  but  in  Dacia  Ripensis  6  ac- 
cording to  some.     I  remember,  moreover,  having  read 
one  author  who  declared  that  he  was  born  in  Moesia  ; 
and,  indeed,  it  often  comes  to  pass  that  we  are  ig- 
norant  of  the  birthplaces  of  those   who,   born   in  a 
humble  position,  frequently  invent  a  birthplace  for 
themselves,  that  they  may  give  their  descendants  a 
glamour  derived  from  the  lustre  of  the  locality.     How- 
ever, in  writing  of  the  deeds  of  a  great  emperor,  the 

but  there  is  no  doubt  that,  like  Claudius,  Probus,  Carus  aud 
Diocletian,  he  came  of  the  hardy  Illyrian  stock  which  in  this 
period  furnished  the  greater  part  of  Rome's  soldiers.  He  was 
born  in  214  or  215. 

6  A  new  province  formed  by  Aurelian  himself  (see  c.  xxxix.  7), 
and  so  not  unnaturally  supposed  to  be  his  native  place. 

197 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN 

est  ubi  quisque  sit  genitus,  sed  qualis  in  re  publica 

4fuerit.     an  Platonem  magis  commendat  quod  Athen- 

iensis    fuerit    quam    quod    unicum  sapientiae  munus 

6inluxerit?     aut   eo   minores   invenientur   Aristoteles 

Stagirites  Eleatesque  Zenon   aut  Anacharsis  Scytha 

quod  in  minimis  nati  sint  viculis,  cum  illos  ad  caelum 

omnis  philosophiae  virtus  extulerit  ? 

IV.  Atque,  ut  ad  ordinem  redeam,  Aurelianus  modi- 
cis  ortus  parentibus,  a  prima  aetate  ingenio  vivacissi- 
mus,  viribus  clarus,  nullum  umquam  diem  praetermisit, 
quamvis  festum,  quamvis  vacantem,  quo  non  se  pilo 
et  sagittis  ceterisque  armorum  exerceret  officiis. 
2matrem  quidem  eius  Callicrates  Tyrius,  Graecorum 
longe  doctissimus  scriptor,  sacerdotem  templi  Soils 
sui l  in  vico  eo  in  quo  habitabant  parentes  fuisse  dicit ; 

3  habuisse  quin  etiam  non  nihilum  divinationis,  adeo  ut 
aliquando  marito  suo  iurgans  ingesserit,  cum  eius  et 
stultitiam  increparet    et   vilitatem,    "En  imperatoris 
patrem."     ex  quo  constat  illam  mulierem  scisse  fatalia. 

4  idem  dicit   auspicia  imperil   Aureliano   haec    fuisse : 
primum  pueri  eius  pelvem  serpentem  plerumque  cinx- 
isse  neque  umquam  occidi  potuisse,  postremo  ipsam 
matrem,  quae  hoc  viderat,  serpentem  quasi  familiarem 

1  sui  Mommaen ;  qui  P,  2 ;  lacuna  after  parentes  assumed 
by  Peter. 


1 A  pupil  of  Parmenides,  born  in  Elea  (Velia)  in  Italy  about 
485  B.C.  and  resident  in  Athens  about  450,  the  inventor  of  the 
argument  about  Achilles  and  the  tortoise. 

2  A  Scythian  prince  who  travelled  to  Greece  and  was  sup- 
posed to  have  lived  in  Athens  in  the  early  sixth  century  as  the 
friend  of  Solon  and  to  have  been  the  author  of  a  series  of  apho- 
risms ;  see  Diog.  Laert.,  i.  8,  101  f. 

198 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN  III.  4^IV.  4 

chief  thing  to  be  known  is  not  in  what  place  he  was 
born,  but  how  great  he  was  in  the  State.  Do  we 
value  Plato  more  highly  because  he  was  born  at 
Athens  than  because  he  stands  out  illumined  as  the 
peerless  gift  of  philosophy  ?  Or  do  we  hold  Aristotle 
of  Stagira  or  Zeno  of  Elea 1  or  Anacharsis  2  of  Scythia 
in  less  esteem  because  they  were  born  in  the  tiniest 
villages,  when  the  virtue  of  philosophy  has  exalted 
them  all  to  the  skies  ? 

IV.  And  so — to  return  to  the  course  of  events — 
Aurelian,  born  of  humble  parents  and  from  his  earliest 
years  very  quick  of  mind  and  famous  for  his  strength, 
never  let  a  day  go  by,  even  though  a  feast-day  or  a 
day  of  leisure,  on  which  he  did  not  practise  with  the 
spear,  the  bow  and  arrow,  and  other  exercises  in  arms. 
As  to  his  mother,  Callicrates  of  Tyre,3  by  far  the  most 
learned  writer  of  the  Greeks,  says  that  she  was  a 
priestess  of  the  temple  of  his  own  Sun-god  4  in  the 
village  in  which  his  parents  lived ;  she  even  had  the 
gift  of  prophecy  to  a  certain  extent,  for  once,  when 
she  was  quarrelling  with  her  husband  and  reviling  him 
for  his  stupidity  and  low  estate,  she  shouted  at  him, 
"  Behold  the  father  of  an  emperor  !  '  From  which  it 
is  clear  that  the  woman  knew  something  of  fate.  The 
same  writer  says  also  that  there  were  the  following 
omens  of  the  rule  of  Aurelian  :  First  of  all,  when  he 
was  a  child,  a  serpent  wound  itself  many  times  around 
his  wash-basin,  and  no  one  was  able  to  kill  it  ;  finally, 
his  mother,  who  had  seen  the  occurrence,  refused  to 
have  the  serpent  killed,  saying  that  it  was  a  member 

3  Otherwise  unknown  and  probably  fictitious. 

4  An  allusion  to  the  cult  of  the  Sun  founded  by  him  at  Rome ; 
see  c.  xxxv.  3  and  note.    This  fact  is  probably  the  origin  of  the 
story  that  his  mother  was  a  priestess  of  the  deity. 

199 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN 

Soccidere  noluisse.  his  accedit  quod  ex  palliolo  pur- 
pureo,  quod  Soli  sui  temporis  imperator  obtulerat, 
sacerdos  mulier  crepimdia  filio  fecisse  perhibetur. 

6  addit  etiam  illud,  quod  vinctum  fasciola  Aurelianum 
aquila  innoxie  de  cunis  levaverit  et  in  aram  posuerit, 

7quae  iuxta  sacellum  forte  sine  ignibus  erat.  idem 
auctor  est  vitulum  matri  eius  natum  mirae  magnitu- 
dinis,  candidum  sed  purpurantibus  maculis,  ita  ut  hab- 
V.  eret  in  latere  uno  "ave"  et1  in  alio  coronam.  multa 
superflua  in  eodem  legisse  me2  memini;  quippe  qui 
adseveret  etiam  rosas  in  eiusdem  mulieris  chorte  nato 
Aureliano  exisse  purpureas,  odoris  rosei,  floris  aurei. 

2fuerunt  et  postea  multa  omina  iarn  militanti  futuri,  ut 

3  res  monstravit,  imperil,     nam  ingrediente  eo  Antio- 
chiam  in  vehiculo,  quod  prae  vulnere  tune  equo  sedere 
non  posset,  ita  pallium  purpureum,  quod  in  honore  eius 

4  pansum  fuerat,  decidit,  ut  umeros  eius  tegeret.     et  cum 
in  equum  transire  vellet,  quia  invidiosum  tune  erat 
vehiculis  in  civitate  uti,  equus  est  ei  imperatoris  adpli- 
citus,  cui  per  festinationem  insedit.     sed  ubi  comperit, 

5  semet  ad  suum  transtulit.     data  est  ei  praeterea,  cum 
legatus  ad  Persas  isset,  patera,  qualis  solet  imperatori 
dari  a  rege  Persarum,  in  qua  iiisculptus  erat  Sol  eo 
habitu  quo  colebatur  ab  eo  templo  in  quo  mater  eius 

1 "  aue  "  et  in  alio  Hohl ;  auetrinalio  P1 ;  "  aue  imperator" 
Petera.  2me  ins.  by  Lessing,  v.  Winterfeld,  Hohl ;  om.  in  P 
and  by  Peter. 


J  Pliny  (Nat.  Hist.,  xxix.  72)  tells  of  snakes  kept  as  pets  in 
Rome.  The  snake  was,  in  fact,  regarded  as  the  symbol  of  the 
genius  of  the  owner  of  a  house,  and  is  often  found  at  Pompeii 
painted  on  the  wall  of  the  shrine  of  the  household-gods  along 
with  the  figures  of  the  Lares  and  Penates. 

2 For  a  similar  "  omen"  see  Cl.  Alb.,  v.  9. 

:!  It  had  been  forbidden  by  M.  Aurelius ;  see  Marc.,  xxiii.  8. 

200 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN  IV.  5— V.  5 

of  the  household.1  Furthermore,  it  is  said,  the  priest- 
ess made  swaddling-clothes  for  her  son  from  a  purple 
cloak,^  which  the  emperor  of  the  time  had  dedicated 
to  the  Sun-god.  This,  too,  is  related,  that  Aurelian, 
while  wrapped  in  his  swaddling-clothes,  was  lifted  out 
of  his  cradle  by  an  eagle,  but  without  suffering  harm, 
and  was  laid  on  an  altar  in  a  neighbouring  shrine 
which  happened  to  have  no  fire  upon  it.  The  same 
writer  asserts  that  on  his  mother's  land  a  calf  was  born 
of  marvellous  size,  white  but  with  purple  spots,  which 
formed  on  one  side  the  word  "hail,"  en  the  other 
side  a  crown.  V.  I  remember  also  reading  in  this 
same  author  much  that  has  no  importance  ;  he  even 
asserts  that  when  Aurelian  was  born  there  sprang  up 
in  this  same  woman's  courtyard  roses  of  a  purple 
colour,  having  the  fragrance  of  the  rose  but  a  golden 
centre.  Later,  when  he  was  in  military  service,  there 
were  also  many  omens  predicting,  as  events  showed, 
his  future  rule.  For  instance,  when  he  entered 
Antioch  in  a  carriage,  for  the  reason  that  because  of 
a  wound  he  could  not  ride  his  horse,  a  purple  cloak, 
which  had  been  spread  out  in  his  honour,  fell  down 
on  him  in  such  a  way  as  to  cover  his  shoulders.  Then, 
when  he  desired  to  change  to  a  horse,  because  at  that 
time  the  use  of  a  carriage  in  a  city  was  attended  with 
odium,3  a  horse  belonging  to  the  emperor  was  led  up 
to  him,  and  in  his  haste  he  mounted  it.  But  when  he 
discovered  to  whom  it  belonged,  he  changed  to  one 
of  his  own.  Furthermore,  when  he  had  gone  as 
envoy  to  the  Persians,  he  was  presented  with  a  sacri- 
ficial saucer,  of  the  kind  that  the  king  of  the  Persians 
is  wont  to  present  to  the  emperor,  on  which  was  en- 
graved the  Sun-god  in  the  same  attire  in  which  he 
was  worshipped  in  the  very  temple  where  the  mother 

201 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN 

6  fuerat  sacerdos.  donatus  eidem  etiam  elephantus  prae- 
cipuus,  quern  ille  imperatori  obtulit,  solusque  omnium 
privatus  Aurelianus  elephant!  dominus  fuit. 

VI.  Sed  ut  haec  et  talia  omittamus,  fuit  decorus  ac 
gratia  viriliter  speciosus,  statura  procerior,  nervis  vali- 
dissimis,  vini  et  cibi  paulo  cupidior,  libidinis  rarae, 
severitatis  inmensae,  disciplinae  singularis,  gladii  ex- 

2serendi  cupidus.  nam  cum  essent  in  exercitu  duo 
Aureliani  tribuni,  hie  et  alius,  qui  cum  Valeriano  cap- 
tus  est,  huic  signum  exercitus  adposuerat  "  manu  ad 
ferrum,"  ut  si  forte  quaereretur  quis  Aurelianus  aliquid 
vel  fecisset  vel  gessisset,  suggereretur  "  Aurelianus 
manu  ad  ferrum  "  atque  cognosceretur. 

3  Privati  huius  multa  exstant  egregia  facinora.  nam 
erumpentes  Sarmatas  in  Illyrico  cum  trecentis  prae- 

4sidiariis  solus  adtrivit.  refert  Theoclius,  Caesarea- 
norum  temporum  scriptor,  Aurelianum  manu  sua  bello 
Sarmatico  una  die  quadragiiita  et  octo  interfecisse, 
plurimis  autem  et  diversis  diebus  ultra  nongentos 
quinquaginta,  adeo  ut  etiam  ballistia  pueri  et  salta- 
tiunculas  in1  Aurelianum  tales  componerent,2  quibus 
diebus  festis  militariter  saltitarent : 

5      "  Mille  mille  mille  decollavimus. 
unus  homo  mille  decollavimus. 
mille  bibat  3  quisquis  4  mille  occidit. 
tantum  vini  nemo  habet  quantum  fudit  sanguinis." 

1  in  cm.  in  P.  2  componerent  27,  editors  ;  om.  in  P. 

8  bibat  Biicheler,  Hohl ;  uiuat  P,  27,  Peter.  4  quisquis 

Basore ;  qiLi  P,  27,  Peter. 

1  In  Juvenal,  xii.  106-107,  elephants  are  designated  as  Caesaris 
armentum,  nulli  servire  paratum  \  private. 

2  Similarly,  a  centurion  in  the  army  of  the  Danube  in  A.D. 
14  had  the  nickname  of  "  Cedo  alteram  "  ("  Give-me-another  ") ; 
see  Tacitus,  Annals,  i.  23,  4. 

:l  Otherwise  unknown. 

202 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN  V.  6— VI.  5 

of  Aurelian  had  been  a  priestess.  He  was  also  pre- 
sented with  an  elephant  of  unusual  size,  which  he  then 
gave  to  the  emperor,  and  Aurelian  was  the  only  com- 
moner of  them  all  who  ever  owned  an  elephant.1 

VI.  But,  to  omit  these  and  similar  details,  he  was 
a  comely  man,  good  to  look  upon  because  of  his  manly 
grace,  rather  tall  in  stature,  and  very  strong  in  his 
muscles ;  he  was  a  little  too  fond  of  wine  and  food, 
but  indulged  his  passions  rarely  ;  he  exercised  the 
greatest  severity  and  a  discipline  that  had  no  equal, 
being  extremely  ready  to  draw  his  sword.  And,  in 
iact,  since  there  were  in  the  army  two  tribunes,  both 
named  Aurelian,  this  man  and  another,  who  later  was 
captured  with  Valerian,  the  soldiers  gave  him  the  nick- 
name of  "  Sword-in-hand,"  2  so  that,  if  anyone  chanced 
to  ask  which  Aurelian  had  done  anything  or  performed 
any  exploit,  the  reply  would  be  made  "Aurelian 
Sword-in-hand,"  and  so  he  would  be  identified. 

Many  of  the  remarkable  deeds  which  he  did  as  a 
commoner  are  still  well  known  :  For  instance,  he  and 
three  hundred  men  of  his  garrison  alone  destroyed 
the  Sarmatians  when  they  burst  into  Illyricum. 
Theoclius,3  who  wrote  of  the  reigns  of  the  Caesars, 
relates  that  in  the  war  against  the  Sarmatians  Aurelian 
with  his  own  hand  slew  forty-eight  men  in  a  single 
day  and  that  in  the  course  of  several  days  he  slew 
over  nine  hundred  and  fifty,  so  that  the  boys  even 
composed  in  his  honour  the  following  jingles  and 
dance-ditties,  to  which  they  would  dance  on  holidays 
in  soldier  fashion  : 

"  Thousand,  thousand,  thousand  we've  beheaded  now. 
One  alone,  a  thousand  we've  beheaded  now. 
He  shall  drink  a  thousand  who  a  thousand  slew. 
So  much  wine  is  owned  by  no  one  as  the  blood  which 
he  has  shed." 

203 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELTAN 

6haec  video  esse   perfrivola,  sed  quia    supra   scriptus 

auctor  ita  eadem  ut  sunt  Latina  suis  scriptis  inseruit, 

VII.  tacenda  esse  non  credidi.     idem  apud  Mogontiacum 

tribunus  legionis  sextae  Gallicanae  Francos  inruentes, 

cum  vagarentur   per   totam   Galliam,  sic    adflixit   ut 

trecentos  ex  his  captos  septingentis  interemptis  sub 

2  corona   vendiderit.       unde   iterum   de   eo   facta    est 

cantilena  ; 

"  Mille    Sarmatas,    mille    Francos    semel    et   semel 

occidimus, 
mille  Persas  quaerimus." 

8  Hie  autem,  ut  supra  diximus,1  militibus  ita  timori 
fuit  ut  sub  eo,  posteaquam  semel  cum  ingenti  severi- 
tate  castrensia  peccata  correxit,  nemo  peccaverit. 

4  solus  denique  omnium  militem,  qui  adulterium  cum 
hospitis    uxore    commiserat,    ita    punivit    ut    duarum 
arborum  capita  inflecteret,  ad  pedes  militis  deligaret 
easdemque  subito  dimitteret,  ut  scissus  ille  utrimque 
penderet.      quae    res    ingentem    timorem    omnibus 
fecit. 

5  Huius  epistula  militaris  est  ad  vicarium  suum  data 
huius  modi :   "  Si  vis  tribunus  esse,  immo  si  vis  vivere, 
manus  militum  contine.    nemo  pullum  alienum  rapiat, 
ovem  nemo  contingat.     uvam  nullus  auferat,  segetem 
nemo    deterat,  oleum,  salem,  lignum    nemo    exigat, 
annona  sua  conteiitus  sit.     de  praeda  hostis,  non  de 

1  diximus  om.  in  P. 


1  Presumably  during  the  German  invasions  of  254-258.     No 
Legio  VI  Gallicana  is  known. 

2  The  same  punishment,  but  for  a  different  offence,  was  used 
by  Alexander  the  Great;  see  Plutarch,  Alex.,  13,  3. 

204 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN  VI.  6— VII.  5 

I  perceive,  indeed,  that  these  verses  are  very  trivial, 
but  since  the  author  mentioned  before  has  included 
them  in  his  writings,  in  Latin  just  as  they  are  here, 
I  have  thought  they  ought  not  to  be  omitted.  VII. 
Likewise,  when  at  Mainz  as  tribune  of  the  Sixth 
Legion,  the  Gallican,1  he  completely  crushed  the 
Franks,  who  had  burst  into  Gaul  and  were  roving 
about  through  the  whole  country,  killing  seven 
hundred  of  them  and  capturing  three  hundred,  whom 
he  then  sold  as  slaves.  And  so  a  song  was  again 
composed  about  him : 

"  Franks,  Sarmatians  by  the  thousand,  once  and  once 

again  we've  slain. 
Now  we  seek  a  thousand  Persians." 

He  was,  moreover,  so  feared  by  the  soldiers,  as  I 
have  said  before,  that,  after  he  had  once  punished 
offences  in  the  camp  with  the  utmost  severity,  no  one 
offended  again.  In  fact,  he  alone  among  all  com- 
manders inflicted  the  following  punishment  on  a  soldier 
who  had  committed  adultery  with  the  wife  of  the  man 
at  whose  house  he  was  lodged :  bending  down  the 
tops  of  two  trees,  he  fastened  them  to  the  soldier's 
feet  and  then  let  them  fly  upward  so  suddenly  that 
the  man  hung  there  torn  in  two  2 — a  penalty  which 
inspired  great  terror  in  all. 

There  is  a  letter  of  his,  truly  that  of  a  soldier,  written 
to  his  deputy,  as  follows  :  "  If  you  wish  to  be  tribune, 
or  rather,  if  you  wish  to  remain  alive,  restrain  the 
hands  of  your  soldiers.  None  shall  steal  another's 
fowl  or  touch  his  sheep.  None  shall  carry  off  grapes, 
or  thresh  out  grain,  or  exact  oil,  salt,  or  firewood,  and 
each  shall  be  content  with  his  own  allowance.  Let 

205 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN 

elacrimis  provincialium  victum1  habeant.  arma  tersa 
sint,  ferramenta  samiata,  calciamenta  fortia.  vestis 
nova  vestem  veterem  excludat.  stipendium  in  balteo, 

7non  in  popina  habeat.  torquem,  brachialem,  anulura 
adponat.  equum  et  sagmarium  suum  defricet, 
capitum  animalis  non  vendat,  mulum  centuriatura 

8  communiter  curent.  alter  alteri  quasi  miles,2  nemo 
quasi  servus  obsequatur,  a  medicis  gratis  curentur, 
haruspicibus  nihil  dent,  in  hospitiis  caste  se  agant,  qui 
litem  fecerit  vapulet." 

VIII.  Inveni  nuper  in  Ulpia  Bibliotheca  inter 
linteos  libros  epistulam  divi  Valeriani  de  Aureliano 
principe  scriptam,  quam  ad  verbum,  ut  decebat, 
inserui. 

2  "  Valerianus  Augustus  Antonino  Gallo  consuli. 
culpas  me  familiaribus  litteris,  quod  Postumo  filium 
meum  Gallienum  magis  quam  Aureliano  commiserim, 
cum  utique  severiori  et  puer  credendus  fuerit  et  exer- 
citus.  ne  tu3  id  diutius  iudicabis,  si  bene  scieris 

8  quantae  sit  Aurelianus  severitatis  ;  nimius  est,  multus 
est,  gravis  est  et  ad  nostra  iam  non  facit  tempora. 

4  testor  autem  omnes  me  etiam  timuisse,  ne  quid  etiam 
erga  filium  meum  severius,  si  quid  ille  fecisset,  cum — 
ut  est  natura  pronus  ad  ludicra — levius  cogitaret." 

1  uictum  ins.  by  Novak ;  om.  in  P  and  by  Hohl ;  habeant 
replaced  by  uiuant  by  Peter.  2  miles  Obrecht,  Peter1 ; 

in  P.          3  ne  tu  P,  27,  def.  by  Baehrena  and  Hohl ;  tiec  tamen 
Peter. 


1  See  Claud.,  xiii.  8  and  note.  2  See  c.  i.  7  and  notes. 

8  No  consul  of  this  name  is  known. 

4  This  is  certainly  an  error,  probably  due  to  confusion  with 
the  fact  that  Gallienus  entrusted  his  son  Valerian  to  the  care 
of  Silvanus ;  see  notes  to  Tyr.  Trig.,  iii.  1. 

206 


THE  DEIFIED  AUREL1AN  VII.  6— VIII.  4> 

them  get  their  living  from  the  booty  taken  from  the 
enemy  and  not  from  the  tears  of  the  provincials. 
Their  arms  shah1  be  kept  burnished,  their  implements 
bright,  and  their  boots  stout.  Let  old  uniforms  be 
replaced  by  new.  Let  them  keep  their  pay  in  their 
belts  and  not  spend  it  in  public-houses.  Let  them 
wear  their  collars,  arm-rings,1  and  finger-rings.  Let 
each  man  curry  his  own  horse  and  baggage -animal, 
let  no  one  sell  the  fodder  allowed  him  for  his  beast, 
and  let  them  take  care  in  common  of  the  mule  be- 
longing to  the  century.  Let  one  yield  obedience  to 
another  as  a  soldier  and  no  one  as  a  slave,  let  them 
be  attended  by  the  physicians  without  charge,  let 
them  give  no  fees  to  soothsayers,  let  them  conduct 
themselves  in  their  lodgings  with  propriety,  and  let 
anyone  who  begins  a  brawl  be  thrashed." 

VIII.  I  have  recently  found  among  the  linen  books 
in  the  Ulpian  Library 2  a  letter,  written  by  the 
Deified  Valerian  concerning  the  Emperor  Aurelian, 
which  I  have  inserted  word  for  word,  as  seemed 
right : 

"  From  Valerian  Augustus  to  Antoninus  Gallus,* 
the  consul.  You  find  fault  with  me  in  a  personal 
letter  for  confiding  my  son  Gallienus 4  to  Postumus 
rather  than  to  Aurelian,  on  the  ground,  of  course, 
that  both  the  boy  and  the  army  should  be  entrusted 
to  the  sterner  man.  Of  a  truth  you  will  continue 
to  hold  this  opinion  when  once  you  have  learned 
how  stern  Aurelian  is ;  for  he  is  too  stem,  much 
too  stern,  he  is  harsh  and  his  actions  are  not  suited 
to  those  of  our  time.  Moreover,  I  call  all  to  wit- 
ness that  I  have  even  feared  that  he  will  act  too 
sternly  toward  my  son  also,  in  case  he  does  aught  in 
behaving  with  too  great  frivolity — for  he  is  naturally 

207 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN 

Shaec  epistula  indicat  quantae  fuerit  severitatis,  ut 
ilium  Valerianus  etiam  timuisse  se  dicat. 

IX.  Eiusdem  Valeriani  alia  est  epistula,  quae  laudes 
illius  continet.  quam  ego  ex  scriniis  praefecturae 
urbanae  protuli.  nam  illi  Romam  venienti  salaria  sui 
ordinis  sunt  decreta.  exemplum  epistulae  : 

2  "Valerianus  Augustus  Ceionio  Albino  praefecto 
urbi.  vellemus  quidem  singulis  quibusque  devotis- 
simis  rei  publicae  viris  multo  maiora  deferre  compendia 
quam  eorum  dignitas  postulat,  maxime  ubi  honorem 
vita  commendat — debet  enim  quid  praeter  dignitatem 
pretium  esse  meritorum, — sed  tacit  rigor  publicus  ut 
accipere  de  provinciarum  inlationibus  ultra  ordinis 

8  sui  gradum  nemo  plus  possit.  Aurelianum,  fortis- 
simum  virum,  ad  inspicienda  et  ordinanda  castra 
omnia  destinavimus,  cui  tan  turn  a  nobis  atque  ab 
omni  re  publica  communi  totius  exercitus  confessione 
debetur,  ut  digna  illo  vix  aliqua  vel  nimis  magna  sint 

4  munera.  quid  enim  in  illo  non  clarum  ?  quid  noil 
Corviiiis  et  Scipionibus  conferendum  ?  ille  liberator 
Illyrici,  ille  Galliarum  restitutor,  ille  dux  magni 

6  totius   exempli,     et   tamen   nihil   praeter  ea  possum 

6  addere  tanto  viro  ad  muneris  gratiam  ;  non l  patitur 
sobrie  et  bene  gerenda  res  publica.  quare  Sinceritas 

1  non  ins.  by  Peter  ;  om.  in  P. 


1  Perhaps  M.  Numrni us  Ceionius  Annius  Albinus  of  C.I.L., 
vi.  314  b,  who  may  be  identical  with  the  Nummius  Albinus 
who  was  prefect  of  the  city  in  256 ;  but  see  note  to  Cl.  Alb., 
iv.  1. 

-  M.  Valerius  Corvus  (or  Corvinus),  six  times  consul  between 
848  and  299  B.C.  and  victor  over  the  Volsci  and  Samnites,  and 
his  descendants,  especially  M.  Valerius  Messalla  Corvinus, 

208 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN  VIII.  5— IX.  6 

prone  to  merry-making."  This  letter  shows  how 
great  was  his  sternness,  so  that  even  Valerian  said 
that  he  feared  him. 

IX.  There  is  another  letter  by  the  same  Valerian, 
sounding  his  praises,  which  I  have  brought  out  from 
the  files  of  the  city-prefecture.  For  when  he  came 
to  Rome  the  allowance  usually  made  to  his  rank  was 
assigned  to  him.  A  copy  of  the  letter  : 

"  From  Valerian  Augustus  to  Ceionius  Albinus,1 
the  prefect  of  the  city.  It  had,  indeed,  been  our 
wish  to  bestow  on  each  and  every  man  who  has  been 
loyal  to  the  commonwealth  a  much  larger  recompense 
than  his  rank  demands,  but  especially  when  his 
manner  of  life  recommends  him  for  honours — for 
there  should  be  some  other  reward  for  merit  than 
rank — ,  but  the  public  discipline  requires  that  none 
shall  receive  from  the  income  of  the  provinces  a 
greater  sum  than  the  grade  of  his  position  permits. 
Wherefore  we  have  now  chosen  Aurelian,  a  very 
brave  man,  to  inspect  and  set  in  order  all  our  camps, 
for,  by  the  general  admission  of  the  entire  army, 
both  we  ourselves  and  the  whole  commonwealth  as 
well  are  so  in  his  debt  that  there  are  scarcely  any 
rewards  that  are  worthy  of  him,  or,  indeed,  too  great. 
For  what  quality  has  he  that  is  not  illustrious  ?  that 
cannot  be  compared  with  the  Corvini 2  and  the 
Scipios  ?  He  is  liberator  of  Illyricum,  saviour  of  the 
provinces  of  Gaul,  and  as  a  general  a  great  and  perfect 
example.  And  yet  there  is  nothing  but  this  that  I 
can  bestow  on  such  a  man  by  way  of  reward  for  his 
services  ;  for  a  wise  and  careful  administration  of  the 
commonwealth  will  not  permit  it.  Wherefore  your 

famous  as  a  general  in  the  early  principate  of  Augustus  and 
the  patron  of  Tibullus. 

209 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN 

tua,  mi  parens  carissime,  supra  dicto  viro  adiciet,1 
quamdiu  Romae  fuerit,  panes  militares  mundos  se- 
decim,  panes  militares  castrenses  quadraginta,  vini 
mensalis  sextarios  quadraginta,  porcellum  dimidium, 
gallinaceos  duos,  porcinae  pondo  triginta,  bubulae 
pondo  quadraginta,  olei  sextarium  unum  et  item 
liquaminis  sextarium  unum,  salis  sextarium  unum, 

7  herbarum  2  holerum  quantum  sat  est.  sane  quoniam 
ei  aliquid  praecipue  decernendum  est,  quamdiu  Romae 
fuerit,  pabula  extra  ordinem  decernes,  ipsi  autem  ad 
sumptus  aureos  Antoninianos  diurnos  binos,  argenteos 
Philippeos  minutulos  quinquagenos,  aeris  denarios 
centum.  reliqua  per  praefectos  aerarii  praebe- 
buntur." 

X.   Frivola  haec  fortassis  cuipiam  et  nimis  levia  esse 

2  videantur,  sed  curiositas  nihil  recusat.  habuit  ergo 
multos  ducatus,  plurimos  tribunatus,  vicarias  3  ducum 
et  tribunorum  diversis  temporibus  prope  quadraginta, 

1  ad.iciet  Gruter,  Madvig,  Peter2 ;   adficiet  P,  Peter1. 
2  herbas  P.        3  uacarios  P. 


1  These  coins  are  also  mentioned  in  similar  "letters"  in 
c.  xii.  1;  Prob.,  iv.  5  ;  Firm.,  xv.  8.  That  gold  coins  of  any 
of  the  Antonines  were  current  at  the  time  when  these  "  letters  " 
were  supposed  to  have  been  written  is  very  doubtful.  The 
name  Antoninianus  is  usually  applied  (though  with  no  other 
warrant  than  these  "  letters")  to  the  new  silver  coin  that  was 
issued  by  Caracalla  and  the  later  emperors  of  the  third  century, 
but  there  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  it  was  ever  given  to  the 
aureus.  The  term  Philippeus  was  familiar,  from  long-standing 
tradition,  as  a  designation  for  the  aureus  (see  note  to  Claud., 
xiv.  3),  but  neither  the  small  silver  minutuli  (see  note  to  Alex., 

210 


THE  DEIFIED  AUREL1AN  IX.  7— X.  2 

Integrity,  my  dearest  kinsman,  will  supply  the  afore- 
said man,  as  long  as  he  shall  be  in  Rome,  with  sixteen 
loaves  of  soldiers'  bread  of  the  finest  quality,  forty 
loaves  of  soldiers'  bread  of  the  quality  used  in  camp, 
forty  pints  of  table-wine,  the  half  of  a  swine,  two 
fowl,  thirty  pounds  of  pork,  forty  pounds  of  beef,  one 
pint  of  oil  and  likewise  one  pint  of  fish-pickle,  one  pint 
of  salt,  and  greens  and  vegetables  as  much  as  shall  be 
sufficient.  And  indeed,  since  something  out  of  the 
ordinary  must  be  allowed  him,  as  long  as  he  shall  be 
in  Rome,  you  will  allow  him  fodder  beyond  the  usual 
amount  and  for  his  own  expenses,  moreover,  a  daily 
grant  of  two  aurei  of  Antoninus/  fifty  silver  minutuli 
of  Philip,  and  one  hundred  denarii  of  bronze.2  All 
else  will  be  furnished  by  the  prefects  of  the  treasury  3." 
X.  These  details  may  perhaps  seem  to  someone  to 
be  paltry  and  over  trivial,  but  research  stops  at  noth- 
ing. He  held,  then,  very  many  commands  as  general 
and  very  many  as  tribune,  and  acted  as  deputy  for 
generals  or  tribunes  on  about  forty  different  occasions. 

xxii.  8)  nor  the  bronze  coins  had  any  possible  connection  with 
Philip  of  Macedonia,  nor  is  there  any  reason  to  suppose  that 
they  took  their  name  from  Philippus  Arabs,  who  did  not 
institute  any  reform  in  the  coinage.  It  would  seem  that  the 
author,  failing  to  understand  the  real  significance  of  the  term 
Philippeus  and  supposing  that  it  was  derived  from  the  name 
of  the  emperor,  has  applied  both  it  and  Antoninianus  to  all 
coins  indiscriminately,  for  the  purpose  of  creating  the  impres- 
sion of  greater  learning  ;  see  Menadier,  p.  27  f. ;  p.  47  f. 

2  The  expression  aeris  denarios  is  nonsense,  since  these 
coins  were  not  made  of  bronze  but  of  base  metal  washed  with 
silver. 

3  The  statement  that  supplies  will  be  furnished  to  an  army 
officer  by  the  prefect  of  the  aerarium  (the  old  senatorial  treasury) 
is  sufficient  evidence  that  this  letter  is  a  forgery.     Equally  fio- 
titious  is  this  official  in  c.  xii.  1  and  c.  xx.  8. 

211 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN 

usque  adeo  ut  etiam  Ulpii  Criniti,  qui  se  de  Traiani 
gen  ere  referebat,  et  forth  simi  re  vera  viri  et  Traiani 
simillimi,  qui  pictus  est  cum  eodem  Aureliano  in 
Templo  Solis,  quern  Valerianus  Caesaris  loco  habere 
instituerat,  vicem  sumeret,  exercitum  duceret,  limites 
restitueret,  praedam  militibus  daret,  Thracias  bubus, 
equis,  mancipiis  captivis  locupletaret,  manubias  in 
Palatio  conlocaret,  quingentos  servos,  duo  milia 
vaccarum,  equas  mille,  ovium  decem  milia,  caprearum 
quindecim  in  privatam  villam  Valeriani  congereret. 

3  tune  enim1  Ulpius  Crinitus  publice  apud  Byzantium 
sedenti  Valeriano  in  thermis  egit  gratias,  dicens 
magnum  de  se  iudicium  habitum,  quod  eidem 
vicarium  Aurelianum  dedisset.  quare  eum  statuit 
adrogare. 

XI.  Interest  epistulas  nosse  de  Aureliano  scriptas  et 
ipsam  adrogationem.  epistula  Valeriani  ad  Aureli- 
anum :  "Si  esset  alius,  Aureliane  iucundissime,  qui 
Llpii  Criniti  vicem  posset  implere,  tecum  de  eius 
virtute  ac  sedulitate  conferrem.  nunc  tu — cum  alium 
non 2  requirere  potuissem — suscipe  bellum  a  parte 

2Nicopolis,  ne  nobis  aegritudo  Criniti  obsit.  fac 
quicquid  potes.  multa  non  dico.  in  tua  erit  potestate 

Smilitiae  magisterium.  habes  sagittarios  Ituraeos 
trecentos,  Armenios  sescentos,  Arabas  centum  quin- 

1  cum  P.  2  So  Editor  ;  tecum  P  ;  lacuna  assumed  by 

Peter2  after  tut  cum ;  te  cum  <^non  meUoretrT>  Hohl. 


1  Mentioned  also  in  c.  xxxviii.  2-3,  but  otherwise  unknown. 
It  is  probably  true  that  under  Valerian  Aurelian  was  engaged 
in  the  defence  of  Thrace  against  the  Goths,  but  the  episode  as 
developed  in  the  following  chapters,  with  the  account  of 
Valerian's  audience  at  Constantinople,  the  adoption  of  Aurelian 
and  his  appointment  to  the  consulship,  all  embellished  with 

212 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN  X.  3— XI.  S 

Indeed,  he  even  acted  as  deputy  for  Ulpius  Crinitus,1 
who  used  to  assert  that  he  was  of  the  house  of  Trajan 
— he  was,  in  actual  fact,  a  most  brave  man  and  very 
similar  to  Trajan — ,  who  was  painted  together  with 
Aurelian  in  the  Temple  of  the  Sun,  and  whom 
Valerian  had  planned  to  appoint  to  the  place  of  a 
Caesar.  He  also  commanded  troops,  restored  the 
frontiers,  distributed  booty  among  the  soldiers,  en- 
riched the  provinces  of  Thrace  with  captured  cattle, 
horses,  and  slaves,  dedicated  spoils  in  the  Palace,  and 
brought  together  to  a  private  estate  of  Valerian's  five 
hundred  slaves,  two  thousand  cows,  one  thousand 
mares,  ten  thousand  sheep,  and  fifteen  thousand  goats. 
At  this  time,  then,  Ulpius  Crinitus  gave  thanks  formally 
to  Valerian  as  he  sat  in  the  public  baths  at  Byzantium, 
saying  that  he  had  done  him  great  honour  in  giving 
him  Aurelian  as  deputy.  And  for  this  reason  he 
determined  to  adopt  Aurelian. 

XI.  It  is  of  interest  to  know  the  letters  that  were 
written  concerning;  Aurelian  and  also  the  account  of 

~ 

his  adoption  itself.  Valerian's  letter  to  Aurelian : 
"If  there  were  anyone  else,  my  dearest  Aurelian, 
who  could  fill  the  place  of  Ulpius  Crinitus,  I  should 
be  consulting  with  you  in  regard  to  his  courage  and 
industry.  But  now  do  you — since  I  could  not  have 
found  any  other — take  upon  yourself  the  war  around 
Nicopolis,2  in  order  that  the  illness  of  Crinitus  may 
cause  us  no  damage.  Do  whatever  you  can.  I  will 
be  brief.  The  command  of  the  troops  will  be  vested 
in  you.  You  will  have  three  hundred  Ituraean  bow- 
men, six  hundred  Armenians,  one  hundred  and  fifty 

fabricated  "documents,"  must  be  considered  an  invention  of 
the  author's. 

2  See  Claud.,  xii.  4  and  note. 

213 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN 

quaginta,  Saracenos  ducentos,  Mesopotamenos  auxili- 

4  ares  quadringentos  ;  habes  legionem  tertiam  Felicem 
et  equites  cataphractarios  octingentos.       tecum  erit 
Hariomundus,  Haldagates,  Hildomundus,  Chariovis- 

5  cus.     commeatus  a  praefectis  necessarius  in  omnibus 

6  castris  est  constitutus.     tuum  est  pro  virtutibus  tuis 
atque  sollertia  illic  hiemalia  et  aestiva  disponere  ubi 
tibi  nihil  deerit,  quaerere  praeterea  ubi  carrago  sit 
hostium,  et  vere  scire  quanti  qualesque  sint,  ut  non 
in  vanum 1  aut  annona  consumatur  aut  tela  iaciantur, 

7  in  quibus  res  bellica  constituta  est.     ego  de  te  tantum 
deo  favente  spero    quantum   de  Traiano,  si   viveret, 
posset  sperare  res  publica.     neque  enim  minor  est, 

8  in  cuius  locum  vicemque  2  te  legi.     consulatum  cum 
eodem  Ulpio  Crinito  in  annum  sequentem  a  die  un- 
decimo  kal.  luniarum  in  locum  Gallieni  et  Valeriani 

9  sperare  te   convenit   sumptu    publico.      levanda   est 
enim  paupertas  eorum  hominum,  qui  diu  in  re  publica 

10  viventes  pauperes  sunt,  et  nullorum  magis."  his  quo- 
que  litteris  indicatur  quantus  fuerit  Aurelianus  ;  et  re 
vera,3  neque  enim  quisquam  aliquando  ad  summam 
rerum  pervenit  qui  non  a  prima  aetate  gradibus 
virtutis  ascenderit. 

XII.  Litterae  de  consulatu : 

"  Valerianus    Augustus    Aelio    Xiphidio    praefecto 

1  uanmn  Madvig,  Peter2;  uinum  P,  S.  ^uicemque  Gas., 
Cornelissen,  Hohl ;  fidemque  P,  E,  Peter.  3  So  P,  Z",  foil,  by 
Hohl  ;  apuero  Peter"2. 

1  Mentioned  also  in  a  "  speech  "  of  Valerian's  in  Prob.,  v.  6, 
but  otherwise  unknown,  for  none  of  the  five  Third  Legions  of 
•which  we  know  had  the  cognomen  Felix. 

2  See  note  to  Alex.,  Ivi.  5. 

3  Evidently  intended  to  be  names  of  German  chieftains  in 
Roman  service. 

211 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN  XI.  4— XII.  1 

Arabs,  two  hundred  Saracens,  and  four  hundred 
irregulars  from  Mesopotamia ;  you  will  have  the 
Third  Legion,  the  Fortunate,1  and  eight  hundred 
mounted  cuirassiers.2  You  will  also  have  with  you 
Hariomundus,  Haldagates,  Hildomundus  and  Chario- 
viscus.3  The  prefects  have  arranged  for  the  needful 
supplies  in  all  the  camps.  Your  duty  it  is,  with  the 
aid  of  your  wisdom  and  skill,  to  place  your  winter 
and  summer  camps  where  you  will  lack  nothing,  and, 
furthermore,  to  ascertain  where  the  enemy's  train  is, 
and  to  find  out  exactly  how  great  his  forces  are  and 
of  what  kind,  in  order  that  no  supplies  may  be  used 
in  vain  or  weapons  wasted,  for  on  these  depends  all 
success  in  war.  I,  for  my  part,  expect  as  much  from 
you,  if  the  gods  but  grant  their  favour,  as  the  common- 
wealth could  expect  from  Trajan,  were  he  still  alive. 
And  indeed,  he,  in  whose  place  I  have  made  you 
deputy,  is  no  less  great  a  man.  It  is,  therefore, 
proper  that  you  should  expect  the  consulship,4  with 
this  same  Ulpius  Crinitus  as  colleague,  for  the  follow- 
ing year,  beginning  on  the  eleventh  day  before  the 
Kalends  of  June,  to  fill  out  the  term  of  Gallienus  and 
Valerian,  and  your  expenses  shall  be  paid  from  the 
public  funds.  For  we  shou'd  aid  the  poverty  of  those 
men — and  of  none  more  than  those — who  after  a  long 
life  in  public  affairs  are  nevertheless  poor."  This 
letter  also  shows  how  great  a  man  Aurelian  was — 
and  truly  great,  indeed,  for  no  one  ever  reached  the 
highest  place  who  did  not  from  his  earliest  years  climb 
up  by  the  ladder  of  noble  character. 

XII.  The   letter   about   the    consulship:     "From 
Valerian  Augustus  to  Aelius  Xiphidius,5  the  prefect 

4  Aurelian's  first  consulship  was,  in  fact,  in  271. 
B  Otherwise  unknown  and  probably  fictitious. 

215 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN 

aerarii.  Aureliano,  cui  consulatum  detulimus,  ob 
paupertatem,  qua  ille  magnus  est,  ceteris  maior, 
dabis  ad  editionem  circensium  aureos  Antoninianos 
trecentos,  argenteos  Philippeos  minutulos  tria  milia, 
in  aere  sestertium  quinquagies,  tunicas  multicias 
viriles  decem,  lineas  Aegyptias  viginti,  mantelia 
Cypria  paria  duo,  tapetia  Afra  decem,  stragula  Maura 

2  decem,    porcos    centum,    oves    centum,     convivium 
autem  publicum  edi  iubebis  senatoribus  et l  equitibus 
Romanis,  hostias  maiores  duas,  minores  quattuor." 

3  Et  quoniam  etiam  de  adrogatione  aliqua  me  dixeram 
positurum   quae    ad    tantum    principem  pertinerent, 

4  quaeso  ne  odiosior  verbosiorve  in  ea  re  videar,  quam 
fidei  causa  inserendam  credidi  ex  libris  Acholii,  qui 
magister  admissionum  Valeriani  principis  fuit,  libro 
actorum  eius  nono : 

XIII.  Cum  consedisset  Valeriaiius  Augustus  in 
thermis  apud  Byzantium,  praesente  exercitu,  prae- 
sente  etiam  officio  Palatine,  adsidentibus  Nummio 2 
Tusco  consule  ordinario,  Baebio  Macro  praefecto 
praetorii,  Quinto  Anchario  praeside  orientis,  ad- 
sidentibus etiam  a  parte  laeva  Avulnio  Saturnino 
Scythici  limitis  duce  et  Murrentio  Mauricio  ad 

let  om  in  P.  2  Nummio  Fasti  Cons.,  Hohl ;  Nemmio  P ; 
Memmio  Peter. 


1  See  c.  ix.  7  and  note. 

2  See  Alex.,  xiv.  6  and  note. 

3  In  the  early  empire  known  as  ab  admissione,  a  freedman 
whose  duty  it  was  to  admit  persons  to  audiences  with  the  emperor. 
Tbe  title  magister  admissionum  was  held  in  the   Byzantine 
period  by  an  official  of  high  degree,  but  this  reference  is  the 
onry  evidence  for  the  existence  of  the  office  as  early  as  the  third 
century  and  it  is  probably  a  fabrication. 

216 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN  XII.  2— XIII.  1 

of  the  treasury.  To  Aurelian,  whom  we  have  named 
for  the  consulship,  because  of  his  poverty — in  which 
he  is  great  and  greater  than  all  others — you  will 
supply  for  the  performance  of  the  races  in  the  Circus 
three  hundred  aurei  of  Antoninus,1  three  thousand 
silver  minutuli  of  Philip,  five  million  bronze  sesterces, 
ten  finely-woven  tunics  of  the  kind  used  by  men, 
twenty  tunics  of  Egyptian  linen,  two  pairs  of  Cyprian 
table-covers,  ten  African  carpets,  ten  Moorish  couch- 
covers,  one  hundred  swine,  and  one  hundred  sheep. 
You  will  order,  moreover,  that  a  banquet  shall  be 
given  at  the  state's  expense  to  the  senators  and  Roman 
knights,  and  that  there  shall  be  two  sacrificial  victims 
of  major  and  four  of  minor  size." 

And  now,  inasmuch  as  I  have  said  in  reference  to 
his  adoption  that  I  would  include  certain  things  which 
concern  so  great  a  prince,  I  ask  you  not  to  consider 
me  too  tedious  or  too  wordy  in  the  following  statement, 
which  I  have  thought  I  should  introduce,  for  the  sake 
of  accuracy,  from  the  work  of  Acholius,2  the  master 
of  admissions3  under  the  Emperor  Valerian,  in  the 
ninth  book  of  his  records  : 

XIII.   When  Valerian  Augustus  had  taken  his  seat 
in  the  public  baths  at  Byzantium,  in  the  presence  of 
the  army  and  in  the  presence  of  the  officials  of  the 
Palace,  there  being  seated  with  him  Nummius  Tuscus, 
the  consul-regular,4  Baebius  Macer,5  prefect   of  the  258 
guard,  and  Quintus  Ancharius,  governor  of  the  East, 
and   seated  on    his   left  hand   Avulnius    Saturninus, 
general    in    command    of     the     Scythian     frontier, 
Murrentius     Mauricius,    just    appointed    to    Egypt, 


4  See  note  to  Carac.,  iv.  8. 

*  Unknown,  like  all  those  whose  names  follow. 


217 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN 

Aegyptum  destinato  et  lulio  Tryphone  orientalis 
limitis  duce  et  Maecio  Brundisino  praefecto  annonae 
orientis  et  Ulpio  Crinito  duce  Illyriciani  limitis  et 
Thracici  et  Fulvio  Boio  duce  Raetici  limitis,  Valeri- 

2  anus  Augustus  dixit :    "Gratias  tibi  agit,  Aureliane, 
res  publica,  quod  earn  a  Gothorum  potestate  liberasti. 
abundamus    per  te  praeda,  abundamus    gloria  et  iis 

3  omnibus  quibus  Romana  feJUcitas  crescit.     cape  igitur 
tibi  pro  rebus  gestis  tuis  coronas  murales  quattuor, 
coronas     vallares     quinque,     coronas    navales     duas, 
coronas    civicas    duas,    hastas    puras    decem,    vexilla 
bicolora    quattuor,   tunicas    russas    ducales  quattuor, 
pallia  proconsularia  duo,  togam  praetextam,  tunicam 
palmatam,    togam    pictam,    subaimalem    profundum, 

4sellam  eburatam.  nam  te  consulem  hodie  designo, 
scripturus  ad  senatum,  ut  tibi  deputet  scipionem, 
deputet  etiam  fasces ;  haec  enim  imperator  noil  solet 
XIV.  dare,  sed  a  senatu,  quando  fit  consul,  accipere."  post 
haec  Valeriani  dicta  Aurelianus  surrexit  atque  ad 
manus  accessit  agens  gratias  militaribus  verbis,  quae 
propria  et  ipsa  adponenda  decrevi.  Aurelianus  dixit: 

2  "  Et  ego,  domine  Valeriane,  imperator  Auguste,  ideo 
cuncta  feci,  ideo  vulnera  patienter  excepi,  ideo  et 


1  Made  of  gold  with  a  decoration  in  the  form  of  a  battlement, 
presented  to  the  man  who  first  scaled  the  enemy's  wall. 

-  Ma  ie  of  gold  with  a  decoration  in  the  form  of  a  rampart, 
presented  for  forcing  a  way  into  a  hostile  camp. 

3  Made  of  gold  and  adorned  with  the  beaks  of  ships,  pre- 
sented to  the  man  who  first  boarded  an  enemy's  ship. 

4  See  Marc.,  xii.  8  and  note. 

6  Frequently  presented  as  a  mark  of  distinction  (so  also 
Profr.,  v.  1.) 

6  See  note  to  Gord.,  iv.  4. 

7  Originally  carried  by  the  triumphant  general  on  the  day 

218 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN  XIII.  2— XIV.  2 

Julius  Trypho,  general  in  command  of  the  frontier 
of  the  East,  Maecius  Brundisinus,  prefect  of  the 
grain-supply  for  the  East,  Ulpius  Crinitus,  general  in 
command  of  the  Illyrian  and  Thracian  frontier,  and 
Fulvius  Boius,  general  in  command  of  the  Raetian 
frontier,  Valerian  Augustus  spoke  as  follows  :  "  The 
commonwealth  thanks  you,  Aurelian,  for  having  set 
it  free  from  the  power  of  the  Goths.  Through  your 
efforts  we  are  rich  in  booty,  we  are  rich  in  glory  and 
in  all  that  causes  the  felicity  of  Rome  to  increase. 
Now,  therefore,  in  return  for  your  great  achievements 
receive  for  yourself  four  mural  crowns/  five  rampart 
crowns,2  two  naval  crowns,3  two  civic  crowns,4  ten 
spears  without  points/'  four  bi-coloured  banners,  four 
red  general's  tunics,  two  proconsul's  cloaks,  a  bordered 
toga,  a  tunic  embroidered  with  palms,6  a  gold-em- 
broidered toga,  a  long  under-tunic,  and  an  ivory- 
chair.  For  on  this  day  I  appoint  you  consul,  and 
I  will  write  to  the  senate  that  it  may  vote  you  the 
sceptre  of  office  7  and  vote  you  also  the  fasces  ;  for 
these  insignia  the  emperor  is  not  wont  to  give,  but, 
on  the  contrary,  to  receive  from  the  senate  when 
he  is  created  consul."  XIV.  After  this  speech  of 
Valerian's  Aurelian  arose  and  bending  over  the 
Emperor's  hand,  he  expressed  his  thanks  in  words 
befitting  a  soldier,  and  these  I  have  considered  suit- 
able and  worthy  of  being  quoted  here.  He  spoke  as 
follows:  "  As  for  myself,  my  lord  Valerian,  Emperor 
and  Augustus,  it  was  with  this  end  in  view  that 
I  have  done  all  that  I  did,  have  suffered  wounds  with 
patience,  and  have  exhausted  my  horses  and  my 

of  his  triumph,  but  from  the  second  century  onward,  like  the 
other  insignia  of  office  here  mentioned,  permitted  to  the  consul 
on  the  occasion  of  his  solemn  procession  to  the  Capitol. 

219 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN 

equos    et   coniuratos   meos   lassavi,   ut   mihi  gratias 

Sageret  res  publica  et  conscientia  mea.  at  tu  plus 
fecisti.  ago  ergo x  gratias  bonitati  tuae  et  accipio 
consulatum,  quern  das.  deus  faciat,  et  deus  certus, 

4ut  et  senatus  de  me  sic  iudicet."  agentibus  igitur 
gratias  omnibus  circumstantibus  Ulpius  Crinitus  sur- 

5  rexit  atque  hac  oratione  usus  est :  "  Apud  maiores 
nostros,  Valeriane  Auguste,  quod  et  familiae  meae 
amicum  ac  proprium  fuit,  ab  optimis  quibusque  in 
filiorum  locum  fortissimi  viri  semper  electi  sunt,  ut 
vel  senescentes  familias  vel  fetus  matrimoniis  iam 

6caducos  substitutae  fecunditas  prolis  ornaret.  hoc 
igitur,  quod  Cocceius  Nerva  in  Traiano  adoptando, 
quod  Ulpius  Traianus  in  Hadriano,  quod  Hadrianus 
in  Antonino  et  ceteri  deinceps  proposita  suggestione 
fecei  unt,  in  adrogando  Aureliano,  quern  mihi  vicarium 
iudicii  tui  auctoritate  fecisti,  censui  esse  referendum. 

7iube  igitur    ut  lege    agatur,  sitque  Aurelianus   heres 

sacrorum,  nominis  et  bonorum  totiusque  iuris  Ulpio 

Crinito  iam  consulari  viro,  ipse  actutum  te  iudice  con- 

XV.  sularis."       longum    est   cuncta   pertexere.       iiam    et 

actae  sunt  Crinito  a  Valeriano  gratiae,  et  acloptio,  ut 

2  solebat,  impleta.  memini  me  in  quodam  libro  Graeco 
legisse,  quod  tacendum  esse  non  credidi,  mandatum 

1  ego  P. 
220 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAX  XIV.   S— XV.  2 

sworn  comrades,  namely,  that  I  might  win  the  ap- 
proval of  the  commonwealth  and  of  my  own  con- 
science. You,  however,  have  done  more.  Therefore, 
I  am  grateful  for  your  kindness  and  I  will  accept  the 
consulship  which  you  offer  me.  May  a  god.  and 
a  god  in  whom  we  can  put  our  trust,  now  grant  that 
the  senate  also  shall  form  a  like  judgement  concerning 
me."  And  so.  when  all  who  stood  about  expressed 
their  thanks,  Ulpius  Crin'tus  arose  and  delivered  the 
following  speech  :  "  According  to  the  custom  of  our 
ancestors,  Valerian  Augustus, — a  custom  which  my 
own  family  has  held  particularly  dear. — men  of  the 
highest  birth  have  always  chosen  the  most  courageous 
to  be  their  sons,  in  order  that  those  families  which 
either  were  dying  out  or  had  lost  their  offspring1  bv 

.  O  i  . 

marriage  might  gain  lustre  from  the  fertility  of  a  bor- 
rowed stock.  This  custom,  then,  which  was  followed 
by  Xerva  in  adopt 'ng  Trajan,  by  Trajan  in  adopting 
Hadrian,  by  Hadrian  in  adopting  Antoninus,  and  by 
the  others  after  them  according  to  the  precedent  thus 
established.  I  have  thought  I  should  now  bring  back 
by  adopting  Aurelian.  whom  you,  by  the  authority  of 
your  approval,  have  given  to  me  as  my  deputy.  Do 
vou,  therefore.  give  the  order  that  it  may  be  sanctioned 

»  c^  » 

by  law  and  that  Aurelian  may  become  heir  to  the 
sacred  duties,  the  Dame,  the  goods,  and  the  legal 
rights  of  Ulpius  Crinitus.  abea.lv  a  man  of  consular 

O  1  • 

rank,  even  as  through  vour   decision  he  is  straight- 

• 

way  to  become  a  consular.  XV.  It  would  be  too 
long  to  include  every  detail  in  full.  For  Valerian 
expres-ed  his  gratitude  to  Crinitus.  and  the  adoption 
was  carried  out  in  the  wonte.l  form.  I  remember 
having  read  in  some  Greek  book  what  I  have  thought 
I  ought  not  to  omit,  namely,  that  ^  alerian  commanded 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN 

esse  Crinito  a  Valeriano  ut  Aurelianus  adoptaretur, 
idcirco  praecipue  quod  pauper  esset ;  sed  hoc  in  medio 
relinquendum  puto. 

3  Et  quoniam  superius  epistulam  posui,  qua  suraptus 
Aureliano  ad  coiisulatum  delatus  est,  quare  posuerim 

4rem  quasi  frivolam  eloquendum  plitavi :  vidimus 
proxime  consulatum  Furii  Placidi  tanto  ambitu  in 
Circo  editum  ut  non  praemia  dari  aurigis  sed  patri- 
monia  viderentur,  cum  darentur  tunicae  subsericae, 
lineae  paragaudae,  darentur  etiam  equi,  ingemescenti- 

6  bus  frugi  hominibus.  factum  est  enim  ut  iam  diviti- 
arum  sit,  non  hominum  consulatus,  quia  utique  si 
virtutibus  defertur,  editorem  spoliare  non  debet. 

6perierunt  casta  ilia  tempora  et  magis  ambitione 
populari  peritura  sunt.  sed  nos,  ut  solemus,  hanc 
quoque  rem  in  medio  relinquemus.1 

XVI.  His  igitur  tot  ac  talibus  praeiudiciis  muiieri- 
busque  fultus  Claudianis  temporibus  tantus  enituit,  ut 
post  eum  Quintillo  quoque  eius  fratre  interempto  solus 
teneret  imperium  Aureolo  interfecto,  cum  quo  Galli- 

2enus  fecerat  pacem.  hoc  loco  tanta  est  diversitas 
historicorum,  et  quidem  Graecorum,  ut  alii  dicant 
invito  Claudio  ab  Aureliano  Aureolum  interfectum, 

1  relinyuemus  von  Winterfeld  ;  relinquimus  P,  editors. 


1  No  such  consul  is  known. 

2  See  note  to  Claud.,  xvii.  6. 

3  The  vita  omits  any  mention  of  Aurelian's  participation  in 
Gallienus'  campaign  against  Aureolus  at  Milan  (see  Zouaras, 
xii.  25)  and  of  his  share  in  the  conspiracy  for  the  murder  of 
Gallienus  (see  Gall.,  xiv.  1  and  note). 

4  See  Claud.,  xii.  2-6. 

5  There  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  Aurelian  had  anything 

222 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN  XV.  3— XVI.  2 

Crinitus  to  adopt  Aurelian,  chiefly  for  the  reason  that 
he  was  poor ;  but  this  question  I  think  should  be  left 
undiscussed. 

Now,  inasmuch  as  1  have  previously  inserted  the  letter 
in  accordance  with  which  Aurelian  was  furnished  with 
the  money  needed  for  his  consulship,  I  have  thought 
I  should  tell  why  I  inserted  a  detail  apparently  trivial. 
We  have  recently  beheld  the  consulship  of  Furius 
Placidus l  celebrated  in  the  Circus  with  so  much  dis- 
play that  the  chariot-drivers  seemed  to  receive  not 
prizes  but  patrimonies,  for  they  were  presented  with 
tunics  of  part-silk,  with  embroidered  tunics  2  made  of 
fine  linen,  and  even  with  horses,  while  right-thinking 
men  groaned  aloud.  For  it  has  come  to  pass  that 
the  consulship  is  now  a  matter  of  wealth,  not  of  men, 
because,  of  course,  if  it  is  offered  to  merit,  it  ought 
not  to  impoverish  the  holder.  Gone  are  those  former 
days  of  integrity,  destined  to  disappear  still  further 
through  the  currying  of  popular  favour.  But  this 
question,  too,  as  is  our  wont,  we  shall  leave  un- 
discussed. 

XVI.  So  then,  raised  to  a  high  position  by  these 
many  expressions  of  approval  and  these  rewards, 
Aurelian  became  so  illustrious  during  the  time  of 
Claudius  3  that,  after  this  emperor's  death  and  the 
murder  of  his  brother  Quintillus,4  he  alone  received 
the  imperial  power  ;  for  Aureolus,  with  whom 
Gallienus  had  made  peace,  had  been  put  to  death. 
Concerning  this  matter  there  is  great  diversity  of 
opinion  among  the  historians,  even  among  the  Greeks, 
for  some  say  that  Aureolus  was  killed  by  Aurelian 
against  Claudius'  will,5  others  that  it  was  by  his 

to  do  with  the  death  of  Aureolus,   who   was  killed   by  his 
soldiers ;  see  Claud.,  v.  1-3. 

223 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN 

alii    mandante    ac    volente,    alii   ab    imperatore    iam 
Aureliano  eundem  occisum,  alii  vero  adhuc  a  private. 

3  sed  haec  quoque  media  reliuquemus,  ab  ipsis  petenda, 

4  per  quos  in  litteras  missa  sunt.     illud  tamen  constat 
omne  contra  Maeotidas  bellum  divum  Claudium  nulli 
magis  quam  Aureliano  credidisse. 

XVII.  Exstat  epistula,  quam  ego,  ut  soleo,  fidei 
causa,  immo  ut  alios  annalium  scriptores  fecisse  video, 
inserendam  putavi : 

2  "  Flavius  Claudius  Valeric  Aureliano  suo  salutem. 
expetit    a    te    munus    solitum    nostra    res    publica. 
adgredere.      quid    moraris  ?      tuo    magisterio    milites 
uti  volo,  tuo  ductu  tribunos.    Gothi  oppugnandi  sunt, 
Gothi  a    Thraciis    amovendi.     eorum    enim    plerique 
Haemimontum  Europamque  vexant,  qui  te  pugnante 

3  lugerunt.     omnes  exercitus  Thracicos,  omnes  Illyrici- 
anos,   totumque  limitem  in  tua  potestate  constituo  ; 
solitam   en   nobis    ede    virtutem.     tecum  erit    etiam 

4frater  Quintillus,  cum  recurrent,  ego  aliis  rebus 
occupatus  summam  belli  illius  virtutibus  tuis  credo, 
misi  sane  equos  decem,  loricas  duas  et  cetera  quibus 
munire  ad  bellum  euntem  necessitas  cogit." 

5  Secundis  igitur   proeliis    usus  auspiciis   Claudianis 
rein  publicam  in  integrum  reddidit  atque  ipse  statim, 


1i.e.,  the  Eruli,  thus  called  because  they  came  from  the 
shores  of  Lake  Maeotis  (the  Sea  of  Azov) ;  on  their  invasion  see 
Claud.,  vi.-xi.  Aurelian  seems  to  have  distinguished  himself 
in  the  course  of  this  war  (see  also  c.  xvii.  5),  and  alter  a  serious 
disaster  to  the  cavalry  toward  its  close  (Claud.,  xi.  6-8)  to  have 
been  appointed  by  Claudius  to  the  command  of  the  whole 
cavalry  (c.  xviii.  1)  and  thereupon  to  have  avenged  the  previous 
defeat. 

-  These  urines  were  never  borne  by  Claudius  and  Aurelian  ;  see 
note  to  Claud.,  i.  1. 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN  XVI.  3— XVII.  5 

command  and  desire,  others  again  that  he  was  killed 
by  Aurelian  after  assuming  the  imperial  power,  and 
still  others  that  it  was  while  he  was  yet  a  commoner. 
But  these  things,  too,  we  shall  leave  undiscussed,  to 
be  learned  from  those  who  have  put  them  in  writing. 
This  much,  however,  is  agreed  among  all,  namely, 
that  the  Deified  Claudius  entrusted  the  whole  conduct 
of  the  war  against  the  Maeotidae l  to  no  one  in  pre- 
ference to  Aurelian. 

XVII.  There  is  still  in  existence  a  letter,  which, 
for  the  sake  of  accuracy,  as  is  my  wont,  or  rather 
because  I  see  that  other  writers  of  annals  have  done 
so,  I  have  thought  I  should  insert :  "  From  Flavins 
Claudius  to  his  dear  Valerius 2  Aurelian  greeting : 
Our  commonwealth  demands  of  you  your  wonted 
services.  Up  then  !  Why  this  delay  ?  I  wish  the 
soldiers  to  reap  the  benefit  of  your  command,  the 
tribunes  of  your  leadership.  The  Goths  must  be 
crushed,  they  must  be  driven  from  Thrace.  For  large 
numbers  of  them  are,  ravaging  Haemimontum  3  and 
Europe,  those  very  ones  who  fled  when  you  fought 
against  them.  I  now  place  under  your  command  all 
the  armies  in  Thrace,  all  in  Illyricum,  and,  in  fact, 
the  whole  frontier ;  come  now,  show  us  your  wonted 
prowess.  My  brother  Quintillus,  as  soon  as  he  meets 
you,  will  also  give  you  his  aid.  Busied  as  I  am  with 
other  tasks,  I  am  entrusting  to  your  valour  the  whole 
of  this  war.  I  am  sending  you,  moreover,  ten  horses, 
two  cuirasses,  and  all  else  with  which  necessity  bids 
me  equip  one  going  out  to  fight." 

So,  making  use  of  success  won  in  battles  fought 
under  Claudius'  auspices,  he  brought  back  the  empire 

8  See  Claud. ,  xi.  3  and  note. 

225 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN 

ut  supra  diximus,  consensu  omnium  legionum  factus 
est  imperator. 

XVIII.  Equites  sane  omnes  ante  imperium  s..b 
Claudio  Aurelianus  gubernavit,  cum  offensam  magistri 
eorum  incurrissent,  quod  temere  Claudio  non  iubente 
pugnassent. 

2  Item  Aurelianus  contra  Suebos  et  Sarmatas  iisdem 
temporibus  vehementissime  dimicavit    ac  florentissi- 

3  mam  victoriam  rettulit.     accepta  est  sane  clades  sub 
Aureliano  a  Marcomannis  per  errorem.     nam  dum  iis 
a   fronte    non  curat   occurrere  subito  erumpentibus, 
dumque    illos    a    dorso    persequi    parat,    omnia    circa 
Mediolanum  graviter  evastata    sunt.     postea    tamen 
ipsi  quoque  Marcomanni  snperati  sunt. 

4  In  illo  autem  timore,  quo  Marcomanni  cuncta  vas- 
tabant,  ingentes  Romae  seditiones  motae  sunt  paven- 


1  Before  25  May,  270,  on  which  day  he  appears  in  a  papyrus 
as  emperor.     Immediately  after  Claudius'  death,  in  the  spring 
of  270,  Quintillus  was  proclaimed  emperor  in  Italy;  see  Claud., 
xii.  2-5  and   notes.     According  to  Zonaras,  xii.  26,  Quintillus 
and  Aurelian  were  proclaimed  simultaneously,  the  former  by 
the  senate  and  the  latter  by  the  army.     This  would  seem  to 
mean  that  the  army,  recently  victorious  over  the  Goths,  refused 
to  acknowledge  the  unwarlike  Quintillus  and  bestowed  the  im- 
perial power  on  its  most  competent  general,  then  in  Pannonia, 
whereupon  Quintillus  committed  suicide  (cf.  c.  xxxvii.  6). 

2  See  Claud.,  xi.  6-8. 

3  More  correctly,  Juthungi,  akin  to  the  Alamanni  and,  like 
them,  living  north  of  the  upper  Danube.     Taking  advantage  of 
the  disturbances  folllowing  Claudius'  death,  the}'  invaded  Raetia 
in  270  and  seem  even  to  have  entered  northern  Italy.     On  the 
news  of   Aurelian's  approach   from  Pannonia  they  withdrew, 
but  were  overtaken  south  of  the  Danube  by  Aurelian  and  de- 
feated in  a  great   battle.     A  speech,  supposedly  delivered   by 
Aurelian  to  their  envoys  after  this  battle,  is  preserved  from  the 
EwQiKo.  of  Dexippus;  see  Fragm.  Hist.  Graec.,  iii.  p.  682  f. 

226 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN  XVIII.   1-4 

to  its  previous  condition  and  was  at  once,  as  we  have 
related  before,  declared  emperor  by  the  unanimous 
voice  of  all  the  legions.1 

XVIII.  Aurelian,  in  fact,  commanded  all  the  cavalry 
before  he  received  the  power  and  while  Claudius  was 
still  ruling,  after  the  leaders  of  the  horse  had  incurred 
reproach  for  having  fought  rashly  and  without  the 
Emperor's  orders.2 

Aurelian,  too,  during  that  same  time,  fought  with 
the  greatest  vigour  against  the  Suebi 3  and  the  Sarma- 
tians  4  and  won  a  most  splendid  victory.5  Under  him, 
it  is  true,  a  disaster  was  inflicted  by  the  Marcomanni  6 
as  the  result  of  his  blunder.  For,  while  he  was  making 
no  plan  to  meet  them  face  to  face  during  a  sudden 
invasion,  but  was  preparing  to  pursue  them  from  the 
rear,  they  wrought  great  devastation  in  all  the  region 
around  Milan.  Later  on,  however,  he  conquered  even 
the  Marcomanni  also. 

During  that  panic,  moreover,  while  the  Marcomanni 
were  devastating  far  and  wide,  great  revolts  arose  at 
Rome,7  for  all  were  afraid  that  what  had  happened 

4  This  invasion  seems  to  have  necessitated  Aurelian's  return 
to  Pannonia  immediately  after  his  defeat  of  the  Juthungi. 

5  The  biographer  here  omits  any  mention  of  Aurelian's  journey 
to  Rome,  in  the  late  summer  of  270,  and  his  reception  by  the 
senate,  which  was  soon  followed  by  a  rapid  return  to  Pannonia 
in  order  to  repel  an  invasion  of  Vandals  ;  see  Zosimus,  i.  48. 

6  More  correctly,  Alamanni  and  Juthungi.    They  invaded 
Italy  in  the  winter  of  270-271,  while  Aurelian  was  absent  fight- 
ing against  the  Vandals.     Aurelian  hurried  to  meet  them,  but 
the  vita  fails  to  make  his  tactics  clear ;   it  would  seem  that  he 
tried  to  attack  them  from  the  north  as  they  were  advancing. 
He  then  followed  them  and  was  badly  defeated  at  Placentia 
(c.  xxi.  1-3),  while  the  invaders  continued  their  advance. 

7  See  c.  xxi.  5-6. 

227 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN 

tibus  cunctis,  ne  eadera  quae  sub  Gallieno  fuerant 

5provenirent.     quare  etiam  Libri  Sibyllini  noti  bene- 

ficiis  publicis  inspect!  sunt,  inventumque  ut  in  certis 

locis  sacrificia  fierent,  quae  barbari  transire  non  possent. 

6  facta  denique  sunt  ea  quae  praecepta  fuerant  in  di- 
verso  caerimoniarum  genere,  atque    ita    barbari    re- 
stiterunt,  quos   omnes    Aureliaiius  carptim  vagantes 
occidit. 

7  Libet  ipsius  seiiatus  consulti  formam  exponere,  quo 
libros  inspici  clarissimi  ordinis  iussit  auctoritas : 

XIX.  Die  tertio  iduum  lanuariarum  Fulvius  Sabinus 
praetor  urbanus  dixit  :  "  Referimus  ad  vos,  p  itres  con- 
scripti,  pontificum  suggestionera  et  Aureliani  principis 
litteras,  quibus  iubetur  ut  inspiciantur  fatales  libri, 
quibus  spes  belli  terminandi  sacrato  deorum  iniperio 

2  concinetur.  scitis  enim  ipsi,  quotiescumque  gravior  ali- 
quis  exstitit  motus,  eos  semper  inspectos,  neque  prius 
mala  publica  esse  finita  quam  ex  iis  sacrificiorum  pro- 

Scessit  auctoritas."  tune  surrexit  primae  sententiae 
Ulpius  Silanus  atque  ita  locutus  est :  "  Sero  nimis, 
patres  conscripti,  de  rei  publicae  salute  consulimur, 
sero  ad  fatalia  iussa  respicimus  more  languentium,  qui 
ad  summos  medicos  nisi  in  summa  desperatione  non 
mittunt,  proinde  quasi  peritioribus  viris  maior  facienda 


1i.e,,  an  invasion  by  Alamanni;  see  note  to  Gall.,  iv.  6. 

2  They  advanced  south-eastward  along  the  Via  Aemilia  as  far 
as  the  mouth  of  the  Metaurus,  where  Aurelian  defeated  them  in 
a  great  battle  at  Fano,  forcing  them  to  retreat.     Thereupon  he 
followed  them  and  again  defeated  them  near  the  river  Ticinus ; 
see  Epit.t  xxxv.  2.     After  this  victory  the   title   Germanicus 
Maximus  was  conferred  on  him  by  the  senate,  and  coins  were 
issued  with  the  legend  Victoria  Germanica;  see  Matt.-Syd.,  v. 
p.  305,  no  355. 

3  On  such  "  senatus  oonsulta,"  see  note  to  Vol.,  v.  3. 

228 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN  XVIII.  5— XIX.  S 

under  Gallienus l  might  occur  once  more.  Therefore 
they  even  consulted  the  Sibylline  Books,  famed  for 
their  benefits  to  the  State,  and  in  these  it  was  found 
that  sacrifices  should  be  made  in  certain  places,  which 
the  barbarians  then  would  not  be  able  to  pass.  And 
so  all  those  measures  which  were  ordered  were  carried 
out  with  divers  kinds  of  ceremonies,  and  thus  the  bar- 
barians were  checked,  all  of  whom,  as  they  wandered 
about  in  small  divisions,  Aurelian  later  destroyed.2 

It  is  my  desire  to  give  in  full  the  text  of  the  senate's 
decree  3  itself,  in  which  the  authority  of  that  most 
illustrious  body  ordained  that  the  Books  should  be 
consulted : 

XIX.  On  the  third  day  before  the  Ides  of  January  11  Jan. 
Fulvius  Sabinus,4  the  city-praetor,  spoke  as  follows  :  (27  ' 
"We  bring  before  you,  Conscript  Fathers,  the  recom- 
mendation of  the  pontiffs  and  a  message  from  Aurelian 
our  prince,  bidding  us  consult  the  Books  of  Fate,  in 
which,  by  the  sacred  command  of  the  gods,  are  con- 
tained our  hopes  of  ending  the  war.  For  you  your- 
selves are  aware  that,  whenever  any  serious  commotion 
arose,  they  were  always  consulted,  and  that  never 
have  the  public  ills  been  brought  to  an  end  until 
there  issued  from  them  the  command  to  make  sacri- 
fice." Then  Ulpius  Silanus,  whose  right  it  was  to 
give  his  opinion  first,  arose  and  spoke  as  follows  :  "  It 
is  over  late,  Conscript  Fathers,  for  us  to  be  consulted 
now  concerning  the  safety  of  the  commonwealth,  and 
over  late  for  us  to  look  to  the  commands  of  Fate, 
even  as  do  the  sick  who  do  not  send  for  the  great- 
est physicians  save  when  in  the  greatest  despair, 
exactly  as  though  more  skilful  men  must  needs  give 

4 Neither  he  nor  Ulpius  Silauus  (§  3)  is  otherwise  known. 

229 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN 

4  sit  cura,  cum  omnibus  morbis  occurri  sit  melius.  me- 
ministis  enim,  patres  conscripti,  me  in  hoc  ordine 
saepe  dixisse,  iam  turn  cum  primum  nuntiatum  est 
Marcomannos  erupisse,  consulenda  Sibyllae  decreta, 
utendum  Apollinis  beneficiis,  inserviendum  deorum 
inmortalium  praeceptis,1  recusasse  vero  quosdam,  et 
cum  ingenti  calumnia  recusasse,  cum  adulando  dice- 
rent  tan  tarn  principis  Aureliani  esse  virtutem  ut  opus 
non  sit  deos  consuli,  proinde  quasi  et  ipse  vir  magnus 

6  non  deos  colat,  non  de  dis  inmortalibus  speret.  quid 
plura  ?  audivimus  litteras,  quibus  rogavit  opem  deorum, 
quae  numquam  cuiquam  turpis  est.2  ut  vir  fortissi- 

6  mus  adiuvetur.  agite  igitur,  pontifices,  qua  puri,  qua 
mundi,  qua  sancti,  qua  vestitu  animisque  sacris  corn- 
modi,  templum  ascendite,  subsellia  laureata  con- 
struite,3  velatis 4  manibus  libros  evolvite,  fata  rei 
publicae,  quae  sunt  aeterna,  perquirite.  patrimis  matri- 
tnisque  pueris  carmen  indicite.  nos  sumptum  sacris, 
nos  apparatum  sacrificiis,  nos  arvis  Ambarvalia  indice- 
XX.  mus."  5  post  haec  interrogati  plerique  senatores  sen- 

2tentias  dixerunt,  quas  longum  est  innectere.     deinde 

1  inseruiendum  .  . .  praeceptis  ins.  from  Z  by  Hohl ;  om.  in 
P  and  by  Peter.  ^deorum  .  .  .  est  ins.  from  S  by  Hohl; 
del,  the  rest  om.  in  P  and  by  Peter.  sconstruite  S; 

constuite  P ;  consti'uite  editors.           *uelatis  Salm. ;   uetanis 
PJ;   ueteranis  P  corr.  5 patrimis  .  .  .  indicemus  ins.  from 

27  by  von  Winterfeld  and  Hohl ;  om.  in  P  and  by  Peter. 


JThe  expression  (also  used  in  Heliog.,  viii.  1)  means  pro- 
perly "  with  both  parents  living  "  ;  this  was  a  pre-requisite  for 
service  at  the  sacrifices,  sacred  meals,  and  other  temple- 
ceremonies.  A  similar  chorus  sang  the  Carmen  Saeculare  of 
Horace. 

230 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN  XIX.  4— XX.  2 

a  more  certain  cure,  whereas  it  were  better  far  to 
meet  every  disease  at  the  outset.  For  you  re- 
member, Conscript  Fathers,  that  I  often  said  in  this 
body,  when  the  invasion  of  the  Marcomanni  was  first 
announced,  that  we  should  consult  the  commands  of 
the  Sibyl,  make  use  of  the  benefits  of  Apollo,  and 
submit  ourselves  to  the  bidding  of  the  immortal  gods  ; 
but  some  objected,  and  objected,  too,  with  cruel  guile, 
saying  in  flattery  that  such  was  the  valour  of  the 
Emperor  Aurelian  that  there  was  no  need  to  consult 
the  deities,  just  as  though  that  great  man  does  not 
himself  revere  the  gods  and  found  his  hopes  on  the 
dwellers  in  Heaven.  Why  say  more  ?  We  have 
heard  his  message  asking  for  the  help  of  the  gods, 
which  never  causes  shame  to  any.  Now  let  this  most 
courageous  man  receive  our  assistance.  Therefore 
come,  ye  pontiffs,  and  do  ye,  pure  and  cleansed  and 
holy,  attired  as  is  meet  and  with  spirits  sanctified, 
ascend  to  the  temple,  deck  the  benches  with  laurel, 
and  with  veiled  hands  unroll  the  volumes,  and  inquire 
into  the  fate  of  the  commonwealth,  that  fate  which  is 
unchanging.  And  finally,  do  ye  also  enjoin  a  sacred 
song  upon  those  boys  who  may  lawfully  aid  in  the 
ceremonies.1  We,  for  our  part,  will  decree  the  money 
to  be  expended  for  the  sacred  rites  and  all  that  is 
needful  for  the  sacrifices,  and  we  will  proclaim  for  the 
fields  the  festival  of  the  Ambarvalia."  2  XX.  After 
this  speech  many  of  the  senators  were  asked  for  their 
opinions  and  gave  them,  but  these  it  would  be  too 
long  to  include.  Then,  while  some  raised  their 

2  An  ancient  ceremony  of  purification  held  in  May,  in  which 
a  bull,  a  ram,  and  a  pig  were  conducted  about  the  Kornan  terri- 
tory and  then  sacrificed  to  Mars.  It  was  entrusted  by  Augustus 
to  the  revived  priestly  college  of  the  Fratres  Arvales. 

231 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN 

aliis  manus  porrigentibus,  aliis  pedibus  in  sententias 
euntibus,  plerisque   verbo    consentientibus   conditum 

3  est  senatus  consultum.     itum  deinde  ad  templum,  in- 
spect! Libri,  proditi  versus,  lustrata  urbs,  cantata  car- 
mina,  Amburbium  celebratum,   Ambarvalia  promissa, 
atque  ita  sollemnitas,  quae  iubebatur,  expleta  est. 

4  Epistula  Aureliani  de  Libris  Sibyllinis  —  nam  ipsam 

5  quoque  indidi  ad   fidem  rerum  :    "  Miror  vos,  patres 
sancti,  tamdiu  de  aperiendis  Sibyllinis  dubitasse  Libris, 
proinde  quasi  in  Christianorum  ecclesia,  non  in  templo 

6  deorum  omnium  tractaretis.     agite  igitur  et  castimoiiia 
pontificum  caerimoniisque  sollemnibus  iuvate  princi- 

7  pern    necessitate    publica    laborantem.      inspiciantur 
Libri  ;  si  l  quae  facienda  fuerint  celebrentur  ;   quem- 
libet    sumptum,   cuiuslibet    gentis    captos,    quaelibet 
animalia   regia   non  abnuo    sed    libens  offero,  neque 
enim  indecorum  est  dis  iuvantibus  vincere.     sic  apud 

8  maiores  nostros  multa  finita  sunt  bella,  sic  coepta.     si 
quid  est  sumptuum,  datis  ad  praefectum  aerarii  litteris 
decerni  iussi.     est  praeterea  vestrae  auctoritatis  area 
publica,    quam    magis    refertam    reperio    esse    quam 
cupio." 

XXI.  Cum  autem  Aurelianus  vellet  omnibus  simul 
facta  exercitus  sui  constipation  e  concurrere,  tanta 
apud  Placeiitiam  clades  accepta  est  ut  Romanum 

1  libri  ;  si  Baehrens,  Peter2  ;  libris  P. 


1  A  festival  held,  apparently,  on  2  Feb.  for  the  purification  of 
the  city,  in  which  the  sacrificial  victims  (as  in  the  Ambarvalia) 
were  led  around  its  confines. 

2  See  note  to  c.  xviii.  3. 

282 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN  XX.  3— XXI.  1 

hands  and  others  went  on  foot  to  give  their  votes 
and  others  again  expressed  their  assent  in  words,  the 
senate's  decree  was  enacted.  Then  they  went  to  the 
temple,  consulted  the  Books,  brought  forth  the  verses, 
purified  the  city,  chanted  the  hymns,  celebrated  the 
Amburbium,1  and  proclaimed  the  Ambarvalia,  and 
thus  the  sacred  ceremony  which  was  commanded 
was  carried  out. 

Aurelian's  letter  concerning  the  Sibylline  Books — 
for  I  have  included  it  also  as  evidence  for  my  state- 
ments :  "  I  marvel,  revered  Fathers,  that  you  have 
hesitated  for  so  long  a  time  to  open  the  Sibylline 
Books,  just  as  though  you  were  consulting  in  a  gather- 
ing of  Christians  and  not  in  the  temple  of  all  the 
gods.  Come,  therefore,  and  by  means  of  the  purity 
of  the  pontiffs  and  the  sacred  ceremonies  bring  aid  to 
your  prince  who  is  harassed  by  the  plight  of  the 
commonwealth.  Let  the  Books  be  consulted ;  let 
all  that  should  be  done  be  performed  ;  whatever  ex- 
penses are  needful,  whatever  captives  of  any  race, 
whatever  princely  animals,  I  will  riot  refuse,  but  will 
offer  them  gladly,  for  it  is  not  an  unseemly  thing  to 
win  victories  by  the  aid  of  the  gods.  It  was  with 
this  that  our  ancestors  brought  many  wars  to  an  end 
and  with  this  that  they  began  them.  Whatever  costs 
there  may  be  I  have  ordered  to  be  paid  by  the  prefect 
of  the  treasury,  to  whom  I  have  sent  a  letter.  You 
have,  moreover,  under  your  own  control  the  money- 
chest  of  the  State,  which  I  find  more  full  than  were 
my  desire." 

XXI.  Aurelian,  however,  since  he  wished,  by 
massing  his  forces  together,  to  meet  all  the  enemy 
at  once,  suffered  such  a  defeat  near  Placentia2  that 
the  empire  of  Rome  was  almost  destroyed.  This 

233 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN 

2paene  solveretur  imperium.  et  causa  quidem  huius 
periculi  perfidia  et  calliditas  barbarici  fuit  motus. 

3  nam  cum  congredi  aperto  Marte  non  possent,  in  silvas 
se  densissimas  contulerunt  atque  ita  nostros  vespera 

4incumbente  turbarunt.  denique  nisi  divina  ope  post 
inspectionem  Librorum  sacrificiorumque  curas  mon- 
stris  quibusdam  speciebusque  divinis  implicit!  essent 
barbari,  Romana  victoria  non  fuisset. 

5  Finite  proelio  Marcomannico  Aureliaiius,  ut  erat 
natura  ferocior,  plenus  irarum  Romam  petiit  vindictae 
cupidus,  quam  seditionum  asperitas  suggerebat.     in- 
civilius  denique  usus  imperio,  vir  alias  optimus,  sedi- 
tionum   auctoribus    interemptis    cruentius    ea    quae 

6  mollius  fuerant  curanda  compescuit.     interfecti  sunt 
enim  nonnulli  etiam  nobiles  senatores,  cum  his  leve 
quiddam  et  quod  contemni  a  mitiore  principe  potuis- 

7  set  vel  unus  vel  levis  vel  vilis  testis  obiceret.     quid 
multa  ?     magnum  illud  et  quod  iam  fuerat  et  quod 
noil  frustra  speratum  est  infamiae  tristioris  ictu  con- 

8  taminavit  imperium.     timeri  coepit  prmceps  optimus, 
non  amari,   cum  alii  dicerent    perodiendum l    talem 
principem,  non   optandum,  alii   bonum  quidem   me- 

9dicum,  sed  mala    ratione   curantem.     his   actis    cum 

1  perodiendum  Salm.,   Hirschfeld,  Hohl ;  perfodiendum  P, 
Peter. 


1  The  occasion  of  this  revolt  was  the  successful  advance  of 
the  Germans  (see  c.  xviii.  4),  but  inasmuch  as  senators  seem  to 
have  been  involved  in  it  (so  also  c.  xxxix.  8  and  Zosimus,  i. 
49,  2),  it  may  be  that  the  opponents  of  this  emperor  created  by 
the  army   took  advantage  of  the  opportunity  to  attempt  his 
overthrow.     It  has  been  suggested  that  the  revolt  of  the  mint- 
workers  (c.  xxxviii.  2-3)  was  a  part  of  this  movement. 

2  According   to  Ammianus  Marcellinus,  xxx.  8,  8,  he  con- 

234 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN  XXI.  2-9 

peril,  in  fact,  was  caused  by  the  cunning  and  perfidy 
of  the  barbarians'  mode  of  attack.  For,  being  unable 
to  meet  him  in  open  battle,  they  fell  back  into  the 
thickest  forests,  and  thus  as  evening  came  on  they 
routed  our  forces.  And,  indeed,  if  the  power  of  the 
gods,  after  the  Books  had  been  consulted  and  the 
sacrifices  performed,  had  not  confounded  the  bar- 
barians by  means  of  certain  prodigies  and  heaven- 
sent visions,  there  would  have  been  no  victory  for 
Rome. 

When  the  war  with  the  Marcomanni  was  ended, 
Aurelian,  over-violent  by  nature,  and  now  filled  with 
rage,  advanced  to  Rome  eager  for  the  revenge  which 
the  bitterness  of  the  revolts  had  prompted.1  Though 
at  other  times  a  most  excellent  man,  he  did,  in  fact, 
employ  his  power  too  much  like  a  tyrant,  for  in  slay- 
ing the  leaders  of  the  revolts  he  used  too  bloody  a 
method  of  checking  what  should  have  been  cured  by 
milder  means.  For  he  even  killed  some  senators  of 
noble  birth,2  though  the  charges  against  them  were 
trivial  and  could  have  been  held  in  disdain  by  a  more 
lenient  prince,  and  they  were  attested  either  by  a 
single  witness  or  by  one  who  was  himself  trivial  or 
held  in  but  little  esteem.  Why  say  more  ?  By  the 
blow  of  a  graver  ill-repute  he  then  marred  that  rule 
which  had  previously  been  great  and  of  which  high 
hopes  were  cherished,  and  not  without  reason.  Then 
men  ceased  to  love  and  began  to  fear  an  excellent 
prince,  some  asserting  that  such  an  emperor  should 
be  hated  and  not  desired,  others  that  he  was  a  good 
physician  indeed,  but  the  methods  he  used  for  healing 
were  bad.  Then,  since  all  that  happened  made  it 

fiscated  much  property ;  this  was  perhaps  to  provide  money  for 
the  war  against  Palmyra. 

235 


THE  DETFIED  AURELIAN 

videret  posse  fieri  ut  aliquid  tale  iterum,  quale 
sub  Gallieno  evenerat,  proveniret,  adhibito  consilio 
senatus  muros  urbis  Romae  dilatavit.  nee  tamen 

lOpomerio  addidit  eo  tempore  sed  postea.  pomerio 
autem  neminem  principum  licet  addere  nisi  eum  qui 
agri  barbarici  aliqua  parte  Romanam  rem  publicam 

11  locupletaverit.  addidit  autem  Augustus,  addidit 
Traianus,  addidit  Nero,  sub  quo  Pontus  Polemoniacus 
et  Alpes  Cottiae  Romano  nomini  sunt 1  tributae. 

XXII.  Transactis  igitur  quae  ad  saeptiones  atque 

urbis  statum  et  civilia  pertinebant  contra  Palmyrenos, 

id  est  contra  Zenobiam,  quae  filiorum  nomine  orientale 

2tenebat   imperium,   iter  flexit.     multa    in    itinere  ac 

magna  bellorum  genera  confecit.     nam  in  Thraciis  et 

1  nomini  sunt  Salm.,  Peter;  nominis  P,  2. 


1  See  c.  xxxix.  2  and  note. 

2  The  ancient  ceremonial  boundary-line  of  the  city,  enclosing 
the  area  within  which   auspices  could  be  taken.    Originally 
surrounding  the  Palatine  Hill  only,  it  was  extended  to  include 
the  Septimontium  and  then  the  four  Regions.     Sulla  extended 
it  on  the  principle  stated  here  (see  Aulus  Gellius,  xiii.  14,  3-4), 
as  did,  apparently,  Julius  Caesar  and  Augustus  and,  certainly, 
Claudius,   some  of  whose  boundary-stones    are    extant,    and 
Vespasian  also.    No  extensions  made  by  Nero  or  Trajan  are 
known. 

3  The  kingdom  of  Polemo  I.  and  his  descendants,  annexed  to 
the  Empire  in  63  and  incorporated,  first,  in  the  province  of 
Galatia  and  later  in   Cappadocia.    It  consisted  of  a   district 
along  the  southern  coast  of  the  Black  Sea,  extending  eastward 
from  the  mouth  of  the  river  Iris  (Yeshil  Irmak)  to   Cotyora 
(Ordu)  and  as  far  south  as  Sebasteia  (Sivas). 

4  Named  from  Cottius,  who  ruled  the  district  under  Augustus. 
It  lay  on  both  sides  of  the  present  Franco-Italian  boundary, 
including  Seguaio  (Susa)  on  the  north-east  and  Ebrodunum 

236 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN  XXI.   10— XXII.  2 

seem  possible  that  some  such  thing  might  occur 
again,  as  had  happened  under  Gallienus,  after  asking 
advice  from  the  senate,  he  extended  the  walls  of  the 
city  of  Rome.1  The  pomerium,2  however,  he  did  not 
extend  at  that  time,  but  later.  For  no  emperor  may 
extend  the  pomerium  save  one  who  has  added  to  the 
empire  of  Rome  some  portion  of  foreign  territory. 
It  was,  indeed,  extended  by  Augustus,  by  Trajan, 
and  by  Nero,  under  whom  the  districts  of  Pontus 
Polemoniacus3  and  the  Cottian  Alps  4  were  brought 
under  the  sway  of  Rome. 

XXII.  And  so,  having  arranged  for  all  that  had  to 
do  with  the  fortifications  and  the  general  state  of 
the  city  and  with  civil  affairs  as  a  whole,  he  directed 
his  march  against  the  Palmyrenes,  or  rather  against 
Zenobia,  who,  in  the  name  of  her  sons,  was  wielding 
the  imperial  power  in  the  East.5  On  this  march  he 
ended  many  great  wars  of  various  kinds.  For  in 


(Embrun)  on  the  south-west.    It  was  made  a  province  by  Nero 
and  put  under  a  procurator  et  praises. 

5  See  note  to  Tyr.  Trig.,  xxx.  1.  After  the  death  of  Odae- 
nathus  she  had,  while  acting  as  regent  for  her  son  (c.  xxxviii. 
1),  developed  an  imperialistic  policy,  sending  an  army  to  Egypt, 
which  succeeded  in  holding  most  of  that  country  (see  Claud., 
xi.  1  and  note),  and  extending  her  sway  northward  over  Syria, 
including  Antioch,  and  Asia  Minor  as  far  as  Ancyra  (Angora). 
Without  actually  rebelling  against  Roman  rule,  she  had  created 
what  seems  to  have  been  virtually  an  independent  kingdom. 
Encouraged,  however,  by  Aurelian's  ill-success  against  the 
Alamanni,  she  determined  on  a  definite  break  with  Rome,  and 
in  the  spring  or  early  summer  of  271  coins  were  issued  iu 
Antioch  and  Alexandria,  bearing  the  portrait  of  her  son  Vabal- 
lathus,  with  the  titles  of  Imperator  and  Augustus.  She  seems 
to  have  now  formed  the  plan  of  setting  up  in  the  East  a  rival 
power  after  the  pattern  of  the  independent  empire  in  Gaul,  and 
a  war  with  Aurelian  was  inevitable. 

237 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN 

in  Illyrico  occurrentes  barbaros  vicit,  Gothorum  quin 

etiam    ducem    Caiinaban    sive    Cannabaudem    cum 

quinque  milibus  hominum  trans  Danuvium  interemit. 

Satque  inde   per   Byzantium  in   Bithyniam  transitum 

4  fecit  eamque  nullo  certamine  obtinuit.     multa   eius 
magna  et  praeclara  tam  facta  quam  dicta  sunt,  sed 
omnia   libro  innectere   nee    possumus    fastidii  evita- 
tione  nee  volumus,  sed  ad  intellegendos  mores  atque 

5  virtutem  pauca  libanda  sunt.     nam  cum  Tyanam  ve- 
nisset  eamque  obclusam  repperisset,  iratus  dixisse  fer- 

6tur:  "Canem  in  hoc  oppido  non  relinquam."  tune 
et  militibus  acrius  incumbentibus  spe  praedae,  et 
Heraclammone  quodam  timore,  lie  inter  ceteros  occi- 
XXIII.  deretur,  patriam  suam  prodente  civitas  capta  est.  sed 
Aurelianus  duo  statim  praecipua,  quod  unum  severi- 
tatem  ostenderet,  alterum  lenitatem,  ex  imperatoria 

2mente  monstravit.  nam  et  Heraclammonem  pro- 
ditorem  patriae  suae  sapiens  victor  occidit  et,  cum 
milites  iuxta  illud  dictum,  quo  canem  se  relicturum 
apud  Tyanos  negarat,  eversionem  urbis  exposcerent, 
respondit  his  :  "  Canem,"  inquit,  "negavi  in  hac  urbe 

8  me  relicturum  ;  canes  omnes  occidite."     grande  prin- 


1  i.e. ,   the  Goths,  who   invaded  the  country  south  of  the 
Danube  in  the  summer  of   271.     On  the   spoils  and  captives 
taken  by  Aurelian  see   c.  xxxiii.  3-4  and  xxxiv.  1.     He  com- 
memorated   the    victory    by    assuming    the    name    Gothicus 
Maxim  us  and  by  coins  with  the  legend  Victoria  Gothica ;    see 
Matt.-Syd.  v.  p.  303,  no.  339.     It  was  probably  at  this  time 
that  the  districts  north  of  the  Danube  were  evacuated  ;  see  note 
to  c.  xxxix.  7. 

2  Meanwhile  the  Palmyrenes  were  driven  out  of  Egypt  by 
Probus,  according  to  Prob.,  ix.  5.    This  happened  after  11  Mar., 
271  (of  which  date  there  is  a  papyrus  dated  in  the  joint  reign  of 
Aurelian  and  Vaballathus)  and  before  29  Aug.,  271,  after  which 
there  are  no  Alexandrian  coins  of  Vaballathus. 

238 


THE  DEIFIED  AUERLIAN  XXII.  3— XXIII.  S 

Thrace  and  Illyricum  he  defeated  the  barbarians1 
who  came  against  him,  and  on  the  other  side  of  the 
Danube  he  even  slew  the  leader  of  the  Goths, 
Cannabas,  or  Cannabaudes  as  he  is  also  called,  and 
with  him  five  thousand  men.  From  there  he  crossed 
over  by  way  of  Byzantium  into  Bithynia,  and  took 
possession  of  it  without  a  struggle.2  Many  were  the 
great  and  famous  things  that  he  said  and  did,  but  we 
cannot  include  them  all  in  our  book  without  causing  a 
surfeit,  nor,  indeed,  do  we  wish  to  do  so,  but  for  the 
better  understanding  of  his  character  and  valour  a 
few  of  them  must  be  selected.  For  instance,  when 
he  came  to  Tyana  3  and  found  its  gates  closed  against 
him,  he  became  enraged  and  exclaimed,  it  is  said  : 
"  In  this  town  I  will  not  leave  even  a  dog  alive." 
Then,  indeed,  the  soldiers,  in  the  hope  of  plunder, 
pressed  on  with  greater  vigour,  but  a  certain  Hera- 
clammon,  fearing  that  he  would  be  killed  along  with 
the  rest,  betrayed  his  native-place,  and  so  the  city 
was  captured.  XXI IL  Aurelian,  however,  with  the 
true  spirit  of  an  emperor,  at  once  performed  two 
notable  deeds,  one  of  which  showed  his  severity,  the 
other  his  leniency.  For,  like  a  wise  victor,  he  put 
to  death  Heraclammon,  the  betrayer  of  his  native- 
place,  and  when  the  soldiers  clamoured  for  the 
destruction  of  the  city  in  accordance  with  the  words 
in  which  he  had  declared  that  he  would  not  leave  a 
dog  alive  in  Tyana,  he  answered  them,  saying  :  "  I 
did,  indeed,  declare  that  I  would  not  leave  a  dog 
alive  in  this  city;  well,  then,  kill  all  the  dogs." 
Notable,  indeed,  were  the  prince's  words,  but  more 

3  Mod.  Kizli-Hissar  in  S.W.   Cappadocia,   whence  led  the 
route  over  the  Taurus  into  Cilicia. 

239 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN 

cipis  dictum,  grandius  militum  factum 1 ;  nam  iocatum 
principis,  quo  praeda  negabatur,  civitas  servabatur, 
totus  exercitus  ita  quasi  ditaretur  accepit. 

4  Epistula  de  Hera  clam  mone  :  "  Aurelianus  Augustus 
Mallio  Chiloni.  occidi  passus  sum  cuius  quasi  bene- 
ficio  Tyanam  recepi.  ego  vero  proditorem  amare  non 
potui,  et  libenter  tuli  quod  eum  milites  occiderunt ; 
neque  enim  mihi  fidem  servare  potuisset,  qui  patriae 

6  non  pepercit.  solum  denique  ex  omnibus,  qui  oppug- 
nabantur,  campus  accepit.  divitem  hominem  negare 
non  possum,  sed  cuius  bona  eius  liberis  reddidi,  ne 
quis  me  causa  pecuniae  locupletem  hominem  occidi 
passum  esse  criminaretur." 

XXIV.  Capta  autem  civitas  est  miro  modo.  nam 
cum  Heraclammon  locum  osteiidisset  aggeris  naturali 
specie  tumentem,  qua  posset  Aurelianus  cultus  ascen- 
dere,  ille  conscendit  atque  elata  purpurea  chlamyde 
intus  civibus  foris  militibus  se  ostendit,  et  ita  civitas 
capta  est,  quasi  totus  in  muris  Aureliani  fuisset  exer- 
citus. 

2      Taceri  non  debet  res  quae  ad  famam  venerabilis 

3viri  pertiiiet.  iertur  enim  Aurelianum  de  Tyanae 
civitatis  eversione  vere  dixisse,  vere  cogitasse ;  verum 
Apollonium  Tyanaeum,  celeberrimae  famae  auctorita- 
tisque  sapientem,  veterem  philosophum,  amicum 
verum2  deorum,  ipsum  etiam  pro  numirie  frequentan- 
dum,  recipienti  se  in  tentorium  ea  forma  qua  videtur 

1  factum  Gruter,  Peter ;  uocatumP.  '2uerum  editors; 

uir  P1 ;  uirum  P  corr. 


1  Aurelian  apparently  wished  to  appear  as  the  deliverer  of 
Asia  Minor  and  Syria  from  the  Falmyrenes,  for  he  followed  a 
similar  policy  at  Antioch  ;  see  c.  xxv.  1. 

-  Otherwise  unknown.  3  See  note  to  Alex.,  xxix.  2. 

240 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN  XXIII.  4— XXIV.    3 

notable  still  was  the  deed  of  the  soldiers ;  for  the 
entire  army,  just  as  though  it  were  gaining  riches 
thereby,  took  up  the  prince's  jest,  by  which  both 
booty  was  denied  them  and  the  city  preserved  intact.1 

The  letter  concerning  Heraclammon :  "  From 
Aurelian  Augustus  to  Mallius  Chilo.2  I  have  suffered 
the  man  to  be  put  to  death  by  whose  kindness,  as  it 
were,  I  recovered  Tyana.  But  never  have  I  been 
able  to  love  a  traitor  and  I  was  pleased  that  the 
soldiers  killed  him  ;  for  he  who  spared  not  his  native 
city  would  not  have  been  able  to  keep  faith  with  me. 
He,  indeed,  is  the  only  one  of  all  who  opposed  me 
that  the  earth  now  holds.  The  fellow  was  rich,  I 
cannot  deny  it,  but  the  property  I  have  restored  to 
the  children  of  him  to  whom  it  belonged,  that  no  one 
may  charge  me  with  having  permitted  a  man  who 
was  rich  to  be  slain  for  the  sake  of  his  money." 

XXIV.  The  city,  moreover,  was  captured  in  a 
wonderful  way.  For  after  Heraclammon  had  shown 
Aurelian  a  place  where  the  ground  sloped  upward  by 
nature  in  the  form  of  a  siege-mound,  up  which  he 
could  climb  in  full  attire,  the  emperor  ascended  there, 
and  holding  aloft  his  purple  cloak  he  showed  himself 
to  the  towns-folk  within  and  the  soldiers  without,  and 
so  the  city  was  captured,  just  as  though  Aurelian's 
entire  army  had  been  within  the  walls. 

We  must  not  omit  one  event  which  enhances  the 
fame  of  a  venerated  man.  For,  it  is  said,  Aurelian 
did  indeed  truly  speak  and  truly  think  of  destroying 
the  city  of  Tyana ;  but  Apollonius  of  Tyana,3  a  sage 
of  the  greatest  renown  and  authority,  a  philosopher 
of  former  days,  the  true  friend  of  the  gods,  and  him- 
self even  to  be  regarded  as  a  supernatural  being, 
as  Aurelian  was  withdrawing  to  his  tent,  suddenly 

241 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN 

subito  adstitisse,  atque  haec  Latine,  ut  homo  Pan- 

4  nonius  intellegeret,  verba  dixisse :  "  Aureliane,  si  vis 
vincere,  nihil  est  quod  de  civium  meorum  nece  cogites. 
Aureliane,    si    vis    imperare,    a    cruore    innocentium 
abstine.     Aureliane,  clementer  te  age,  si  vis  vivere." 

5  norat  vultum  philosophi  venerabilis  Aurelianus  atque 

6  in   multis   eius  imaginem  viderat    templis.     denique 
statim  adtonitus  et  imaginem  et  statuas  et  templum 
eidem    promisit    atque   in  meliorem   rediit    mentem. 

7  haec  ego  et  a  gravibus  viris  comperi  et1  in  Ulpiae 
Bibliothecae  libris  relegi  et  pro  maiestate  Apollonii 

Smagis  credidi.     quid  enim  illo  viro  sanctius,  venera 
bilius,  antiquius  diviniusque  inter  homines  fuit  ?     ille 
mortuis  reddidit  vitam,  ille  multa  ultra  homines  et 
fecit   et   dixit.     quae  qui  velit  nosse,  Graecos   legat 

9libros  qui  de  eius  vita  conscript!  sunt.  ipse  autem,  si 
vita  suppetit,  atque  ipsius  viri  favori  usque  placuerit,2 
breviter  saltern  tanti  viri  facta  in  litteras  mittanr,  non 
quo  illius  viri  gesta  munere  mei  sermonis  iiidigeant, 
sed  ut  ea  quae  miranda  sunt  omnium  voce  praedi- 
centur. 

XXV.   Recepta  Tyana   Antiochiam  proposita   om- 
nibus   impunitate    brevi    apud    Daphnem    certamine 

1et  2,  om.  in  P.  ^fauori  usque  quaque  placuerit  P 

corr. ;  favor  iuscuerit  P1 ;  favor  nos  iuverit  Peter. 


1  The  only  one  extant  is  the  biography  written  by  Flavins 
Philostratus  early  in  the  Third  Century  (trans,  by  F.  C.  Cony- 
beare  in  the  L.C.L.). 

2  The  best  account  of  the  war  against  Zenobia  is  in  Zosiuius, 
i.  50-56.     According  to  this,  the  battle  took  place  on   the 
Orontes,  whereas  the  engagement  at  Daphne  occurred  during 
the  retreat  of  the  Palmyrenes.     Zenobia  herself  was  present 
at  the  main  battle,  the  victory  at  which  was  due  to  a  skilful 

24-2 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN  XXIV.  4— XXV.  l 

appeared  to  him  in  the  form  in  which  he  is  usually 
portrayed,  and  spoke  to  him  as  follows,  using  Latin  in 
order  that  he  might  be  understood  by  a  man  from  Pan- 
nonia  :  "  Aurelian ,,  if  you  wish  to  conquer,  there  is 
no  reason  why  you  should  plan  the  death  of  my 
fellow-citizens.  Aurelian,  if  you  wish  to  rule,  abstain 
from  the  blood  of  the  innocent.  Aurelian,  act  with 
mercy  if  you  wish  to  live  long."  Aurelian  recog- 
nized the  countenance  of  the  venerated  philosopher, 
and,  in  fact,  he  had  seen  his  portrait  in  many  a 
temple.  And  so,  at  once  stricken  with  terror,  he 
promised  him  a  portrait  and  statues  and  a  temple, 
and  returned  to  his  better  self.  This  incident  I  have 
learned  from  trustworthy  men  and  read  over  again  in 
the  books  in  the  Ulpian  Library,  and  I  have  been  the 
more  ready  to  believe  it  because  of  the  reverence  in 
which  Apollonius  is  held.  For  who  among  men  has 
ever  been  more  venerated,  more  revered,  more  re- 
nowned, or  more  holy  than  that  very  man  ?  He 
brought  back  the  dead  to  life,  he  said  and  did  many 
things  beyond  the  power  of  man.  If  any  one  should 
wish  to  learn  these,  let  him  read  the  Greek  books 
which  have  been  composed  concerning  his  life.1  I 
myself,  moreover,  if  the  length  of  my  life  shall  permit 
and  the  plan  shall  continue  to  meet  with  his  favour, 
will  put  into  writing  the  deeds  of  this  great  man, 
even  though  it  be  briefly,  not  because  his  achieve- 
ments need  the  tribute  of  my  discourse,  but  in  order 
that  these  wondrous  things  may  be  proclaimed  by  the 
voice  of  every  man. 

XXV.  After  thus  recovering  Tyana,  Aurelian,  by 
means  of  a  brief  engagement  near  Daphne,2  gained 

manoeuvre  of  the  Roman  cavalry,  the  infantry  taking  no  part 
in  the  fight. 

243 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN 

obtinuit  atque  inde  praeceptis,  quantum  probatur, 
venerabilis  viri  Apollonii  parens  humanior  atque 

2clementior  fuit.  pugnatum  est  post  haec  de  sum- 
ma  rerum  contra  Zenobiam  et  Zabam  eius  socium 

3apud  Emesam  magno  certamine.  cumque  Aureliani 
equites  fatigati  iam  paene  discederent  ac  terga  darent, 
subito  vi  numinis,  quod  postea  est  proditum,  hortante 
quadam  divina  forma  per  pedites  etiam  equites  resti- 
tuti  sunt.  fugata  est  Zenobia  cum  Zaba,  et  plenissime 

4  parta  victoria,     recepto  igitur  orientis  statu  Emesam 
victor  Aurelianus  ingressus  est  ac  statim  ad  Templum 
Heliogabali  tetendit,  quasi  commuiii  officio  vota  solu- 

5  turns.      verum   illic    earn    formam    numinis   repperit 
6quam   in  bello   sibi  faventem  vidit.      quare   et   illic 

templa  fundavit  doiiariis  ingentibus  positis  et  Romae 
Soli  templum  posuit  maiore  honorificentia  consecra- 
tum,  ut  suo  dicemus  loco. 

XXVI.  Post  haec  Palmyram  iter  flexit,  ut  ea  op- 
pugnata  laborum  terminus  fieret.  sed  in  itinere  a 
latronibus  Syris  male  accepto  frequenter  exercitu 
multa  perpessus  est  et  in  obsidione  usque  ad  ictum 
sagittae  periclitatus  est. 
2  Epistula  ipsius  exstat  ad  Mucaporem  missa,  in  qua 


1  Septimius  Zabdas  (Zaba,  see  Claud.,  xi.  1),  who  had  com- 
manded in  the  battle  near  Antioch,  after  abandoning  the  city 
to  Aurelian,  fell  back  to  the  south  along  the  Orontes  to  Emesa 
(Horns),  where  the  great  battle  of  the  war  was  fought. 
Z*enobia's  troops,  70,000  strong,  greatly  outnumbered  the 
Romans,  and  her  cavalry  drove  the  Roman  horse  from  the 
field,  but  her  infantry  was  badly  defeated  by  Aurelian.  The 
defeated  remnants  of  the  Queen's  army  took  refuge  in  the  city, 
but  the  hostility  of  the  towns-folk  forced  her  to  retreat  across 
the  desert  to  Palmyra,  90  miles  distant,  leaving  behind  a  great 
amount  of  treasure. 

244 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN  XXV.  2— XXVJ.  2 

possession  of  Antioch,  having  promised  forgiveness 
to  all ;  and  thereupon,  obeying,  as  far  as  is  known, 
the  injunctions  of  that  venerated  man,  Apollonius, 
he  acted  with  greater  kindness  and  mercy.  After 
this,  the  whole  issue  of  the  war  was  decided  near 
Emesa  in  a  mighty  battle  fought  against  Zenobia  and 
Xaba,1  her  ally.  When  Aurelian's  horsemen,  now 
exhausted,  were  on  the  point  of  breaking  their  ranks 
and  turning  their  backs,  suddenly  by  the  power  of 
a  supernatural  agency,  as  was  afterwards  made  known, 
a  divine  form  spread  encouragement  throughout  the 
foot-soldiers  and  rallied  even  the  horsemen.  Zenobia 
and  Zaba  were  put  to  flight,  and  a  victory  was  won 
in  full.  And  so,  having  reduced  the  East  to  its 
former  state,  Aurelian  entered  Emesa  as  a  conqueror, 
and  at  once  made  his  way  to  the  Temple  of  Elaga- 
balus,2  to  pay  his  vows  as  if  by  a  duty  common  to  all. 
But  there  he  beheld  that  same  divine  form  which  he 
had  seen  supporting  his  cause  in  the  battle.  Where- 
fore he  not  only  established  temples  there,  dedicating 
gifts  of  great  value,  but  he  also  built  a  temple  to  the 
Sun  at  Rome,  which  he  consecrated  with  still  greater 
pomp,  as  we  shall  relate  in  the  proper  place.3 

XXVI.  After  this  he  directed  his  march  toward 
Palmyra,4  in  order  that,  by  storming  it,  he  might  put 
an  end  to  his  labours.  But  frequently  on  the  march 
his  army  met  with  a  hostile  reception  from  the 
brigands  of  Syria,  and  after  suffering  many  mishaps 
he  incurred  great  danger  during  the  siege,  being 
even  wounded  by  an  arrow. 

A  letter  of  his  is  still   in  existence,  addressed  to 


2  See  note  to  Heliog.,  i.  5. 
3  See  c.  xxxv.  3.  4  Early  in  272. 


245 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN 

de  huius  belli  difficultate  ultra  pudorem  imperialem 

8  fatetur :    "  Romani  me  modo    dicunt   bellum    contra 

feminam  gerere,  quasi  sola  mecum  Zenobia  et  suis 

viribus  pugnet,  atque   hostiura  quantum  si  vir  a  me 

oppugnandus  esset,  ilia  1  conscientia  et  timore  longe 

4deteriore.     dici  non  potest   quantum   hie   sagittarum 

est,  qui  belli  apparatus,  quantum  telorum,  quantum 

lapidum  ;  nulla  pars  muri  est  quae  non  binis  et  ternis 

ballistis  occupata  sit ;  ignes  etiam  tormentis  iaciuntur. 

6  quid  plura  ?     timet  quasi  femina,  pugnat  quasi  poenam 

timens.     sed  credo  adiuturos  Romanam  rem  publicam 

vere2  deos,  qui  numquam  nostris  conatibus  defuerunt." 

6  Denique   fatigatus  ac  pro  malis   fessus  litteras  ad 
Zenobiam  misit  deditionem  illius  petens,  vitam  pro- 
mittens,  quarum  exemplum  indidi  : 

7  "Aurelianus   imperator    Romani  orbis   et  receptor 
orientis  Zenobiae  ceterisque  quos  societas  tenet  bellica. 

gsponte  facere  debuistis  id  quod  meis  litteris  nunc  iu- 
betur.  deditionem  enim  praecipio  impunitate  vitae 
proposita,  ita  ut  illic,  Zenobia,  cum  tuis  agas  vitam  ubi 

9te  ex  senatus  amplissimi  sententia  conlocavero.  gem- 
mas,  aurum,  argentum,  sericum,  equos,  camelos  in 
Romanum  aerarium  conferatis.  Palmyrenis  ius  suum 
servabitur.' 


lilla  Editor;  in  P,  Peter.  *uere  Petschenig;  uir  P; 

ueros  Salm.,  Peter. 


1  See  c.  xxxv.  5. 
246 


THE  DEIFIED  AUREL1AN  XXVI.  3-9 

Mucapor,1  in  which,  without  the  wonted  reserve  of 
an  emperor  he  confesses  the  difficulty  of  this  war  : 
"  The  Romans  are  saying  that  I  am  merely  waging 
a  war  with  a  woman,  just  as  if  Zenobia  alone  and 
with  her  own  forces  only  were  fighting  against  me, 
and  yet,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  there  is  as  great  a  force 
of  the  enemy  as  if  I  had  to  make  war  against  a  man, 
while  she,  because  of  her  fear  and  her  sense  of  guilt, 
is  a  much  baser  foe.  It  cannot  be  told  what  a  store 
of  arrows  is  here,  what  great  preparations  for  war, 
what  a  store  of  spears  and  of  stones  ;  there  is  no 
section  of  the  wall  that  is  not  held  by  two  or  three 
engines  of  war,  and  their  machines  can  even  hurl  fire. 
Why  say  more  ?  She  fears  like  a  woman,  and  fights 
as  one  who  fears  punishment.  I  believe,  however,  that 
the  gods  will  truly  bring  aid  to  the  Roman  common- 
wealth, for  they  have  never  failed  our  endeavours." 

Finally,  exhausted  and  worn  out  by  reason  of 
ill-success,  he  despatched  a  letter  to  Zenobia,  asking 
her  to  surrender  and  promising  to  spare  her  life  ;  of 
this  letter  I  have  inserted  a  copy  : 

"  From  Aurelian,  Emperor  of  the  Roman  world  and 
recoverer  of  the  East,  to  Zenobia  and  all  others  who 
are  bound  to  her  by  alliance  in  war.  You  should 
have  done  of  your  own  free  will  what  I  now  command 
in  my  letter.  For  I  bid  you  surrender,  promising 
that  your  lives  shall  be  spared,  and  with  the  condition 
that  you,  Zenobia,  together  with  your  children  shall 
dwell  wherever  I,  acting  in  accordance  with  the  wish 
of  the  most  noble  senate,  shall  appoint  a  place.  Your 
jewels,  your  gold,  your  silver,  your  silks,  your  horses, 
your  camels,  you  shall  all  hand  over  to  the  Roman 
treasury.  As  for  the  people  of  Palmyra,  their  rights 
shall  be  preserved." 

24,7 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN 

XXVII.  Hac   epistula   accepta    Zenobia   superbius 
insolentiusque  rescripsit  quam  eius  fortuna  poscebat, 
credo  ad  terrorem ;  nam  eius  quoque  epistulae  exem- 

2  plum    indidi :     "Zenobia    regina    orientis    Aureliano 
Augusto.     Nemo  adhuc  praeter   te  hoc  quod   poscis 
litteris    petiit.      virtute    faciendum    est   quidquid   in 

3  rebus  bellicis  est  gerendum.     deditionem  meam  petis, 
quasi   nescias    Cleopatram    reginam    perire    maluisse 

4  quam  in  qualibet  vivere  dignitate.     nobis  Persarum 
auxilia   non    desunt,   quae   iam   speramus,   pro   nobis 

5sunt  Saraceni,  pro  nobis  Armenii.  latrones  Syri 
exercitum  tuum,  Aureliane,  vicerunt.  quid  si  igitur 
ilia  venerit  manus  quae  undique  speratur,  pones  pro- 
fecto  supercilium,  quo  iiunc  mihi  deditionem,  quasi 
omnifariam  victor,  imperas." 

6  Hanc  epistulam  Nicomachus  se  transtulisse  in 
Graecum  ex  lingua  Syrorum  dicit  ab  ipsa  Zenobia 
dictatam.  nam  ilia  superior  Aureliani  Graeca  missa 
est. 

XXVIII.  His  acceptis  litteris  Aurelianus  non  eru- 
buit   sed    iratus   est    statimque    collecto   exercitu   ac 
ducibus  suis  undique  Palmyram  obsedit ;  neque  quic- 
quam  vir  fortis  reliquit  quod  aut  imperfectum  videre- 

2tur  aut  incuratum.  nam  et  auxilia,  quae  a  Persis 
missa  fuerant,  iiitercepit  et  alas  Saracenas  Armenias- 
que  corrupit  atque  ad  se  modo  ferociter  rnodo  subti- 
liter  traiistulit.  denique  multa  vi  mulierem  poten- 


1  Otherwise  unknown. 

2  These  were  probably  not  very  numerous,  for  the  old  enemy 
of  the  Romans,  Sapor  L,  was  nearing  his  end;  he  died  in  the 
autumn  of  272,  after  making  his  son  Hormizd  I.  king  in  his 
stead. 

248 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN  XXVII.  1— XXVIII.  2 

XXVII.  On  receiving  this  letter  Zenobia  responded 
with    more    pride    and    insolence    than   befitted    her 
fortunes,  I  suppose  with  a  view  to  inspiring  fear ;  for 
a  copy  of  her  letter,  too,  I  have  inserted  : 

"  From  Zenobia,  Queen  of  the  East,  to  Aurelian 
Augustus.  None  save  yourself  has  ever  demanded 
by  letter  what  you  now  demand.  Whatever  must  be 
accomplished  in  matters  of  war  must  be  done  by 
valour  alone.  You  demand  my  surrender  as  though 
you  were  not  aware  that  Cleopatra  preferred  to  die 
a  Queen  rather  than  remain  alive,  however  high 
her  rank.  We  shall  not  lack  reinforcements  from 
Persia,  which  we  are  even  now  expecting.  On  our 
side  are  the  Saracens,  on  our  side,  too,  the  Armenians. 
The  brigands  of  Syria  have  defeated  your  army, 
Aurelian.  What  more  need  be  said  ?  If  those  forces, 
then,  which  we  are  expecting  from  every  side,  shall 
arrive,  you  will,  of  a  surety,  lay  aside  that  arrogance 
with  which  you  now  command  my  surrender,  as 
though  victorious  on  every  side." 

This  letter,  Nicomachus 1  says,  was  dictated  by 
Zenobia  herself  and  translated  by  him  into  Greek 
from  the  Syrian  tongue.  For  that  earlier  letter  of 
Aurelian's  was  written  in  Greek. 

XXVIII.  On  receiving  this  letter  Aurelian  felt  no 
shame,    but    rather    was    angered,  and    at    once    he 
gathered  together  from  every  side  his  soldiers  and 
leaders  and  laid  siege  to  Palmyra  ;    and  that  brave 
man  gave  his  attention  to  everything    that   seemed 
incomplete  or  neglected.     For  he  cut  off    the  rein- 
forcements which    the    Persians    had    sent,2  and    he 
tampered  with    the    squadrons  of   Saracens  and  Ar- 
menians, bringing  them  over  to  his  own  side,  some  by 
forcible  means  and    some    by  cunning.     Finally,  by 

249 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN 

Stissimam  vicit.  victa  igitur  Zenobia  cum  fugeret 
camelis,  quos  dromedas  vocitant,  atque  ad  Persas  iter 
tenderet,  equitibus  missis  est  capta  atque  in  Aureliani 
potestatem  deducta. 

4  Victor    itaque    Aurelianus    totiusque    iam    orientis 
possessor,   cum   in   vinculis    Zenobiam    teneret,   cum 
Persis,  Armeniis,  Saracenis  superbior  l  atque  insolen- 

5  tior  egit   ea  quae   ratio   temporis   postulabat.      tune 
illatae  illae 2  vestes,  quas  in   Templo  Solis  videmus, 
consertae  gemmis,   tune   Persici   dracones  et  tiarae, 
tune 3   genus   purpurae,   quod    postea   nee  ulla    gens 
detulit  nee  Romanus  orbis  vidit. 

XXIX.  De  qua  pauca  saltern  libet  dicere.  memi- 
nistis  enim  fuisse  in  Templo  lovis  Optimi  Maximi  Cap- 
itolini  pallium  breve  purpureum  lanestre,  ad  quod  cum 
matronae  atque  ipse  Aurelianus  iungerent  purpuras 
suas,  cineris  specie  decolorari  videbantur  ceterae  divini 

2  comparatione  fulgoris.  hoc  munus  rex  Persarum  ab 
Indis  interioribus  sumptum  Aureliano  dedisse  per- 
hibetur,  scribens  :  "  Sume  purpuram,  qualis  apud  nos 

8  est."  sed  hoc  falsum  fuit.4  nam  postea  diligent issime 
et  Aurelianus  et  Probus  et  proxime  Diocletianus  missis 
diligentissimis  confectoribus  requisiverunt  tale  genus 

1  superbior  Salm.,  editors;  superior  P.  2 illatae  illae 

Purser ;  illae  P ;  allatae  Peter ;   illatae  Eyssenhardt,  Hohl. 
3 tune  Peter;  turn  P.  4 sed  .  .  .  fuit  2,  Hohl ;  om.  in  P 

and  by  Peter. 


1  According  to  Zosimus,  the  supplies  of  the  Palmyrenes  were 
exhausted  and  it  was  decided  that  Zenobia  should  go  in  person 
to  the  Persians  to  seek  aid,  but  she  was  captured  after  crossing 
the  Euphrates.  Soon  afterwards  the  peace-party  in  Palmyra 
gained  the  upper  hand  and  surrendered  the  city  after  exacting 
from  Aurelian  the  promise  that  no  punishment  should  be 
inflicted, 

250 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN  XXVIII.  3— XXIX.  3 

a  mighty  effort  he  conquered  that  most  powerful 
woman.1  Zenobia,  then,  conquered,  fled  away  on 
camels  (which  they  call  dromedaries),  but  while  seek- 
ing to  reach  the  Persians  she  was  captured  by  the 
horsemen  sent  after  her,  and  thus  she  was  brought 
into  the  power  of  Aurelian. 

And  so  Aurelian,  victorious  and  in  possession  of  the 
entire  East,  more  proud  and  insolent  now  that  he 
held  Zenobia  in  chains,  dealt  with  the  Persians, 
Armenians,  and  Saracens  as  the  needs  of  the  occasion 
demanded.  Then  were  brought  in  those  garments, 
encrusted  with  jewels,  which  we  now  see  in  the 
Temple  of  the  Sun,  then,  too,  the  Persian  dragon- 
flags2  and  head-dresses,  and  a  species  of  purple  such 
as  no  nation  ever  afterward  offered  or  the  Roman 
world  beheld. 

XXIX.  Concerning  this  I  desire  to  say  at  least  few 
words.  For  you  remember  that  there  was  in  the 
Temple  of  Jupiter  Best  and  Greatest  on  the  Capitolium 
a  short  woollen  cloak  of  a  purple  hue,  by  the  side  of 
which  all  other  purple  garments,  brought  by  the 
matrons  and  by  Aurelian  himself,  seemed  to  fade  to 
the  colour  of  ashes  in  comparison  with  its  divine 
brilliance.  This  cloak,  brought  from  the  farthest 
Indies,  the  King  of  the  Persians  is  said  to  have  pre- 
sented as  a  gift  to  Aurelian,  writing  as  follows  : 
"Accept  a  purple  robe,  such  as  we  ourselves  use." 
But  this  was  untrue.  For  later  both  Aurelian  and 
Probus  and,  most  recently,  Diocletian  made  most 
diligent  search  for  this  species  of  purple,  sending  out 

2  A  flag  depicting  a  dragon  was  used  by  the  Orientals  and 
by  the  northern  barbarians  as  shown  on  the  Columns  of  Trajan 
and  M.  Aurelius.  It  was  later  adopted  by  the  Romans  also 
and  carried  by  a  draconarius  (c.  xxxi.  7). 

951 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELTAN 

purpurae  nee  tamen  invenire  potuerunt.     dicitur  enim 
sandyx  Indica  talem  purpuram  facere,  si  curetur. 

XXX.   Sed  ut  ad  incepta  redeamus :  ingens  tamen 
strepitus  militum  fuit  omnium  Zenobiam  ad  poenam 

2  poscentium.  sed  Aurelianus  indignum  aestimans 
mulierem  interimi  occisis  plerisque,  quibus  auctoribus 
ilia  bellum  moverat,  paraverat,  gesserat,  triumpho 
mulierem  reservavit,  ut  populi  Romani  oculis  esset 

3ostentui.  grave  inter  eos  qui  caesi  sunt  de  Longino 
philosopho  fuisse  perhibetur,  quo  ilia  magistro  usa 
esse  ad  Graecas  litteras  dicitur,  quern  quidem 
Aurelianus  idcirco  dicitur  occidisse,  quod  superbior 
ilia  epistula  ipsius  diceretur  dictata  consilio,  quamvis 
Syro  esset  sermone  contexta. 

4  Pacato  igitur  oriente  in  Europam  Aurelianus  rediit 
victor  atque  illic  Carporum  copias  adflixit  et,  cum 
ilium  Carpi  cum  senatus  absentem  vocasset,  mandasse 
ioco 1  fertur  :  "  Superest,  patres  conscripti,  ut  me 

6  etiam  Carpisculum  vocetis."     carpisclum  enim  genus 

1ioco  Cornelisseu,  Hohl ;  loco  P;  e  loco  Peter. 


1  Usually  the  term  given  to  a  mixture  of  red  sulphide  of 
arsenic  and   red  ochre,  but  here,  apparently,  the  name  of  a 
plant,  as  also  in  Vergil,  Buc.,  iv.  45;    see  Pliny,  Nat.  Hist., 
xxxv.  40. 

2  This  was  at  Emesa,  whither  Aurelian  withdrew  after  the 
surrender  of  Palmyra,  summoning  there  for  trial  both  Zenolia 
and  her  counsellors.     The  latter  were  accused  by  the  Queen  in 
an  effort  to  save  herself,  and  many  of  them  were  then  put  to 
death. 

3  See  c.  xxxiii-xxxiv. 

4  Cassius  Longinus,  Neo-Platonist  philosopher,  rhetorician 
and  philologian.     After  a  long  career  as  a  teacher  in  Athens 
he  withdrew  to  the  court  of   Zenobia.     Of  his  many  works 

252 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN  XXX.    1-5 

their  most  diligent  agents,  but  even  so  it  could  not  be 
found.  But  indeed  it  is  said  that  the  Indian  sandyx  l 
yields  this  kind  of  purple  if  properly  prepared. 

XXX.  But  to  return  to  my  undertaking  :  despite 
all  this,  there  arose  a  terrible  uproar  among  all  the 
soldiers,  who  demanded  Zenobia  for  punishment.2 
Aureiian,  however,  deeming  it  improper  that  a  woman 
should  be  put  to  death,  killed  many  who  had  advised 
her  to  begin  and  prepare  and  wage  the  war,  but  the 
woman  he  saved  for  his  triumph,  wishing  to  show  her 
to  the  eyes  of  the  Roman  people.3  It  was  regarded 
as  a  cruel  thing  that  Longinus  the  philosopher4  should 
have  been  among  those  who  were  killed.  He,  it  is 
said,  was  employed  by  Zenobia  as  her  teacher  in 
Greek  letters,  and  Aurelian  is  said  to  have  slain  him 
because  he  was  told  that  that  over-proud  letter  of 
hers  had  been  dictated  in  accord  with  his  counsel, 
although,  in  fact,  it  was  composed  in  the  Syrian 
tongue. 

And  so,  having  subdued  the  East,  Aurelian  re- 
turned as  a  victor  to  Europe,5  and  there  he  defeated 
the  forces  of  the  Carpi  6  ;  and  when  the  senate  gave 
him  in  his  absence  the  surname  Carpicus,  he  sent 
them  this  message,  it  is  said,  as  a  jest :  "  It  now  only 
remains  for  you,  Conscript  Fathers,  to  call  me  Carpis- 
culusalso" — for  it  is  well  known  that  carpixclum  la 

there  remain  only  fragments  of  his  Rhetoric,  although  the 
essay  nepi"TvJ/ous,  by  an  unknown  author,  was  long  attributed 
to  him. 

5  He  seems  to  have  made  some  sort  of  a  punitive  expedition 
into  Persian   territory ;    see  c.  xxxv.  4  ;   xli    9.     He  received 
from  the  senate  the  title  of   Persicus  Maximus  or  Parthicus 
Maximus  and  issued  coins  with  the  legend  Victoria  Parthica; 
see  Matt.-Syd.,  v.  p.  291,  no.  240. 

6  On  the  Lower  Danube ;  see  note  to  Max.-Balb.,-xvi.  3. 

253 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN 

calciamenti  esse  satis  notum  est.  quod  cognomen 
deforme  videbatur,  cum  et  Gothicus  et  Sarmaticus  et 
Armeniacus  et  Parthicus  et  Adiabenicus  iam  ille 
diceretur.1 

XXXI.  Rarum  est  ut  Syri  fidem  servent,  immo 
difficile,  nam  Palmyreni,  qui  iam  victi  atque  contusi 
fuerant,  Aureliano  rebus  Europensibus  occupato  non 

2mediocriter  rebellarunt.  Sandarionem  enim,  quern 
in  praesidio  illic  Aurelianus  posuerat,  cum  sescentis 
sagittariis  occiderunt,  Achilleo  cuidam  parenti  Zenobiae 

jjparantes  imperium.  verum  adeo  Aurelianus,  ut  erat 
paratus,  e  Rhodope  revertit  atque  urbem,  quia  ita 

4  merebatur,  evertit.     crudelitas  denique  Aureliani  vel, 
ut  quidam  dicunt,  severitas  eatenus  exstitit  ut  epistula 
eius  feratur  confessioneminmanissimi  furorisostentans, 
cuius  hoc  exemplum  est : 

5  "  Aurelianus  Augustus  Cerronio  Basso,   non  oportet 
ulterius  progredi  militum  gladios.     iam  satis  Palmyre- 
norum  caesum  atque  concisum  est.     mulieribus  non 
pepercimus,  infantes   occidimus,    senes    iugulavimus, 

6  rusticos  interemimus.     cui  terras,  cui  urbem  deinceps 
relinquemus  ?      parcendum  est  iis  qui  remanserunt. 
credimus  enim  tarn  paucos  tarn  multorum  suppliciis 

1  diceretur  2 ;  disceretur  P. 


1  Of  these  names,  Gothicus,  Parthicus  and  Carpicus,  as  well 
as  Germanicus,  appear  in  an   inscription   of  Aurelian's  last 
year  (C./.L.,  vi.  1112);   the  others  do  not  seem  to  have  been 
borne  by  him. 

2  According  to  the  fuller  account  in  Zosimus,  i.  60-61,  the 
Palmyrenes  under  the  leadership  of  Apsaios  (perhaps  the  Sep- 
timius  Apsaios  to  whom  C.I.G.,  4487  is  dedicated)   tried   to 
persuade  Marcellinus,  who  had   been   left   in   charge  of   the 
Euphrates  frontier,  to  take  part  in  a  revolt.     He  put  them  off 

2,54 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN  XXXI.  1-6 

a  kind  of  boot.  This  surname  appeared  to  him  as 
ignoble,  since  he  was  already  called  both  Gothicus 
and  Sarmaticus  and  Armeniacus  and  Parthicus  and 
Adiabenicus.1 

XXXI.  It  is  a  rare  thing,  or  rather,  a  difficult 
thing,  for  the  Syrians  to  keep  faith.  For  the  Palmy- 
renes,  who  had  once  been  defeated  and  crushed,  now 
that  Aurelian  was  busied  with  matters  in  Europe, 
began  a  rebellion  of  no  small  size.2  For  they  killed 
Sandario,  whom  Aurelian  had  put  in  command  of  the 
garrison  there,  and  with  him  six  hundred  bowmen, 
thus  getting  the  rule  for  a  certain  Achilleus,  a  kins- 
man of  Zenobia's.  But  Aurelian,  indeed,  prepared 
as  he  always  was,  came  back  from  Rhodope  and, 
because  it  deserved  it,  destroyed  the  city.  In  fact, 
Aurelian's  cruelty,  or,  as  some  say,  his  sternness,  is 
so  widely  known  that  they  even  quote  a  letter  of  his, 
revealing  a  confession  of  most  savage  fury  3  ;  of  this 
the  following  is  a  copy  : 

"  From  Aurelian  Augustus  to  Cerronius  Bassus.4 
The  swords  of  the  soldiers  should  not  proceed  further. 
Already  enough  Palmyrenes  have  been  killed  and 
slaughtered.  We  have  not  spared  the  women,  we 
have  slain  the  children,  we  have  butchered  the  old 
men,  we  have  destroyed  the  peasants.  To  whom,  at 
this  rate,  shall  we  leave  the  land  or  the  city  ?  Those 
who  still  remain  must  be  spared.  For  it  is  our  belief 
that  the  few  have  been  chastened  by  the  punishment 

with  ambiguous  replies  and  sent  word  of  the  plot  to  Aurelian. 
Meanwhile  the  Palmyrenes  invested  Antiochus  (whom  the  vita 
calls  Achilleus)  with  the  royal  insignia.  This  seems  to  have 
been  in  the  early  summer  of  272. 

3  Yet,  according  to  Zosimus,  he  spared  Antiochus'  life. 

4  Otherwise  unknown. 

255 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN 

7esse  correctos.  Templum  sane  Soils,  quod  apud 
Palmyram  aquiliferi  legionis  tertiae  cum  vexilliferis 
et  draconario  et  cornicinibus  atque  liticinibus  diri- 
puerunt,  ad  earn  formam  volo,  quae  fuit,  reddi. 

8  habes  trecentas  auri  libras  de l  Zenobiae  capsulis, 
habes  argenti  mille  octingenta  pondo  de  Palmyre- 

9norum  bonis,  habes  gemmas  regias.  ex  his  omnibus 
fac  cohonestari  templum  ;  mihi  et  dis  inmortalibus 
gratissimum  feceris.  ego  ad  senatum  scribam,  petens 
10  ut  mittat  pontificem  qui  dedicet  templum."  haec 
litterae,  ut  videmus,  indicant  satiatam  esse  inmani- 
tatem  principis  duri. 

XXXII.  Securior  denique  iterum  in  Europam  rediit 
atque  illic  omnes  qui  vagabantur  hostes  nota  ilia  sua 

2virtute  contudit.  interim  res  per  Thracias  Europam- 
que  omnem  Aureliano  ingentes  agente  Firmus  quidam 
exstitit,  qui  sibi  Aegyptum  sine  insignibus  imperii, 

3  quasi  ut  esset  civitas  libera,  vindicavit.  ad  quern 
continuo  Aurelianus  revertit,  nee  illic  defuit  felicitas 
soiita.  nam  Aegyptum  statim  recepit  atque,  ut  erat 
ferox  animi,  cogitationem  ultus,  vehementer  irascens, 
quod  adhuc  Tetricus  Gallias  obtineret,  occidentem 
petiit  atque  ipso  Tetrico  exercitum  suum  prodeiite, 
quod  eius  scelera  ferre  non  posset,  deditas  sibi 

4legiones2  obtinuit.  princeps  igitur  totius  orbis 
Aurelianus  pacatis  oriente  et 3  Gallis  atque  ubique 

1  de  ins.  by  Salm. ;  om.  in  P.       2  regiones  P,  2.       3  so  Peter ; 
orientem  P. 

1  Still  the  chief  glory  of  the  ruins  of  Palmyra. 

2  See  note  to  c.  xxviii.  5. 

3  See  Firm.,  iii.-v.     According  to  the  more  correct  version  of 
Zosimus  (i.  61,  1),  Aurelian  marched  directly  from  Palmyra  to 
Alexandria. 

4  See  Tijr.  Trig.,  xxiv.  1-2  and  notes. 

256 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN  XXXI.  7— XXXII.  4 

of  the  many.  Now  as  to  the  Temple  of  the  Sun  x  at 
Palmyra,  which  has  been  pillaged  by  the  eagle-bearers 
of  the  Third  Legion,  along  with  the  standard-bearers, 
the  dragon-bearer,2  and  the  buglers  and  trumpeters,  I 
wish  it  restored  to  the  condition  in  which  it  formerly 
was.  You  have  three  hundred  pounds  of  gold  from 
Zenobia's  coffers,  you  have  eighteen  hundred  pounds 
of  silver  from  the  property  of  the  Palmyrenes,  and 
you  have  the  royal  jewels.  Use  all  these  to  embellish 
the  temple  ;  thus  both  to  me  and  to  the  immortal  gods 
you  will  do  a  most  pleasing  service.  I  will  write  to 
the  senate  and  request  it  to  send  one  of  the  pontiffs 
to  dedicate  the  temple."  This  letter,  as  we  can  see, 
shows  that  the  savagery  of  the  hard-hearted  prince 
had  been  glutted. 

XXXII.  At  length,  now  more  secure,  he  returned 
again  to  Europe,  and  there,  with  his  well-known 
valour,  he  crushed  all  the  enemies  who  were  roving 
about.  Meanwhile,  when  Aurelian  was  performing 
great  deeds  in  the  provinces  of  Thrace  as  well  as  in 
all  Europe,  there  rose  up  a  certain  Firmus,  who  laid 
claim  to  Egypt,  but  without  the  imperial  insignia  and 
as  though  he  purposed  to  make  it  into  a  free  state.8 
Without  delay  Aurelian  turned  back  against  him,  and 
there  also  his  wonted  good-fortune  did  not  abandon 
him.  For  he  recovered  Egypt  at  once  and  took 
vengeance  on  the  enterprise — violent  in  temper,  as 
he  always  was  ;  and  then,  being  greatly  angered  that 
Tetricus  still  held  the  provinces  of  Gaul,  he  departed 
to  the  West  and  there  took  over  the  legions  which 
were  surrendered  to  him  4 — for  Tetricus  betrayed  his 
own  troops  since  he  could  not  endure  their  evil  deeds. 
And  so  Aurelian,  now  ruler  over  the  entire  world, 
having  subdued  both  the  East  and  the  Gauls,  and 

'257 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN 

terrarum  victor  l  Romam  iter  flexit,  ut  de  Zenobia  et 
Tetrico,  hoc  est  de  oriente  et  de  occidente,  triumphum 
Romanis  oculis  exhiberet. 

XXXIII.  Non  absque  re  est  cognoscere  qui  fuerit 

2  Aureliani  triumphus.    fuit  enim  speciosissimus.    currus 
regii  tres  fuerunt,  in  his  unus    Odaenathi,  argento, 
auro,  gemmis  operosus  atque  distiiictus,  alter,  quern 
rex  Persarum  Aureliano  douo  dedit,  ipse  quoque  pari 
opere   fabricatus,    tertius,    quern    sibi    Zenobia   com- 
posuerat,  sperans  se  urbem  Romanam  cum  eo  visuram. 
quod  illam  non  fefellit  ;  nam  cum  eo  urbem  ingressa 

3  est    victa  et  triumphata.      fuit  alius  currus  quattuor 
cervis  iunctus,  qui  fuisse  dicitur  regis  Gothorum.     quo, 
ut  multi  memoriae  tradiderunt,  Capitolium  Aurelianus 
invectus  est,  ut  illic  caederet  cervos,  quos  cum  eodem 
curru  captos  vovisse  lovi  Optimo  Maximo  ferebatur. 

4  praecesserunt     elephanti    viginti,    ferae    mansuetae 
Libycae,  Palaestinae  diversae  ducentae,  quas  statim 
Aurelianus  privatis  donavit,  ne  fiscum  annoiiis  gra- 
varet ;  tigrides  quattuor,  camelopardali,  alces,  cetera 
talia  per  ordinem  ducta,  gladiatorum  paria  octingenta, 

1  So  Helm  in  Hohl's  ed.  ;  terrori  uicto  P,  after  which  P  has 
eripe  me  his,  invicte,  malis,  evidently  a  repetition  from  Tyr. 
Trig.,  xxiv.  3. 


1  He  had,  in  fact,  re-uuited  the  Roman  Empire,  divided  ever 
since  258,  when  Postumus  established  his  independent  power 
in  Gaul.  His  successes  were  commemorated  by  the  official  as- 
sumption of  the  title  Restitutor  Orbis,  which  appears  in  in- 
scriptions and  on  coins ;  the  latter  bear  also  the  titles  Pacator 
Orbis,  Restitutor  Saeculi,  Restitutor  Gentis,  Restitutor  Orien- 
tis,  Pacator  Orientis,  Pax  Aeterna,  Pax  Augusti. 

aln  273. 

3  According  to  an  account  preserved  in  Zosimus,  i.  59, 
Zenobia  died  on  the  way  to  Europe  either  by  disease  or  by  her 

258 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN  XXXIII.   1-4 

victor  in  all  lands,  turned  his  march  toward  Rome, 
that  he  might  present  to  the  gaze  of  the  Romans 
a  triumph  over  both  Zenobia  and  Tetricus,  that  is, 
over  both  the  East  and  the  West.1 

XXXIII.  It  is  not  without  advantage  to  know  what 
manner  of  triumph  Aurelian  had,2  for  it  was  a  most 
brilliant  spectacle.  There  were  three  royal  chariots, 
of  which  the  first,  carefully  wrought  and  adorned  with 
silver  and  gold  and  jewels,  had  belonged  to  Odaena- 
thus,  the  second,  also  wrought  with  similar  care,  had 
been  given  to  Aurelian  by  the  king  of  the  Persians, 
and  the  third  Zenobia  had  made  for  herself,  hoping 
in  it  to  visit  the  city  of  Rome.  And  this  hope  was 
not  unfulfilled ;  for  she  did,  indeed,  enter  the  city  in 
it,  but  vanquished  and  led  in  triumph.3  There  was 
also  another  chariot,  drawn  by  four  stags  and  said  to 
have  once  belonged  to  the  king  of  the  Goths.4  In 
this — so  many  have  handed  down  to  memory — 
Aurelian  rode  up  to  the  Capitol,  purposing  there  to 
slay  the  stags,  which  he  had  captured  along  with  this 
chariot  and  then  vowed,  it  was  said,  to  Jupiter  Best 
and  Greatest.  There  advanced,  moreover,  twenty 
elephants,  and  two  hundred  tamed  beasts  of  divers 
kinds  from  Libya  and  Palestine,  which  Aurelian  at 
once  presented  to  private  citizens,  that  the  privy- 
purse  might  not  be  burdened  with  the  cost  of  their 
food  ;  furthermore,  there  were  led  along  in  order  four 
tigers  and  also  giraffes  and  elks  and  other  such 
animals,  also  eight  hundred  pairs  of  gladiators  besides 

own  hand.  All  other  writers,  however,  agree  with  the  version 
given  in  the  text,  and  it  may  be  supposed  that  the  account  in 
Zosirnus  was  invented  for  the  purpose  of  likening  her  to 
Cleopatra. 

4  See  c.  xxii.  2. 

259 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN 

praeter  captives  gentium  barbararum.  Blemmyes, 
Axomitae,  Arabes  Eudaemones,  Indi,  Bactriani, 
Hiberi,  Saraceni,  Persae  cum  suis  quique  muneribus  ; 
Gothi,  Alani,  Roxolani,  Sarmatae,  Franci,  Suebi, 
5  Vandali,  German!,  religatis  manibus  captivi.  prae- 
cesserunt 1  inter  hos  etiam  Palmyreni  qui  superfuerant 
XXXIV.  principes  civitatis  et  Aegyptii  ob  rebellionem.  ductae 
sunt  et  decem  mulieres,  quas  virili  habitu  pugnantes 
inter  Gothos  ceperat,  cum  multae  essent  interemptae, 
quas  de  Amazon um  genere  tttulus  indicabat — praelati 

2  sunt  tituli  gentium  nomina  continentes.      inter  haec 
fuit  Tetricus  chlamyde  coccea,  tunica  galbina,  bracis 
Gallicis  ornatus,  adiuncto  sibi  filio,  quern  imperatorem 

3  in    Gallia    nuncupaverat.      incedebat   etiam   Zenobia, 
ornata  gemmis,  catenis  aureis,  quas  alii  sustentabant. 
praeferebantur    coronae    omnium    civitatum    aureae 

4titulis     eminentibus     proditae.       iam     populus     ipse 

Romanus,    iam    vexilla    collegiorum  atque    castrorum 

et    cataphractarii     milites    et    opes    regiae    et    omnis 

exercitus   et   senatus    (etsi  aliquantulo   tristior,   quod 

senatores  triumphari  viclebant)  multum    pompae    ad- 

Sdiderant.       denique    vix    nona     hora    in     Capitolium 

gpervenit,  sero  autem  ad  Palatium.    sequentibus  die  bus 

1  paterae  cesserunt  P. 


1  From  the  kingdom  of  Axomis  (mod.  Axum)  in  the  district 
of  Tigrd  in  northern  Abyssinia ;  see  Mommsen,  Hist.  Rom.  Prov. 
(Eng.  Trans.),  ii.  p.  305  f.  The  king  seems  to  have  extended 
his  sway  over  the  Blemmyes  (see  also  Prob.,  xvii.  2  ;  xix.  1  ; 
Firm.,  iii.  3),  a  robber  nomad-people  in  lower  Nubia,  and  also 
over  the  Arabs  of  the  Yemen  (the  Homeritai,  see  Mommsen, 
ibid.,  p.  321).  It  would  appear  that  Auteiian  had  entered  into 
friendly  relations  with  this  luler  during  his  expedition  to  Egypt. 

a  From  Trans-Caucasia. 

;1  See  note  to  Pius,  v.  5. 

260 


DEIFIED  AURELIAN  XXXIII.  5— XXXIV.  6 

the  captives  from  the  barbarian  tribes.  There  were 
Blemmyes,  Axomitae,1  Arabs  from  Arabia  Felix, 
Indians,  Bactrians,  Hiberians,2  Saracens  and  Per- 
sians, all  bearing  their  gifts ;  there  were  Goths, 
Alans,3  Roxolani,  Sarmatians,  Franks,  Suebians,4 
Vandals  and  Germans — all  captive,  with  their  hands 
bound  fast.  There  also  advanced  among  them  certain 
men  of  Palmyra,  who  had  survived  its  fall,  the  fore- 
most of  the  State,  and  Egyptians,  too,  because  of 
their  rebellion.  XXXIV.  There  were  led  along  also 
ten  women,  who,  fighting  in  male  attire,  had  been 
captured  among  the  Goths  after  many  others  had 
fallen  ;  these  a  placard  declared  to  be  of  the  race  of 
the  Amazons — for  placards  were  borne  before  all,  dis- 
playing the  names  of  their  nations.  In  the  proces- 
sion was  Tetricus  also,  arrayed  in  scarlet  cloak, 
a  yellow  tunic,  and  Gallic  trousers,5  and  with  him 
his  son,  whom  he  had  proclaimed  in  Gaul  as  emperor.6 
And  there  came  Zenobia,  too,  decked  with  jewels 
and  in  golden  chains,  the  weight  of  which  was  borne 
by  others.  There  were  carried  aloft  golden  crowns 
presented  by  all  the  cities,  made  known  by  placards 
carried  aloft.  Then  came  the  Roman  people  itself, 
the  flags  of  the  guilds  and  the  camps,  the  mailed 
cuirassiers,7  the  wealth  of  the  kings,  the  entire  army, 
and,  lastly,  the  senate  (albeit  somewhat  sadly,  since 
they  saw  senators,  too,  being  led  in  triumph) — all 
adding  much  to  the  splendour  of  the  procession. 
Scarce  did  they  reach  the  Capitol  by  the  ninth  hour 
of  the  day,  and  when  they  arrived  at  the  Palace  it 

4i.e.,  Juthungi  and  Alamanni ;  see  notes  to  c.  xviii.  2-8. 
6  See  note  to  Alex.,  xl.  11. 

6  See  note  to  Ti/r.  Trig.,  xxv.  1. 

7  See  note  to  Alex.,  Ivi.  5. 

261 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN 

datae  sunt  populo  voluptates  ludorum  scaenicorum, 
ludorum  circensium,  venationum,  gladiatorum,  nau- 
machiae. 

XXXV.  Non  praetereundum  videtur  quod  et 
populus  memoria  tenet  et  fides  historica  frequen- 
tavit,  Aurelianum  eo  tempore  quo  proficiscebatur  ad 
orientem  bilibres  coronas  populo  promisisse,  si  victor 
rediret,  et,  cum  aureas  populus  speraret  neque  Aureli- 
anus  aut  posset  aut  vellet,  coronas  eum  fecisse  de 
panibus,  qui  nunc  siliginei  vocantur,  et  singulis  qui- 
busque  donasse,  ita  ut  siligineum  suum  cottidie  toto 
aevo  suo  unusquisque 1  et  acciperet  et  posteris  suis 

2  dimitteret.     nam  idem  Aurelianus  et  porcinam  carnem 
populo  Romano  distribuit,  quae  hodieque  dividitur. 

3  Leges  plurimas  sanxit,  et  quidem  salutares.     sacer- 

1  So  Peter ;  et  unusquisque  P,  Hohl. 


1  His  daily  distribution  of  bread  (mentioned  also  in  c.  xlviii. 
1  and  Zosimus,  i.  61,  3)  took  the  place  of  the  monthly  distribu- 
tion. It  was  commemorated  by  issues  of  coins  with  the  legends 
AnnonaAug.  and  Llberalitas  Aug. ;  see  Matt.-Syd.,  v.  p.  268, 
no.  21,  and  p.  290,  no.  229.  The  cost  was  covered  by  additional 
appropriations  from  the  revenues  from  Egypt,  and  the  boatmen 
on  thi  Nile  and  the  Tiber  were  organised  into  compulsory 
guilds  in  order  that  the  service  might  be  improved  ;  see  c.  xlv. 
1  and  xlvii.  1-3.  This  distribution,  like  that  of  pork,  which 
was  now  added  to  the  previous  allowances  of  salt  and  oil 
(c.  xlviii.  1),  seems  to  have  been  due  to  the  necessity  of  reliev- 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN  XXXV.  1-3 

was  late  indeed.  On  the  following  days  amusements 
were  given  to  the  populace,  plays  in  the  theatres, 
races  in  the  Circus,  wild-beast  hunts,  gladiatorial 
fights  and  also  a  naval  battle. 

XXXV.  I  think  that  I  should  not  omit  what  both 
the  people  remember  and  the  truth  of  history  has 
made  current,  namely,  that  Aurelian,  at  the  time  of 
his  setting  out  for  the  East,  promised,  if  he  came  back 
victorious,  to  give  to  the  populace  crowns  weighing 
two  pounds  apiece  ;  the  populace,  however,  expected 
crowns  of  gold,  and  these  Aurelian  either  could  not 
or  would  not  give,  and  so  he  had  crowns  made  of  the 
bread  now  called  wh  eaten  and  gave  one  to  each 
separate  man,  providing  that  each  and  every  one 
might  receive  his  wheaten  bread  every  day  of  his  life 
and  hand  on  his  right  to  his  heirs.1  The  same 
Aurelian,  too,  gave  the  allowance  of  pork  to  the 
Roman  people  which  is  given  them  also  to-day. 

He  enacted  very  many  laws,  and  salutary  ones 
indeed.2  He  set  the  priesthoods  in  order,  he  con- 
ing the  needs  of  Eome,  impoverished  by  the  economic  decline  of 
Italy  and  threatened  with  starvation;  see  Rostovtzeff,  Social 
and  Econ.  Hist,  of  the  Roman  Emp.,  p.  611  f.  and  p.  618. 

2  The  vita  omits  any  mention  of  the  reform  of  the  coinage, 
which  is  recorded  in  Zosimus,  i.  61,  3,  and  attested  by  the  coins 
themselves.  As  the  result  of  lack  of  uniformity  in  coining  and 
ftae  absence  of  any  fixed  standard,  the  "  Antoninianus  "  had 
become  worthless.  This  coin  was  now  replaced  by  a  new  piece, 
which  not  only  was  better  made  and  contained  more  silver,  but 
also  bore  a  fixed  relation  (20 :  1)  to  a  coin  of  definite  value, 
perhaps  the  aureus  or  the  denarius  of  real  silver  or  even  the 
reduced  denarius;  see  Matt.-Syd.,  v.  p.  9  f.  Also  a  smaller 
coin  (the  denarius)  and  bronze  coins  (the  sestertius  and 
dupondius)  were  issued  again  after  a  lapse  of  many  years. 

263 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN 

dotia  composuit,  Templum  Soils  fundavit  et  pontifices 3 
roboravit ;  decrevit  etiam  eraolumenta  sartis  tectis  et 
minis  tr  is. 

4  His  gestis  ad  Gallias  profectus  Vindelicos  obsidione 
barbarica  liberavit,  deinde  ad  Illyricum  rediit  para- 
toque    magno    potius    quam    ingenti  exercitu  Persis, 
quos    eo   quoque    tempore    quo    Zenobiam    superavit 

5  gloriosissime  iam  vicerat,  bellum   indixit.     sed   cum 
iter  faceret,  apud   Caenophrurium,  mansionem  quae 
est  inter  Heracleam  et  Byzantium,  malitia  notarii  sui 
et  manu  Mucaporis  interemptus  est. 

XXXVI.    Et  causa  occidendi  eius  quae    fuerit    et 

quemadmodum  sit  occisus,  ne  res  tanta  lateat,  brevi 

2edisseram.      Aurelianus,  quod  negari  non  potest,  se- 

3  verus,  truculentus,  sanguinarius  fuit   princeps.      hie, 

cum  usque  eo  severitatem   tetendisset,  ut   et   filiam 

sororis  occideret  non  in  magna  neque  in  satis  idonea 

1  pontifices  P,  £,  def.  by  Purser;  porticibus  Scaliger,  foil, 
by  Peter  and  Hohl. 


J  This  temple,  in  campo  Agrip2Jae  according  to  the  Notitiae, 
has  been  identified  with  a  temple  that  stood  on  the  western 
edge  of  the  Quiriual  Hill,  just  above  the  gardens  of  the  Palazzo 
Colonna,  where  some  magnificent  remains  are  preserved  ;  but 
it  is  perhaps  more  probable  that  it  was  the  temple  that  stood 
farther  north,  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  Corso,  where  the  Via 
Frattiua  now  enters  it.  It  contained,  according  to  Zosimus, 
i»  Cl,  statues  of  Helios  and  Belos.  The  latter  was  the  patron- 
god  of  Palmyra,  and  beseems  to  have  been  the  particular  deity 
in  whose  honour  Aureliau  erected  the  temple,  but  transformed 
into  a  Roman  god  with  the  usual  national  priests  and  festival 
and  evidently  intended  to  be  the  centre  of  worship  for  the 
whole  Empire,  since  on  coins  of  Aurelian  he  is  called  Sol 
Dominus  Imperil  Romani  ;  see  Wissowa,  Relig.  u.  Knltus 
der  Burner,  p.  307,  and  Matt.-Syd.,  v.  p.  301,  uos.  319-22. 

264 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN  XXXV.  4— XXXVI.  3 

structed  the  Temple  of  the  Sun,1  and  he  founded  its 
college  of  pontiffs  2  ;  and  he  also  allotted  funds  for 
making  repairs  and  paying  attendants. 

After  doing  these  things,  he  set  out  for  the  regions 
of  Gaul  and  delivered  the  Vindelici  from  a  barbarian 
inroad 3 ;  then  he  returned  to  Illyricum  and  having 
made  ready  an  army,  which  was  large,  though  not  of 
inordinate  size,  he  declared  war  on  the  Persians,  whom 
he  had  already  defeated  with  the  greatest  glory  at 
the  time  that  he  conquered  Zenobia.4  While  on  his 
way  thither,  however,  he  was  murdered  at  Caeno- 
phrurium,5  a  station  between  Heraclea  and  Byzantium, 
through  the  hatred  of  his  clerk  but  by  the  hand  of 
Mucapor.6 

XXXVI.  Both  the  reason  for  his  murder  and  the 
manner  in  which  he  was  slain  I  will  set  forth  briefly, 
that  a  matter  of  such  moment  may  not  remain  con- 
cealed. Aurelian — it  cannot  be  denied — was  a  stern, 
a  savage,  and  a  blood-thirsty  prince.  And  so,  when 
he  pushed  his  sternness  to  the  length  of  slaying  his 
sister's  daughter  7  without  any  good  or  sufficient 
reason,  he  incurred,  first  of  all,  the  hate  of  his  own 

2  The  Pontlfices  Soils,  modelled  on  the  ancient  college  of  the 
Pontifices  and  equal  to  it  in  rank  ;  see  Wissowa,  p.  307. 

3  Early  in   275.      These   invaders   are  also   mentioned   in 
c.  xli.  8,  but  it  is  not  known  who  they  were.     The  statement 
in  Tac.,  iii.  4  (cf.  Prob.,  xiii.  5),  that  the  barbarians,  after 
Aurelian's  death,   broke  through  the  Limes    Transrhenamis 
suggests  that  he  entered  Germany  and  restored  this  boundary. 

4  See  note  to  c.  xxx.  4. 

5  Near  the  modern  station  of   Sinekli,  about  50  m.  W.  of 
Constantinople. 

6  Addressed  in  the  fictitious  letter  in  c.  xxvi.  2-5.     In  Aur. 
Victor,  Goes.,  36,  2,  he  is  called  dux  and  is  said  to  have  been 
tortured  to  death  by  Tacitus. 

7  Sde  o.  xxxix.  9. 

265 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN 

4  causa,  iam  primum  in  odium  suorura  venit.     incidit 
autem,  ut  se  res  fataliter  agunt,  ut  Mnestheum  quen- 
dam,  quern  pro  notario  secretorum  habuerat,  libertum, 
ut   quidam   dicunt,  suum,  infensiorem   sibi   minando 
redderet,  quod  nescio  quid  de  eo l  suspicatus  esset. 

5  Mnestheus,    qui    sciret    Aurelianum    neque    frustra 
minari  solere  neque,  si  minaretur,  ignoscere,  brevem 
nominum  conscripsit  mixtis  iis  quibus  Aurelianus  vere 
irascebatur  cum  iis  de  quibus  nihil  asperum  cogitabat, 
addito  etiam  suo  nomine,  quo  magis   fidem    faceret 
ingestae  sollicitudinis,  ac  brevem  legit  singulis  quorum 
nomina   continebat,  addens   disposuisse   Aurelianum 
eos  omnes  occidere,  illos  vero  debere  suae  vitae,  si 

6viri  sint,  subvenire.  hi2  cum  exarsissent,  timore  qui 
merebantur  offensam,  dolore  innocentes,  quod  3  bene- 
ficiis  atque  officiis  Aurelianus  videbatur  ingratus,  in 
supra  dicto  loco  iter  facientem  principem  subito  adorti 
interemerunt. 

XXXVII.  Hie  finis  Aureliano  fuit,  principi  neces- 
sario  magis  quam  bono.  quo  interfecto  cum  esset  res 
prodita,  et  sepulchrum  ingens  et  templum  illi  detu- 

2lerunt  ii  a  quibus  interemptus  est.  sane  Mnestheus 
postea  subreptus  ad  stipitern  bestiis  obiectus  est,  quod 
statuae  marmoreae  positae  in  eodem  loco  utrimque 

1 60  Peter,  Hohl ;  quo  P,  27,  def .  by  Purser.  a  hi  27,  Hohl ; 
hie  P,  Peter.  3  quod  ins.  by  Salm.  and  Hohl ;  om.  in  P  and 
by  Peter. 


1  In  Zosimus,  i.  62, 1,  and  Zonaras,  xii.  27,  he  is  called  Eros. 
The  name  Mnestheus,  found  only  here,  has  been  supposed  to 
be  an  error  for  ^wr^s,  which  occurs  in  the  expression  ruiv 
e|a>Cei/  (pfpo/uLevow  airoKpi<rf(ai>  fjurivvr^s,  by  which  both  Zosimus 
and  Zonaras  (and  consequently  their  source)  describe  his  office. 


DEIFIED  AURELIAN  XXXVI.  4— XXXVII.  2 

kinsmen.  It  came  to  pass,  moreover,  as  things  do 
happen  by  decree  of  fate,  that  he  roused  the  anger 
of  a  certain  Mnestheus  l — his  freedman,  some  say — 
whom  he  had  employed  as  his  confidential  clerk, 
because  he  had  threatened  him,  suspecting  him  on 
some  ground  or  other.  Now  Mnestheus,  knowing 
that  Aurelian  neither  threatened  in  vain  nor  pardoned 
when  he  had  threatened,  drew  up  a  list  of  names,  in 
which  he  mixed  together  both  those  at  whom  Aurelian 
was  truly  angry  and  those  toward  whom  he  bore  no 
ill-will,  including  his  own  name  also,  in  order  there- 
by to  lend  greater  credence  to  the  fear  that  he  sought 
to  inspire.  This  list  he  read  to  the  various  persons 
whose  names  were  contained  therein,  adding  that 
Aurelian  had  made  arrangements  to  have  them  all 
put  to  death,  and  that,  if  they  really  were  men,  they 
should  save  their  lives.  Thereupon  all  were  aroused, 
those  who  had  deserved  his  anger  being  moved  by 
fear,  and  those  who  were  innocent  by  sorrow,  since 
Aurelian  seemed  ungrateful  for  their  services  and 
their  fidelity,  and  so  they  suddenly  attacked  the 
Emperor  while  on  the  march  in  the  aforesaid  place, 
and  put  him  to  death. 

XXXVII.  Such  was  the  end  of  Aurelian,  a  prince 
who  was  necessary  rather  than  good.  After  he  was 
slain  and  the  facts  became  known,  those  very  men 
who  had  killed  him  gave  him  a  mighty  tomb  and 
a  temple.  Mnestheus,  however,  was  afterward  haled 
away  to  a  stake  and  exposed  to  wild  beasts,  as  is 
shown  by  the  marble  statues  set  up  on  either  hand 
in  that  same  place,  where  also  statues  were  erected 

According  to  Aur.  Victor,  Goes.,  35,  7-8,  the  conspiracy  was  due 
to  Aurelian's  sternness  in  repressing  the  extortion  practised 
by  the  officials  in  the  provinces. 

267 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN 

significant,  ubi  et  in  columnis  divo  Aureliano  statuae 

3  'constitutae  sunfc.  senatus  mortem  eius  graviter  tulit, 
gravius  tamen  populus  Romanus,  qui  vulgo  dicebat 

4Aurelianum  paedagogum  esse  senatorum.  imperavit 
annis  sex  minus  paucis  diebus,  ac  rebus  magnis  gestis 
inter  divos  relatus  est. 

5  Quia  pertinet  ad  Aurelianum,  id  quod  in  historia 
relatum  est  tacere  non  debui.  nam  multi  ferunt 
Quintillum,  fratrem  Claudii,  cum  in  praesidio  Italico 
esset,  audita  morte  Claudii  sumpsisse  imperium. 

gverum  postea,  ubi  Aurelianum  comperit  imperare,  a 
toto  exercitu  eum  derelictum  l  ;  cumque  contra  eum 
contionaretur  nee  a  militibus  audiretur,  incisis  sibimet 
venis  die  vicesimo  imperil  sui  perisse. 

7  Quidquid  sane  scelerum  fuit,  quidquid  malae  con- 
scientiae  vel  artium  funestarum,  quidquid  denique 

.  factionum,  Aurelianus  toto  penitus  orbe  purgavit.  hoc 
quoque  ad  rem  pertinere  arbitror,  Vaballathi  filii 
nomine  Zenobiam,  non  Timolai  et  Herenniani,  im- 
perium tenuisse  quod  tenuit. 

2      Fuit    sub   Aureliano    etiam   monetariorum   bellum 

1eum  derelictum  Peter;  ea  delectum  P. 


1  5  yrs.  6  mos.,  according  to  Epit.,  35,  1 ;  5  yrs.  4  mos. 
20  days,  according  to  the  "  Chronographer  of  354."  He  was 
killed  probably  in  October  or  November,  275  ;  see  Stein  in 
Arch.  /.  Pap.-Forsch.,  vii.  p.  46. 

268 


DEIFIED  AURELIAN  XXXVII.  3— XXXVIII.  2 

on  columns  in  honour  of  the  Deified  Aurelian.  The 
senate  mourned  his  death  greatly,  but  the  Roman 
people  still  more,  for  they  commonly  used  to  say 
that  Aurelian  was  the  senators'  task-master.  He 
ruled  six  years  save  for  a  few  days/  and  because  of 
his  great  exploits  he  was  given  a  place  among  the 
deified  princes.2 

An  incident  related  in  history  I  must  not  fail  to 
include,  inasmuch  as  it  has  to  do  with  Aurelian.  For 
it  is  told  by  many  that  Quint illus,  Claudius'  brother, 
in  command  of  a  garrison  in  Italy,  on  hearing  of 
Claudius'  death  seized  the  imperial  power.3  But 
later,  when  it  was  known  that  Aurelian  was  emperor, 
he  was  abandoned  by  all  his  army  ;  and  when  he  had 
made  a  speech  attacking  Aurelian  and  the  soldiers 
refused  to  listen,  he  severed  his  veins  and  died  on 
the  twentieth  day  of  his  rule. 

Now  whatever  crimes  there  were,  whatever  guilty 
plans  or  harmful  practices,  and,  lastly,  whatever  plots 
— all  these  Aurelian  purged  away  throughout  the 
entire  world.  XXXVIII.  This  also,  I  think,  has  to 
do  with  my  theme,  namely,  that  it  was  in  the  name 
of  her  son  Vaballathus  and  not  in  that  of  Timolaus  or 
Herennianus  that  Zenobia  held  the  imperial  power,4 
which  she  did  really  hold. 

There  was  also  during  the  rule  of  Aurelian  a  revolt 
among   the  mint-workers,   under  the    leadership   of 

2  The  portion  of  the  vita  that  follows  (co.  xxxvii.  5 — xli.  15) 
seems  to  be  a  sort  of  appendix,  containing  many  instances  of 
repetition  of  what  has  been  already  told.     Much  of  it  shows 
a  close  resemblance  to  the  material  in  Eutropius  and  Aurelius 
Victor  and  seems  to  have  been  taken  from  a  common  source. 

3  See  c.  xvii.  5  and  Gland.,  xii.  3-5  and  notes. 

4  See  c.  xxii.  2  and  Tyr.  Trig.,  xxx.  1  and  notes. 

269 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN 

Felicissimo  rational!  auctore.  quod  acerrime  severis- 
simeque  compescuit,  septem  tamen  milibus  1  suorum 
militum  interemptis,  ut  epistula  docet  missa  ad  Ulpium 
Crinitum  ter  consulem,  qui  eum  ante  adoptaverat : 

3  "  Aurelianus    Augustus    Ulpio  patri.     quasi  fatale 
quiddam  mihi  sit,  utomnia  bella  quaecumque  gessero, 
omnes    motus    ingravescant,    ita  etiam  seditio  intra- 
murana  bellum  mihi  gravissimum  peperit.     monetarii 
auctore    Felicissimo,    ultimo   servorum,    cui  procura- 
tionem fisci  mandaveram,  rebelles  spiritus  extulerunt. 

4  hi    compressi  sunt  septem  milibus l  lembariorum  et 
ripariensium   et    castrianorum  et   Daciscorum    inter- 
emptis.   unde  apparet  nullam  mihi  a  dis  inmortalibus 
datam  sine  difficultate  victoriam." 

XXXIX.       Tetricum     triumphatum     correctorem 
2  Lucaniae  fecit,   filio  eius  in  senatu  manente.     Tern- 
plum    Solis    magnificentissimum    constituit.       muros 
urbis   Romae    sic   ampliavit,    ut    quinquaginta  prope 

1  militibus  P. 


1This  revolt  is  described  also  in  Aur.  Victor,  Goes.,  35,  6; 
Epit.,  35,  2,  and  Eutropius,  ix.  14.  According  to  these  authors, 
the  mint-workers,  who,  with  the  connivance  of  Felicissimus, 
had  adulterated  the  metal  appropriated  for  the  coinage,  fearing 
punishment,  broke  out  into  open  war.  It  would  appear  that 
they  had  been  keeping  a  part  of  the  silver  that  was  to  have 
been  used  for  the  billon  (i.e.,  adulterated)  coins.  Though  the 
number  of  soldiers  said  to  have  fallen  is,  of  course,  greatly 
exaggerated,  a  battle  seems  to  have  been  fought  on  the  Caelian 
Hill,  near  the  mint,  which  was  on  the  Via  Labicana.  The 
date  is  uncertain  ;  it  may  have  been  on  the  occasion  of  the 
German  invasion  of  270-271  (see  c.  xxi.  5)  or  in  27-4,  just  prior 
to  the  reform  of  the  currency  (see  note  to  c.  xxxv.  3). 

2  See  c.  x.  2  and  note. 

270 


DEIFIED  AURELIAN  XXXVIII.  8— XXXIX.  2 

Felicissimus,  the  supervisor  of  the  privy-purse.1  This 
revolt  he  crushed  with  the  utmost  vigour  and  harsh- 
ness, but  still  seven  thousand  of  his  soldiers  were 
slain,  as  is  shown  by  a  letter  addressed  to  Ulpius 
Crinitus,2  thrice  consul,  by  whom  he  had  formerly 
been  adopted  : 

"  From  Aurelian  Augustus  to  Ulpius  his  father. 
Just  as  though  it  were  ordained  for  me  by  Fate  that 
all  the  wars  that  I  wage  and  all  commotions  only 
become  more  difficult,  so  also  a  revolt  within  the  city 
has  stirred  up  for  me  a  most  grievous  struggle.  For 
under  the  leadership  of  Felicissimus,  the  lowest  of 
all  my  slaves,  to  whom  I  had  committed  the  care  of 
the  privy-purse,  the  mint-workers  have  shown  the 
spirit  of  rebellion.  They  have  indeed  been  crushed, 
but  with  the  loss  of  seven  thousand  men,  boatmen,8 
bank-troops,  camp-troops  4  and  Dacians.  Hence  it  is 
clear  that  the  immortal  gods  have  granted  me  no 
victory  without  some  hardship." 

XXXIX.  Tetricus,  whom  he  had  led  in  triumph,  he 
created  supervisor  of  Lucania,5  and  his  son  he  retained 
in  the  senate.  The  Temple  of  the  Sun  6  he  founded 
with  great  magnificence.  He  so  extended  the  wall 
of  the  city  of  Rome  7  that  its  circuit  was  nearly  fifty 

3  i.e.,  from  the  fleets  on  the  Danube. 

4  Terms  applied  in  the  fourth  century  to  troops  stationed  in 
permanent  garrisons  along  the  bank  of  the  Danube  or  in  the 
castra  on  the  frontier. 

5  See  Tyr.  Trig.,  xxiv.  5  and  note. 

6  See  c.  xxxv.  3  and  note. 

7  Begun  in  271  after  the  war  against  the  Marcomanni  (see 
c.  xxi.  9)  and  finished  by  Probus  (Zosimus,  i.  49).     Most  of  it, 
though  frequently  restored  and  increased  in  height,  still  remains, 
encircling  the  ancient  city.     Its  actual  length  is  about  twelve 
miles;  but  perhaps  the  "50  milia"  means  50,000 feet. 

271 


THE  DEIFIED  AUREIJAN 

Smilia  murorum  eius  ambitus  teneant.  idem  quadru- 
platores  ac  delatores  ingenti  severitate  persecutus  est. 
tabulas  publicas  ad  privatorum  securitatem1  exuri  in 

4Foro  Traiani  semel  iussit.  amnestia  etiam  sub  eo 
delictorum  publicorum  decreta  est  de  exemplo  Athe- 
niensium,  cuius  rei  etiam  Tullius  in  Plrlippicis 

Bmeminit.  fures  provinciales  repetundarum  ac  pecu- 
latus  reos  ultra  militarem  modum  est  persecutus,  ut 

6eos  ingentibus  suppliers  cruciatibusque  puniret.  in 
Templo  Solis  multum  auri  gemmarumque  constituit. 

7  cum    vastatum    Illyricum    ac    Moesiam    deperditam 
videret,  provinciam  Traiisdanuvinam  Daciam  a  Traiano 
constitutam  sublato  exercitu  et  provincialibus  reliquit, 
desperans    earn    posse    retineri,    abductosque   ex    ea 
populos    in    Moesia    conlocavit   appellavitque    earn2 
Daciam,  quae  nunc  duas  Moesias  dividit. 

8  Dicitur    praeterea    huius    fuisse    crudelitatis,     ut 
plerisque    senatoribus  simulatam  ingereret  factionem 
coniurationis    ac  tyrannidis,  quo 3  facilius  eos  posset 

9  occidere.     addunt  nonnulli  filium  sororis,  non  filiam, 
ab   eodem  interfectum,  plerique   autem  etiam  filium 
sororis. 

1  seueritatem  P.  2eam  sugg.  by  Peter,  Purser  (of. 

Eutrop.,  ix.  15) ;  suom  P.  3quo  OEQ.  in  P. 

1  In  imitation  of  Hadrian  ;  see  Hadr.,  vii.  G  and  note. 

2  Cicero,  Philippics,  i.  1 ;  Cicero  is  speaking  of  the  decree  of 
the  senate  on  17  March,  44  B.C.,  granting  amnesty  to  all  those 
implicated  in  the  murder  of  Caesar. 

3  See  note  to  c.  xxxvi.  4. 

4  The  various  Gothic  invasions  had  shown  that  the  districts 
north  of  the  Danube  could  no  longer  be  held  without  constant 
fighting,  and  this  led  to  their  evacuation,   probably  in   271. 
The  new  province   was  formed   out   of  portions   of  the  two 
Moesias,  Thrace  aud  Dardania,  with  its  capital  at  Serdica  (mod. 

272 


THE  DEIFIED  AURET  IAN  XXXIX.  S-p 

miles  long.  He  punished  with  inordinate  harshness 
both  informers  and  false  accusers.  In  order  to  in- 
crease the  sense  of  security  of  the  citizens  in  general, 
he  gave  orders  that  the  records  of  debts  due  the  State 
should  be  burned  once  and  for  all  in  the  Forum  of 
Trajan.1  Under  him  also  an  " amnesty"  for  offences 
against  the  State  was  decreed  according  to  the  example 
of  the  Athenians,  which  Cicero  also  cites  in  his 
Philippics?'  Thieving  officials  in  the  provinces,  accused 
of  extortion  or  embezzlement,  he  punished  with  more 
than  the  usual  military  severity,3  inflicting  on  them  un- 
wonted penalties  and  sufferings.  He  dedicated  great 
quantities  of  gold  and  jewels  in  the  Temple  of  the 
Sun.  On  seeing  that  Illyricum  was  devastated  and 
Moesia  was  in  a  ruinous  state,  he  abandoned  the 
province  of  Trans- Danubian  Dacia,  which  had  been 
formed  by  Trajan,  and  led  away  both  soldiers  and 
provincials,  giving  up  hope  that  it  could  be  retained.4 
The  people  whom  he  moved  out  from  it  he  established 
in  Moesia,  and  gave  to  this  district,  which  now  divides 
the  two  provinces  of  Moesia,  the  name  of  Dacia. 

It  is  said,  furthermore,  that  so  great  was  his  cruelty 
that  he  brought  against  many  senators  a  false  accusa- 
tion of  conspiracy  and  intention  to  seize  the  throne, 
merely  in  order  that  it  might  be  easier  to  put  them 
to  death.5  Some  say,  besides,  that  it  was  the  son  of 
his  sister,  and  not  her  daughter  that  he  killed,8  many, 
however,  that  he  slew  the  son  as  well. 


Sofia).  In  order  to  avoid  any  loss  of  prestige,  Aurelian  assumed 
the  title  Dacicus  Maximus  and  issued  coins  with  the  legend 
Dacia  Felix  ;  see  Matt.-Syd.,  v.  p.  277,  no.  108. 

5  See  note  to  c.  xxi.  5. 

6  The  daughter,  according  to  o.  xxxvi.  3  ;   the  son,  according 
to  Eutropius,  ix.  14  ;  EpiL,  35,  9. 

273 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN 

XL.  Quam  difficile  sit  imperatorem  in  locum  boni 
principis  legere,  et  senatus  sanctioris  gravitas  probat 

2et  exercitus  prudentis  auctoritas ;  occiso  namque 
severissimo  principe  de  imperatore  deligendo  exercitus 
rettulit  ad  senatum,  idcirco  quod  nullum  de  iis  facien- 
dum putabat,  qui  tarn  bonum  priiicipem  occiderant. 

8  verum  senatus  hanc  eandem  electionem  in  exercitum 
refudit,  sciens  non  libenter  iam  milites  accipere  im- 

4  peratores  eos  quos  senatus  elegerit.  denique  id  tertio 
faetum  est,  ita  ut  per  sex  menses  imperatorem  Romanus 
orbis  non  habuerit,  omnesque  iudices  ii  permanerent, 
quos  aut  senatus  aut  Aurelianus  elegerat,  nisi  quod 
pro  consule  Asiae  Faltonius  Probus  in  locum  Arellii 
Fusci  delectus  est.1 

XLI.  Non  iniucundum  est  ipsas  inserere  litteras 
quas  a  senatum  exercitus  misit : 

"  Felices  ac  fortes  exercitus  senatui  populoque 
Romano.  Aurelianus  imperator  noster  per  traudem 
unius  hominis  et  per  errorem  bonorum  ac  malorum 

2  interemptus  est.     hunc  inter  deos  referte,  sancti  domini 
patres    conscripti,  et   de  vobis  aliquem,  sed   dignum 
vestro  iudicio,  principem  mittite.    nos  enim  de  iis  qui 
vel    errarunt    vel2    male    fecerunt,    imperare    nobis 
neminem  patimur." 

3  Rescriptum    ex   senatus   consulto.       cum   die    III 
nonarum  Februariarum  senatus  amplissimus  in  Curiam 

1  delectus,  est  Salm. ;  delegit  P.  2  qui  uel  P. 


1  On  this  incident,  see  Toe.,  ii.-vi. 

3  Perhaps  the  consularls  of  this  name  in  Tyr.  Trig.,  xxi.  3. 
Faltonius  Probus  is  unknown. 

3  On  such  "  senatus  consulta  "  see  note  to  VaL,  v.  3. 

4  This  date  is  certainly  incorrect,  for  Aurelian  was  probably 
killed  in  October  or  November ;   see  note  to  o.  xxxvii.  4.    The 

274 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN  XL.  1— XLI.  3 

XL.  How  difficult  it  is  to  choose  an  emperor  in  the 
place  of  a  good  ruler  is  shown  both  by  the  dignified 
action  of  a  revered  senate  and  by  the  power  exerted 
by  a  wise  army.  For  when  this  sternest  of  princes 
was  slain,  the  army  referred  to  the  senate  the  busi- 
ness of  choosing  an  emperor,1  for  the  reason  that  it 
believed  that  no  one  of  those  should  be  chosen  who 
had  slain  such  an  excellent  ruler.  The  senate,  how- 
ever, thrust  this  selection  back  on  the  army,  knowing 
well  that  the  emperors  whom  the  senate  selected 
were  no  longer  gladly  received  by  the  troops. 
Finally,  for  the  third  time,  the  choice  was  referred, 
and  so  for  the  space  of  six  months  the  Roman  world 
was  without  a  ruler,  and  all  those  governors  whom 
either  the  senate  or  Aurelian  had  chosen  remained 
at  their  posts,  save  only  that  Faltonius  Probus  was 
appointed  proconsul  of  Asia  in  the  place  of  Arellius 
Fuscus.2 

XLI.  It  is  not  without  interest  to  insert  the  letter 
itself  which  the  army  sent  to  the  senate  : 

"  From  the  brave  and  victorious  troops  to  the 
senate  and  the  people  of  Rome.  Aurelian  our  em- 
peror has  been  slain  through  the  guile  of  one  man  and 
the  blunder  of  good  and  evil  alike.  Do  you,  now, 
our  revered  lords  and  Conscript  Fathers,  place  Aure- 
lian among  the  gods  and  send  us  as  prince  one  of 
your  own  number,  whom  you  deem  a  worthy  man. 
For  none  of  those  who  have  erred  or  committed  crime 
will  we  suffer  to  be  our  emperor." 

To  this  a  reply  was  made  by  decree  of  the  senate.3 
When  on  the  third  day  before  the  Nones  of  February  * 

consul  Aurelius  Gordianus  is  perhaps  intended  to  be  the  same 
as  Velius  Comificius  Gordianus  in  Toe.,  iii.  2,  but  both  are 
equally  unknown. 

275 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN 

Pompilianam  conveuisset,  Aurelius  Gordianus  consul 
dixit:  "  Referimus  ad  vos,  patres  conscript!,  litteras 

4  exercitus  felicissimi. "  quibus  recitatis  Aurelius  Tacitus, 
primae  sententiae  senator,  ita  locutus  est  (hie  autem 
est  qui  post  Aurelianum  sententia  omnium  imperator 

5 est  appellatus) :  "  Recte  atque  ordine  consuluissent  di 
immortales,  patres  conscripti,  si  boiii  principes  ferro 
inviolabiles  exstitissent,  ut  longiorem  ducerent  vitam, 
neque  contra  eos  aliqua  esset  potestas  iis  qui  neces 

6  infandas    tristissima  mente  coricipiunt.     viveret  enim 
princeps  Aureiianus,  quo  neque  fortior  l  neque  utilior 

7  fuit    quisquam.      respirare    certe    post    infelicitatem 
Valerian!,  post  Gallieni  mala  imperante  Claud io  coep- 
erat    uostra    res    publica,    at   eadem    reddita    fuerat 

SAureliano  toto  penitus  orbe  vincente.  ille  nobis 
Gallias  dedit,  ille  Italiam  liberavit,  ille'2  Vindelicis 
iugum  barbaricae  servitutis  amovit.  illo  vincente  Illy- 
ricum  restitutum  est,  redditae  Romanis  legibus 
9  Thraciae.  ille,  pro  pudor  !  orientem  femineo  pressum 
iugo  in  iiostra  iura  restituit,  ille  Persas,  insultantes 

lOadhuc  Valerian!  nece,  fudit,  fugavit,  oppressit.  ilium 
Saraceni,  Blemmyes,  Axomitae,  Bactriani,  Seres, 
Hiberi,  Albani,  Armenii,  populi  etiam  Indorum  veluti 

11  praesentem  paene  venerati  sunt  deum.     illius  donis, 

1  neque  fortior  ins.  by  Salm. ;  om.  in  P.  2  inde  P. 


1  This  name  is  applied  to  the  Curia  Julia  only  here  and  in 
Tac.t  iii.  2.     It  may  be  due  to   an   attempt  to  attribute  the 
foundation  of  the  earliest   senate-house  to  Numa  Pompilius 
instead  of  Tullus  Hostilius,  but  it  is  more  probable  that  it  i3 
an  invention  of  the  author's. 

2  See  Tac.t  vii.  1.  3  See  notes  to  c.  xxxiii.  4. 

276 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN  XLI.   i-11 

the  most  high  senate  had  assembled  in  the  Senate- 
house  of  Pompilius,1  Aurelius  Gordianus,  the  consul, 
said :  "  We  now  lay  before  you,  Conscript  Fathers, 
the  letter  from  our  most  victorious  army."  When 
this  letter  was  read,  Tacitus,  whose  right  it  was  to 
give  his  opinion  first  (it  was  he,  moreover,  who  was 
acclaimed  as  emperor  after  Aurelian  by  the  voice  of 
all2),  spoke  as  follows  :  "  Well  and  wisely  would  the 
immortal  gods  have  planned,  Conscript  Fathers,  had 
they  but  rendered  good  emperors  invulnerable  to 
steel,  for  so  would  they  have  longer  lives  and  those 
have  no  power  against  them  who  with  most  grievous 
intent  contrive  abominable  murder.  And  if  it  were 
so,  our  emperor  Aurelian  would  still  be  alive,  than 
whom  none  was  ever  more  brave  or  more  beneficial. 
For  after  the  misfortune  of  Valerian  and  the  evil 
ways  of  Gallienus  our  commonwealth  did  indeed  under 
Claudius'  rule  begin  to  breathe  once  more,  but 
Aurelian  it  was  who  won  victories  throughout  the 
entire  world  and  restored  it  again  to  its  former  state. 
He  it  was  who  gave  us  back  the  provinces  of  Gaul, 
he  who  set  Italy  free,  he  who  removed  from  the 
Vindelici  the  yoke  of  barbarian  enslavement.  He  by 
his  victories  won  back  Illyricum  and  brought  again 
the  districts  of  Thrace  under  the  laws  of  Rome.  He 
restored  to  our  sway  the  Orient,  crushed  down  (oh, 
the  shame  of  it !)  beneath  the  yoke  of  a  woman,  he 
defeated  and  routed  and  destroyed  the  Persians,  still 
vaunting  themselves  in  the  death  of  Valerian.  He 
was  revered  as  a  god,  almost  as  though  present  in  per- 
son, by  the  Saracens,  the  Blemmyes,  the  Axomitae,3 
the  Bactrians,  the  Seres,  the  Hiberians,  the  Albanians, 
the  Armenians,  and  even  by  the  peoples  of  India. 
His  donations,  won  from  barbarian  tribes,  fill  the 

277 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN 

quae  a  barbaris  gentibus  meruit,  refertum  est  Capito- 

lium.    quindecim  milia  librarura  auri  ex  eius  liberalitate 

unum  tenet  tern  plum,  omnia  in  urbe  fana  eius  micant 
12donis.     quare,    patres    conscripti,  vel  deos  ipsos  iure 

convenio,  qui  talem  principem  interire  passi  sunt,  nisi 
13  forte   secum   eum   esse    maluerunt.      decerno    igitur 

divinos  honores  idque  vos  omnes  aestimo  esse  facturos. 

nam   de  imperatore   deligendo  ad  eundem  exercitum 
14censeoesse  referendum,     etenim  in  tali  genere  sen- 

tentiae  nisi  fiat  quod  dicitur,  et  electi  periculum  erit  et 
15  eligentis  invidia."     probata  sententia  est  Taciti.     atta- 

men  cum  iterum  atque  iterum  mitteretur,  ex  senatus 

consulto,  quod  in  Taciti  vita  dicemus,  Tacitus  fact  us 

est  imperator. 

XL11.  Aurelianus  filiam  sol  am  reliquit,  cuius  pos- 

2  teri  etiam  nunc  Romae  sunt.      Aurelianus  namque  pro 
consule  Ciliciae,  senator  optimus  sui  vere  iuris  vitaeque 
venerabilis,  qui  nunc   in  Sicilia  vitam  agit,  eius  est 
nepos. 

3  Quid  hoc  esse  dicam,  tarn  paucos  bonos  exstitisse 
principes,   cum  iam    tot    Caesares    fuerint  ?    nam    ab 
Augusto  in  Diocletianum  Maximianumque  principes 
quae  series  purpuratorum  sit,  index  publicus   tenet. 

4  sed  in  his  optimi  ipse  Augustus,  Flavius  Vespasianus, 
Flavius  Titus,  Cocceius  Nerva,  divus  Traianus,  divus 
Hadrianus,  Pius  et  Marcus  Antonin^  Severus  Afer, 


1  Otherwise  unknown ;  see  note  to  Tyr.  Trig.,  xiv.  3.  A 
proconsul  of  Cilicia  is  mentioned  also  in  Car.,  iv.  6,  but  no 
such  office  had  existed  since  the  time  of  the  Republic.  During 
the  first  three  centuries  of  the  Empire  this  province  was 
governed  by  an  imperial  legatus,  after  Diocletian  by  a  procon- 
sularis.  Hence  the  title  seems  to  be  an  invention  of  the 
author's  due  to  his  desire  to  introduce  antiquarian  details. 
Moreover,  it  is  improbable  that  a  great-grandson  of  Aurelian'a 

278 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN  XLI.  12— XLII.  4 

Capitol ;  by  his  liberality  one  temple  alone  contains 
fifteen  thousand  pounds  of  gold,  and  with  his  gifts  all 
the  shrines  in  the  city  are  gleaming.  Wherefore, 
Conscript  Fathers,  I  couldjustly  bring  charges  against 
even  the  very  gods,  who  suffered  such  a  prince  to 
perish,  were  it  not  that  perchance  they  preferred  to 
have  him  among  themselves.  I  therefore  propose 
divine  honours,  and  these  I  believe  you  all  will  bestow. 
With  regard  to  the  choice  of  an  emperor,  indeed, 
you  should  refer  it,  I  think,  to  this  army.  For  in  a 
proposal  of  this  kind,  unless  that  which  is  urged  be 
done,  there  is  both  danger  for  those  who  are  chosen 
and  odium  for  those  who  choose."  The  proposal  of 
Tacitus  found  favour ;  but  after  the  matter  had  been 
referred  back  again  and  again,  by  decree  of  the  senate 
Tacitus,  as  we  shall  relate  in  his  Life,  was  chosen  as 
emperor. 

XLII.  Aurelian  left  only  a  daughter,  whose  descen- 
dants are  even  now  in  Rome.  For  Aurelianus,1 
proconsul  of  Cilicia,  a  most  excellent  senator  in  his 
own  true  right  and  venerated  for  his  manner  of  life, 
who  now  is  living  in  Sicily,  is  a  grandson  of  hers. 

Now  what  shall  I  say  of  this,  that  whereas  so  many 
have  borne  the  name  of  Caesar,  there  have  appeared 
among  them  so  few  good  emperors  ?  For  the  list  of 
those  who  have  worn  the  purple  from  Augustus  to 
the  Emperors  Diocletian  and  Maximian  is  contained 
in  the  public  records.  Among  them,  however,  the 
best  were  Augustus  himself,  Flavius  Vespasian,  Titus 
Flavius,  Cocceius  Nerva,  the  Deified  Trajan,  the 
Deified  Hadrian,  Antoninus  Pius  and  Marcus  Anto- 
ninus, Severus  the  African,  Alexander  the  son  of 

was  a  mature  man  in  306,  when  this  vita  purports  to  have  been 
written. 

279 


THE  DEIFIED  AUERLIAN 

Alexander  Mamaeae,  divus  Claudius  et  divus  Aureli- 
anus.     Valerianum  enim,  cum  optimus  fuerit,  ab  om- 

5nibus  infelicttas  sepaiavit.1  vide,  quaeso,  quam  pauci 
sint  principes  boni,  ut  bene  dictum  sit  a  quodam 
mimico  scurra  Claudii  huius  temporibus  in  uno  anulo 

Gbonos  principes  posse  perscribi  atque  depingi.  at 
contra  quae  series  malorum !  ut  enim  omittamus 
Vitellios,  Caligulas  et  Nerones,  quis  ferat  Maximinos 
et  Philippos  atque  illam  inconditae  multitudinis  fae- 
cem?  tametsi  Decios  excerpere  debeam,  quorum  et 
vita  et  mors  veteribus  comparanda  est. 

XLIII.  Et  quaeritur  quidem  quae  res  malos  prin- 
cipes faciat ;  iam  primum,  mi  amice,  licentia,  deinde 
rerum  copia,  amici  praeterea  improbi,  satellites  detes- 
tandi,  eunuchi  avarissimi,  aulici  vel  stulti  vel  detes- 
tabiles  et,  quod  negari  non  potest,  rerum  publicarum 

2  ignorantia.     sed  ego  a  patre  meo  audivi  Diocletianum 
principem  iam  privatum  dixisse  nihil   esse  difficilius 

3  quam    bene    imperare.        colligunt    se    quattuor    vel 
quinque  atque  unum  consilium  ad  decipiendum  im- 

4peratorem  capiunt,  dicunt  quid  probandum  sit.  im- 
perator,  qui  domi  clausus  est,  vera  non  novit.  cogitur 
hoc  tantum  scire  quod  illi  loquuntur,  facit  iudices 
quos  fieri  non  oportet,  arnovet  a  re  publica  quos  de- 
beat  obtinerc.  quid  multa  ?  ut  Diocletianus  ipse 
dicebat,  bonus,  cautus,  optimus,  venditur  imperator. 

1  separauit  Gruter ;  paruit  P. 


1  i.e.,  Gallienus  ;  see  note  to  Gall.,  i.  1. 
8  See  note  to  Tyr.  Trig.,  xxv.  3. 


280 


THE  DEIFIED  AUREL1AN  XLII.  5— XLI1I.   4 

Mamaea,  the  Deified  Claudius,  and  the  Deified  Aure- 
liaii.  For  Valerian,  though  a  most  excellent  man, 
was  by  his  misfortune  set  apart  from  them  all.  Ob- 
serve, I  pray  you,  how  few  in  number  are  the  good 
emperors,  so  that  it  has  well  been  said  by  a  jester  on 
the  stage  in  the  tune  of  this  very  Claudius  that  the 
names  and  the  portraits  of  the  good  emperors  could 
be  engraved  on  a  single  ring.  But,  on  the  other 
hand,  what  a  list  of  the  evil !  For,  to  sav  naught  of 

*  o 

a  Vitellius,  a  Caligula,  or  a  Nero,  who  could  endure  a 
Maximimis,  a  Philip,  or  the  lowest  dregs  l  of  that  dis- 
orderly crew?  I  should,  however,  except  the  Decii, 
who  in  their  lives  and  their  deaths  should  be  likened 
to  the  ancients. 

XLIII.  The  question,  indeed,  is  often  asked  what 
it  is  that  makes  emperors  evil ;  first  of  all,  my  friend, 
it  is  freedom  from  restraint,  next,  abundance  of  wealth, 
furthermore,  unscrupulous  friends,  pernicious  atten- 
dants, the  greediest  eunuchs,  courtiers  who  are  fools 
or  knaves,  and — it  cannot  be  denied — ignorance  of 
public  affairs.  And  yet  I  have  heard  from  my  father  2 
that  the  emperor  Diocletian,  while  still  a  commoner, 
declared  that  nothing  was  harder  than  to  rule  welL 
Four  or  five  men  gather  together  and  form  one  plan 
for  deceiving  the  emperor,  and  then  they  tell  him  to 
what  he  must  give  his  approval.  Now  the  emperor, 
who  is  shut  up  in  his  palace,  cannot  know  the  truth. 
He  is  forced  to  know  oiilv  what  these  men  tell  him, 

•/  * 

he  appoints  as  judges  those  who  should  not  be  ap- 
pointed, and  removes  from  public  office  those  whom 
he  ought  to  retain.  Why  say  more  ?  As  Diocletian 
himself  was  wont  to  say,  the  favour  of  even  a  good 
and  wise  and  righteous  emperor  is  often  sold.  These 
were  Diocletian's  own  words,  and  I  have  inserted 

281 


THE  DEIFIED  AUREL1AN 

6  haec  Diocletiani  verba  sunt,  quae  idcirco  inserui  ut 

prudentia  tua  sciret  nihil  esse  difficilius  bono  principe. 

XLIV.  Et  Aurelianum  quidem  multi  neque  inter 

bonos    neque   inter   malos  principes  ponunt,  idcirco 

quod  ei  dementia,  imperatorum  dos  1  prima,  defuerit. 

2Verconnius  Herennianus  praefectus  praetorii  Diocle- 
tiani teste  Asclepiodoto  saepe  dicebat  Diocletianum 
frequenter  dixisse,  cum  Maximiani  asperitatem  repre- 
henderet,  Aurelianum  magis  ducem  esse  debuisse 
quam  principem.  nam  eius  nimia  ferocitas  eidem 
displicebat. 

3  Mirabile  fortasse  videtur  quod  compertum  Dio- 
cletiano  Asclepiodotus  Celsino  consiliario  suo  dixisse 

4perhibetur,  sed  de  hoc  posteri  iudicabunt.  dicebat 
enim  quodam  tempore  Aurelianum  Gallicanas  con- 
suluisse  Druiadas,  sciscitantem  utrum  apud  eius  pos- 
teros  imperium  permaneret,  cum  illas  respondisse  dixit 
nullius  clarius  in  re  publica  nomen  quam  Claudii  pos- 

5terorum  futurum.  et  est  quidem  iam  Constantius 
imperator,  eiusdem  vir  sanguinis,  cuius  puto  posteros 
ad  earn  gloriam  quae  a  Druiadibus  proiiuntiata  sit 
per  venire,  quod  idcirco  ego  in  Aureliani  vita  con- 
stitui  quia  haec  ipsi  Aureliano  consulenti  responsa 
sunt. 

XLV.  Vectigal  ex  Aegypto  urbi  Romae  Aurelianus 
vitri,  chartae,  lini,  stuppae,  atque  anabolicas  species 

1  dos  2 ;  om.  in  P. 


1  See  Prob.,  xxii.  3. 

2  See  note  to  Prob.,  xxii.  8.     Nothing  is  known  of  any  history 
written  by  him.     Celsinus  is  unknown. 

3  Other  prophecies  by  Druid  women  are  given  in  Alex.,  be.  6, 
and  Car.,  xiv.  3  f. 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN  XLIII.  5— XLV.  1 

them  here  for  the  very  purpose  that  your  wisdom 
might  understand  that  nothing  is  harder  than  to  be  a 
good  ruler. 

XL  IV.  Now  Aurelian,  indeed,  is  placed  by  many 
among  neither  the  good  nor  the  evil  emperors  for  the 
reason  that  he  lacked  the  quality  of  mercy,  that  fore- 
most dower  of  an  emperor.  In  fact,  Verconnius 
Herennianus,1  Diocletian's  prefect  of  the  guard,  used 
often  to  say — or  so  Asclepiodotus 2  bears  witness — 
that  Diocletian,  in  finding  fault  with  Maxim ian's 
harshness,  frequently  said  that  Aurelian  ought  to 
have  been  a  general  rather  than  an  emperor.  So 
displeasing  to  Diocletian  was  Aurelian's  excessive 
ferocity. 

This  may  perhaps  seem  a  marvellous  thing  that 
was  learned  by  Diocletian  and  is  said  to  have  been 
related  by  Asclepiodotus  to  Celsinus  his  counsellor, 
but  concerning  it  posterity  will  be  the  judge.  For 
he  used  to  relate  that  on  a  certain  occasion  Aurelian 
consulted  the  Druid  priestesses  3  in  Gaul  and  inquired 
of  them  whether  the  imperial  power  would  remain 
with  his  descendants,  but  they  replied,  he  related, 
that  none  would  have  a  name  more  illustrious  in  the 
commonwealth  than  the  descendants  of  Claudius. 
And,  in  fact,  Constantius  is  now  our  emperor,  a  man 
of  Claudius'  blood,4  whose  descendants,  I  ween,  will 
attain  to  that  glory  which  the  Druids  foretold.  And 
this  I  have  put  in  the  Life  of  Aurelian  for  the  reason 
that  this  response  was  made  to  him  when  he  inquired 
in  person. 

XLV.  Aurelian  set  aside  for  the  city  of  Rome  the 
revenues  from  Egypt,  consisting  of  glass,  paper,  linen, 
and  hemp,  in  fact,  the  products  on  which  a  perpetual 

4  See  Claud.,  xiii.  2. 

9,83 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN 

2  aeternas  constituit.     thermas  in  Transtiberina  regione 
Aurelianus  facere  paravit  hiemales,  quod  aquae  frigidi- 
oris  copia  illic  deesset.     forum  nominis  sui  in  Ostiensi 
ad  mare  fundare  coepit,  in  quo  postea  praetorium  pub- 

Slicum  constitutum  est.  amicos  suos  honeste  ditavit  et 
modice,  ut  miserias  paupertatis  effugerent  et  diviti- 

4  arum  invidiam  patrimonii  moderatione  vitarent.  ves- 
tem  holosericam  neque  ipse  in  vestiario  suo  habuit 

5neque  alteri  utendam  dedit.  et  cum  ab  eo  uxor  sua 
peteret,  ut  unico  pallio  blatteo  serico  uteretur,  ille 
respondit,  "  Absit  ut  auro  fila  pensentur."  libra  enim 
XLVI.  auri  tune  libra  serici  fuit.  habuit  in  animo  ut  au- 
rum  neque  in  cameras  neque  in  tunicas  neque  in  pelles 
neque  in  argent um  mitteretur,  dicens  plus  auri  esse  in 
rerum  natura  quam  argenti,  sed  aurum  per  varies  brat- 
tearum,  filorum  et  liquationum  usus  perire,  argentum 

2autem  in  suo  usu  manere.  idem  dederat  facultatem, 
ut  aureis  qui  vellent  et  vasis  uterentur  et  poculis. 

3  dedit  praeterea  potestatem,  ut  argentatas  privati  car- 
ruchas  haberent,  cum  antea  aerata  et  eburata  vehicula 

4  fuissent.     idem  concessit,  ut  blatteas  matronae  tunicas 
haberent  et l  ceteras  vestes,  cum  antea  coloreas  ha- 

5buissent   et   ut  multum  oxypaederotinas.     ut  fibulas 

1  et  om.  in  P. 


1  The  anabolicum,  mentioned  frequently  in  papyri,  seems  to 
have  been  a  tax  in  kind  on  products  (especially  those  enumerated 
here),  in  the  manufacture  of  which  the  State  had  a  monopoly. 
On  the  distribution  of  food  in  Rome,  see  c.  xxxv.  1-2  and  note. 

2  See  Heiiog.,  xxvi.  1  and  note. 

-According  to  the  Edict   of  Diocletian  a   pound  of  blatta 
seric.a  (fj.eTa£a.fi\a.TTr),  raw  silk  dyed  purple)  was  worth  150,000 

284 


THE  DEIFIED  AUREL1AN  XLV.  2— XLVI.  5 

tax  was  paid  in  kind.1  He  planned  to  erect  a  public 
bath,  in  the  Transtiberine  district  as  a  winter  bath 
^ince  here  there  was  no  supply  of  fairly  cold  water.  He 
•  >egan  to  construct  a  forum,  named  after  himself,  at 
Ostia  on  the  sea,  in  the  place  where,  later,  the  public 
magistrates'  office  was  built.  He  gave  wealth  to  his 
friends  with  wisdom  and  moderation,  in  order  that 
they  might  avoid  the  ills  of  poverty  and  yet,  because 
of  the  moderate  size  of  their  fortunes,  escape  the 
envy  that  riches  bring.  Clothing  made  wholly  of 
silk  2  he  would  neither  keep  in  his  own  wardrobe  nor 
present  to  anyone  else  for  his  use  ;  and  when  his  wife 
besought  him  to  keep  a  single  robe  of  purple  silk,  he 
replied,  "  God  forbid  that  a  fabric  should  be  worth  its 
weight  in  gold."  For  at  that  time  a  pound  of  silk 
was  worth  a  pound  of  gold.3  XLVI.  He  had  in 
mind  to  forbid  the  use  of  gold  on  ceilings  and  tunics 
and  leather  and  also  the  gilding  of  silver,  saying  that 
nature  had  provided  more  gold  than  silver,  but  the 
gold  was  wasted  by  being  used  variously  as  gold-leaf, 
spun  gold,  and  gold  that  is  melted  down,  while  the 
silver  was  kept  for  its  proper  use.  He  had,  indeed, 
given  permission  that  those  who  wished  might  use 
golden  vessels  and  goblets.  He  furthermore  granted 
permission  to  commoners  to  have  coaches  adorned 
with  silver,4  whereas  they  had  previously  had  only 
carriages  ornamented  with  bronze  or  ivory.  He  also 
allowed  matrons  to  have  tunics  and  other  garments 
of  purple,  whereas  they  had  had  before  only  fabrics 
of  changeable  colours,  or,  as  frequently,  of  a  bright 
pink.  He  also  was  the  first  to  allow  private  soldiers 

denarii  (approximately  $940) ;  according  to  his  system  of  coin- 
age, 1  Ib.  of  gold  =  50,000  denarii. 

4  See  A lex.t  xliii.  1,  and  Heliog.,  xxix.  1  and  note. 

285 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN 

aureas  gregarii  milites  haberent  idem  primus  conces- 

6  sit,  cum  antea  argenteas  habuissent.  paragaudas 
vestes  ipse  primus  militibus  dedit,  cum  ante  non  nisi 
rectas  purpureas l  accepissent,  et  quidem  aliis  mono- 
lores,  aliis  dilores,  trilores  aliis  et  usque  ad  pentelores, 
quales  hodie  lineae  sunt. 

XLVII.  Panibus  urbis2  Romae  unciam  de  Aegyptio 
vectigali  auxit,  ut  quadam  epistula  data  ad  praefectum 
annonae  urbis  etiam  ipse  gloriatur : 

2  "  Aurelianus  Augustus  Flavio  Arabiano  praefecto 
annonae.  inter  cetera,  quibus  dis  faventibus  Romanam 
rem  publicam  iuvimus,  nihil  mihi  est  magnificentius 
quam  quod  additamento  unciae  omne  annonarum  urbi- 

Scarum  genus  iuvi.  quod  ut  esset  perpetuum,  navi- 
cularios  Niliacos  apud  Aegyptum  novos  et  Romae 
amnicos  posui,  Tiberinas  exstruxi  ripas,  vadum  alvei 
tumentis  effodi,  dis  et  Perennitati  vota  constitui,  almam 

4  Cererem  consecravi.  nunc  tuum  est  officium,  Arabiane 
iucundissime,  elaborare  ne  meae  dispositiones  in  irri- 
tum  veniant.  neque  enim  populo  Romano  saturo 
quicquam  potest  esse  laetius." 

XL VI II.  Statuerat  et  vinum  gratuitum  populo 
Romano  dare,  ut,  quemadmodum  oleum  et  panis  et 
porcina  gratuita  praebentur,  sic  etiam  vinum  daretur, 

1  rectas  purpureas  editors ;  rectis purpureis  P,  Hohl.  2  urbis 
2  ;  uerbis  P. 


1  See  note  to  Ciaud.,  xvii.  6.          '2  See  c.  xlv.  1  and  note. 
3  Otherwise  unknown.  4  See  o.  xxxv.  1-2  and  note. 

286 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN  XLVI.  6— XLVIII.  i 

to  have  clasps  of  gold,  whereas  formerly  they  had  had 
them  of  silver.  He,  too,  was  the  first  to  give  tunics 
having  bands  of  embroidery 1  to  his  troops,  whereas 
previously  they  had  received  only  straight-woven 
tunics  of  purple,  and  to  some  he  presented  tunics 
with  one  band,  to  others  those  having  two  bands  or 
three  bands  and  even  up  to  five  bands,  like  the  tunics 
to-day  made  of  linen. 

XL VI I.  To  the  loaves  of  bread  for  the  city  of 
Rome  he  added  one  ounce,  which  he  got  from  the 
revenues  from  Egypt,2  as  he  himself  boasts  in  a 
certain  letter  addressed  to  the  prefect  of  the  city's 
supply  of  grain : 

"From  Aurelian  Augustus  to  Flavius  Arabianus,3 
the  prefect  of  the  grain  supply.  Among  the  various 
ways  in  which,  with  the  aid  of  the  gods,  we  have 
benefited  the  Roman  commonwealth,  there  is  noth- 
ing in  which  I  take  greater  pride  than  that  by  adding 
an  ounce  I  have  increased  every  kind  of  grain  for  the 
city.  And  to  the  end  that  this  may  be  lasting,  I 
have  appointed  additional  boatmen  on  the  Nile  in 
Egypt  and  on  the  river  in  Rome,  I  have  built  up  the 
banks  of  the  Tiber,  I  have  dug  out  the  shallow  places 
in  its  rising  bed,  I  have  taken  vows  to  the  gods  and 
the  Goddess  of  Perpetual  Harvests,  and  I  have  con- 
secrated a  statue  of  fostering  Ceres.  It  is  now  your 
task,  my  dearest  Arabianus,  to  make  every  effort  that 
my  arrangements  may  not  be  in  vain.  For  nothing 
can  be  more  joyous  than  the  Roman  people  when 
sufficiently  fed." 

XLVIII.  He  had  planned  also  to  give  free  wine  to 
the  people  of  Rome,  in  order  that  they  might  be  sup- 
plied with  it  as  they  were  with  oil  and  bread  and 
pork,4  all  free  of  cost,  and  he  had  designed  to  make 

287 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN 

2  quod  perpetuum  hac  dispositione  conceperat.    Etruriae 
per  Aureliam  usque  ad  Alpes  maritimas  ingentes  agri 
sunt  iique  fertiles  ac  silvosi.     statuerat  igitur  dominis 
locorum  incultorum,  qui  tamen  vellent,  pretia1  dare 
atque  illic  familias  captivas  constituere,  vitibus  montes 
conserere   atque   ex   eo   opere  vinum   dare,  ut   nihil 
redituum  fiscus  acciperet,  sed  totum  populo  Romano 
concederet.     facta  erat  ratio  dogae,  cuparum,  naviura 

3  et  operum.     sed  multi  dicunt  Aurelianum  ne  id  faceret 
praeventum,  alii  a  praefecto  praetorii  suo  prohibitum, 
qui    dixisse    fertur  :    "  Si    et   vinum  populo    Romano 
damus,    superest    ut    et    pullos    et    anseres    demus." 

^argumento  est  id  vere  Aurelianum  cogitasse,  immo 
etiam  facere  disposuisse  vel  ex  aliqua  parte  fecisse, 
quod  in  porticibus  Templi  Solis  fiscalia  vina  ponuntur, 

5  non  gratuita  populo  eroganda  sed  pretio.  sciendum 
tamen  congiaria  ilium  ter  dedisse,  donasse  etiam  populo 
Romano  tunicas  albas  manicatas  ex  diversis  provinciis 
et  lineas  Afras  atque  Aegyptias  puras,  ipsumque 
primum  donasse  oraria  populo  Romano,  quibus  ute- 
retur  populus  ad  favorem. 

XLIX.  Displicebat    ei,  cum  esset   Romae,  habitare 
in  Palatio,  ac  magis  placebat  in   Hortis  Sallustii  vel  in 

1  pretia  editors  ;  gratia  P ;  gratis  2,  Hohl. 


1  The  Via  Aurelia  ran  along  the  coast  of  Etruria  to  Pisa  and 
was  continued  thence  to  Genoa  by  the  Via  Aemilii  Scauri. 

2  This  attempt  to   revive  viticulture  in  Italy  was  made  on 
a  wider  scale  in  the  provinces  by  Probus  ;  see  Prob.,  xviii.  8. 

3  See  c.  xxxv.  3. 

4  According  to  the  "  Chronographer  of  354,"  there  was  only 
one  distribution,  500  denarii  to  each  person.     There  was  an 

288 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN  XLVI1I.  2— XLIX.   1 

this  perpetual  by  means  of  the  following  arrange- 
ment. In  Etruria,  all  along  the  Aurelian  Way1  as 
far  as  the  Maritime  Alps,  there  are  vast  tracts  of 
land,  rich  and  well  wooded.  He  planned,  therefore, 
to  pay  their  price  to  the  owners  of  these  uncultivated 
lands,  provided  they  wished  to  sell,  and  to  settle 
thereon  families  of  slaves  captured  in  war,  and  then 
to  plant  the  hills  with  vines,'2  and  by  this  means  to 
produce  wine,  which  was  to  yield  no  profit  to  the 
privy-purse  but  to  be  given  entirely  to  the  people  of 
Rome.  He  had  also  made  provision  for  the  vats, 
the  casks,  the  ships,  and  the  labour.  Many,  how- 
ever, say  that  Aurelian  was  cut  off  before  he  carried 
this  out,  others  that  he  was  restrained  by  his  prefect 
of  the  guard,  who  is  said  to  have  remarked  :  "If  we 
give  wine  to  the  Roman  people,  it  only  remains  for 
us  to  give  them  also  chickens  and  geese."  There  is, 
indeed,  proof  that  Aurelian  really  considered  this 
measure,  or,  rather,  made  arrangements  for  carrying 
it  out  and  even  did  so  to  some  extent ;  for  wine  be- 
longing to  the  privy-purse  is  stored  in  the  porticos  of 
the  Temple  of  the  Sun,3  which  the  people  could 
obtain,  not  free  of  cost  but  at  a  price.  It  should 
be  known,  however,  that  he  thrice  distributed  largess  4 
among  them,  and  that  he  gave  to  the  Roman  people 
white  tunics  with  long  sleeves,  brought  from  the 
various  provinces,  and  pure  linen  ones  from  Africa 
and  Egypt,  and  that  he  was  the  first  to  give  hand- 
kerchiefs to  the  Roman  people,  to  be  waved  in  show- 
ing approval. 

XLIX.    He  disliked,  when  at  Rome,  to  reside  in 
the  Palace,  and  preferred  to  live  in  the  Gardens  of 

issue  of  coins  with  the  legend  Liberalitas  Aug. ;   see  Matt-Syd., 
v.  p.  290,  no.  229. 

289 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN 

2Domitiae  vivere.     milliarensem  denique  porticum  in 
Hortis  Sallustii  ornavit,  in  qua  cottidie  et  equos  et  se 

3  fatigabat,  quamvis  esset  non  bonae  valetudinis.     servos 
et   ministros   peccantes   coram   se   caedi   iubebat,    ut 
plerique   dicunt,    causa  tenendae  severitatis,    ut  alii, 

4  studio   crudelitatis.     ancillam  suam,  quae  adulterium 

5  cum   conserve    suo    fecerat,    capita   punivit.      multos 
servos    ex    familia    propria   qui   peccaverant    legibus 
audiendos  iudiciis  publicis  dedit. 

6  Senatum  sive  senaculum  matron  is  reddi  voluerat,  ita 
ut  primae  illic  quae  sacerdotia  senatu  auctore  meruis- 

7  sent,     calceos  mulleos  et  cereos  et  albos  et  hederacios 
viris    omnibus    tulit,    mulieribus  reliquit.  cursores    eo 

Shabitu  quo  ipse  habebat  senatoribus  concessit.  con- 
cubinas  ingenuas  haberi  vetuit.  eunuchorum  modum 
pro  senatoriis  professionibus  statuit,  idcirco  quod  ad 

Qingentia   pretia  pervenissent.     vas  argenti  eius  num- 

quam  triginta  libras  transiit.     convivium  de  assaturis 

maxime    fuit.      vino    russo    maxime    delectatus    est. 

L.  medicum  ad   se,  cum   aegrotaret,   numquam  vocavit, 

2  sed  ipse  se  inedia  praecipue  curabat.     uxori  et  filiae 

3  annuum  sigillaricium  quasi   privatus  instituit.     servis 
suis  vestes  easdem  imperator  quas  et  privatus   dedit 
praeter   duos   senes,    quibus  quasi   libertis   plurimum 


1  On  the  northern  slope  of  the  Quirinal  Hill,  extending  north- 
ward as  far  as  Aurelian's  wall,  and  bounded  on  the  east  by  the 
Via  Salaria  Vetus  (Via  di  Porta  Salaria).     Laid  out  by  Sallust 
the  historian,  they  became  imperial  property,  probably  under 
Tiberius.     Only   scanty  ruins   of  the  buildings  in  them   are 
extant. 

2  On  the  right  bank  of  the  Tiber,  containing  the  Mausoleum 
of  Hadrian  (Castel  S.  Angelo) ;  see  Pius,  v.  1. 

290 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN  XLIX.  2— L.  3 

Sallust l  or  the  Gardens  of  Domitia.2  In  fact,  he 
built  a  portico  in  the  Gardens  of  Sallust  one  thousand 
feet  long,  in  which  he  would  exercise  daily  both  him- 
self and  his  horses,  even  though  he  were  not  in  good 
health.  His  slaves  and  attendants  who  were  guilty 
of  crime  he  would  order  to  be  slain  in  his  own  pres- 
ence, for  the  purpose,  some  say,  of  keeping  up  dis- 
cipline, or,  according  to  others,  through  sheer  love  of 
cruelty.  One  of  his  maid-servants,  who  had  com- 
mitted adultery  with  a  fellow-slave,  he  punished  with 
death,  and  many  slaves  from  his  own  household,  who 
had  committed  offences,  he  delivered  over  to  public 
courts  to  be  heard  according  to  law. 

He  had  planned  to  restore  to  the  matrons  their 
senate,  or  rather  senacitlum,3  with  the  provision  that 
those  should  rank  first  therein  who  had  attained  to 
priesthoods  with  the  senate's  approval.  He  forbade 
men  to  wear  boots  of  purple  or  wax-colour  or  white 
or  the  colour  of  ivy,  but  allowed  them  to  women. 
He  permitted  the  senators  to  have  runners  dressed 
like  his  own.  He  forbade  the  keeping  of  free-born 
women  as  concubines,  and  limited  the  possession  of 
eunuchs  to  those  who  had  a  senator's  rating,  for  the 
reason  that  they  had  reached  inordinate  prices.  His 
silver  vessels  never  went  beyond  thirty  pounds  in 
weight,  and  his  banquets  consisted  mainly  of  roasted 
meats.  He  took  most  pleasure  in  red  wine.  L.  When 
ill  he  never  summoned  a  physician,  but  always 
cured  himself,  chiefly  by  abstaining  from  food.  He 
held  a  yearly  celebration  of  the  Sigillaria4  for  his 
wife  and  daughter,  like  any  private  citizen.  To  his 
slaves  he  gave  when  emperor  the  same  kind  of  cloth- 
ing that  he  had  given  them  when  a  commoner,  save 

3  See  Heliog.,  iv.  3  and  note.          4  See  Hadr.,  xvii.  3. 


THE  DEIFIED  AURELIAN 

detulit,  Antistiuni  et  Gillonem ;  qui l  post  eum  ex 
4senatus  sententia  manu  missi  sunt.  erat  quidem  rarus 
in  voluptatibus,  sed  miro  modo  mimis  delectabatur, 
vehementissime  autem  delectatus  est  phagone,  qui 
usque  eo  raultum  comedit  ut  uno  die  ante  mensam 
eius  aprum  integrum,  centum  panes,  vervecera  et 
porcellum  comederet,  biberet  autem  infundibulo  ad- 
posito  plus  orca. 

6  Habuit  tempus  praeter  seditiones  quasdam  domesti- 
cas  fortunatissimum.  populus  eum  Romanus  amavit, 
senatus  et  timuit. 

1  qui  om.  in  P. 


29* 


THE  DEIFIED  AUREL1AN  L.  4-5 

for  two  old  men,  Antistius  and  Gillo,  wlio  received 
many  privileges  from  him,  just  as  though  they  were 
ireedmen,  and  who  after  his  death  were  set  free  by 
vote  of  the  senate.  His  amusements,  indeed,  were 
few,  but  he  took  marvellous  pleasure  in  actors  and 
had  the  greatest  delight  in  a  gourmand,1  who  could 
eat  vast  amounts  to  such  an  extent  that  in  one  single 
day  he  devoured,  in  front  of  Aurelian's  own  table,  an 
entire  wild  boar,  one  hundred  loaves  of  bread,  a  sheep 
and  a  pig  and,  putting  a  funnel  to  his  mouth,  drank 
more  than  a  caskful. 

Except  for  certain  internal  riotings  his  reign  was 
most  prosperous.  The  Roman  people  loved  him, 
while  the  senate  held  him  in  fear. 

1  i.e.,  Qayuv,  "  an  eater." 


5B9S 


TACITUS 

FLAVII  VOPISCI  SYRACUSII 

T.  Quod  post  excessum  Romuli  novello  adhuc 
RDmanae  urbis  imperio  factum  pontifices,  penes  quos 
scribendae  historiae  potestas  fuit,  in  litteras  ret- 
tulerunt,  ut  interregnum,  dum  post  bonura  principem 
bonus  alius  quaeritur,  iniretur,  hoc  post  Aurelianum 
habito  inter  senatum  exercitumque  Romanum  non 
invido  non  tristi  sed  grato  religiosoque  certamine  sex 
2totis  mensibus  factum  est.  multis  tamen  mod's  haec 
ab  illo  negotio  causa  separata  est.  iam  primum  enim, 


1  According  to  the  official  version  Romulus  disappeared  from 
the  earth  during  an  eclipse  or  a  storm  ;  see  Cicero,  de-  Re  Publica, 
ii.  17,  and  Livy  i.  16.     Excessus  is  similarl}*  used  to  denote  his 
"disappearance"  by  Cicero  in  de  Re  PnbL,  ii.  23  and  52. 

2  The  proclamation  of  an  interregnum  was  the  regular  practice 
of  the  Roman  Republic  on  those  occasions  when  there  were  no 
magistrates  with  consular  or  dictatorial  power  iu  office,  i.0. 
when  both  consuls  died  during  their  year's  term  or  this  term 
expired  before  their  successors  were  elected.     The  practice  is 
also  said  by  the  historians  to  have  beeu  in  vogue  during  the 
time  of  the  kings,  and  a  full  account  of  the  institution  is  given 
in  connection  with  the  choice  of  Numa  Pompilius  as  Romulus' 
successor;  see  Livy,  i.  17.    This  serves  as  the  basis  for  the 


TACITUS 

BY 

FLAVIUS  VOPISCUS  OF  SYRACUSE 

I.  A  certain  measure  adopted  after  the  departure  of 
Romulus,1  during  the  infancy  of  Rome's  power,  and 
recorded  by  the  pontiffs,  the  duly  authorized  writers 
of  history, — namely,  the  proclamation  of  a  regency 
for  the  interval  in  which  one  good  prince  was  being 
sought  for  to  succeed  another 2 — was  also  adopted  after 
the  death  of  Aurelian  for  the  space  of  six  whole  months,3 
while  the  senate  and  the  army  of  Rome  were  engaged 
in  a  contest,  one  that  was  marked  not  by  envy  and  un- 
happiness  but  rather  by  good  feeling  and  sense  of  duty. 
This  occasion,  however,  differed  in  many  ways  from  that 
former  undertaking.  For  originally,  when  the  regency 

description  given  here.  Despite  the  suspicions  aroused  by  the 
biographer's  love  of  antiquarian  lore  and  his  tendency  to  exalt 
the  rule  of  the  senate,  we  may  believe  that  an  interregnum  was 
actually  proclaimed  at  this  time,  though  only  in  the  sense  that 
the  government  was  carried  on  by  the  senate;  it  is  mentioned 
also  in  Aur.  Victor,  Caes.,  35,  9-12 ;  36,  1,  and  Epit.,  35,  9,  and 
seems  to  be  attested  by  coins  bearing  the  legend  Genius  P.  R. 
and  Int.  Urb.  (Interregnum  Urbis  ?)  S.  C. ;  see  Matt.-Syd.  v. 
p.  361. 

8  See  note  to  c.  ii.  6. 

295 


TACITUS 

cum  interregnum  initum  est  post  Romulum,  interreges 
tamen  facti  sunt,  totusque  ille  annus  per  quinos  et 
quaternos  dies  sive  ternos  centum  senatoribus  de- 
putatus  est,  ita  ut  qui  valerent  interreges  essent 

Ssinguli  dumtaxat.  qua  re  factum  est  ut  et  plus  anno 
interregnum  iniretur,  ne  aliquis  sub  aequabili  dignitate 

4Romani  expers  remaneret  imperii.  hue  accedit  quod 
etiam  sub  consulibus  tribunisque  militaribus  praeditis 
imperio  consulari,  si  quando  interregnum  initum  est, 
interreges  fuerunt,  nee  umquam  ita  vacua  i'uit  hoc 
nomine  Romana  res  publica  ut  nullus  interrex  biduo 

5  saltern  triduove  crearetur.  video  mihi  posse  obici 
curules  magistratus  apud  maiores  nostros  quadrien- 
nium  in  re  publica  non  fuisse.  sed  erant  tribuni  plebis 
cum  tribunicia  potestate,  quae  pars  maxima  regalis  im- 

Gperii  est.  tamen  non  est  proditum  interreges  eo 
tempore  non  fuisse  ;  quin  etiam  verioribus  historicis 
referentibus  declaratum  est  consules  ab  interregibus 
post  creates,  qui  haberent  reliquorum  comitia  magis- 
tratuum. 

II.  Ergo,  quod  rarum  et  difficile  fuit,  senatus  popu- 
lusque  Romanus  perpessus  est  ut  imperatorem  per  sex 

1  Five  days  only,  according  to  Livy. 

2 These  consular  tribunes  formed  a  board  of  magistrates, 
varying  from  three  to  six,  elected  instead  of  consuls  during  the 
early  republic,  in  those  years  hi  which  there  was  need  for  more 
than  two  officials  vested  with  supreme  power. 

3  There  are  28  known  years  in  the  history  of  the  republic 
in  which  interreges  were  appointed ;  the  last  was  52  B.C. 

4  A  period  ot  five  years  (=  375-371  B.C.)  according  to  Livy, 
vi.  35,  10,  of  four  years  according  to  Eutropius,  ii.  3,  or  of  one 
year  according  to  Diodorus,  xv.  75.    It  is  generally  agreed  that 
sucli  a  period  of  anarchy  could  never  have  existed.     An  ex- 
planation has  been  sought  in  the  theory  that  these  years  were 
inserted  in  blank  in  the  official  lists  in  an  attempt  to  make 


TACITUS  I.  3— II.  1 

was  proclaimed  after  the  reign  of  Romulus,  regents 
were  actually  created,  and  that  whole  year  was  divided 
up  among  the  hundred  senators  for  periods  of  three, 
or  four,  or  five  days  apiece,1  in  such  a  way  that  there 
was  only  one  single  regent  who  held  the  power.     From 
this  it  resulted  that  the  regency  remained  in  force  for 
even  more  than  a  year,  in  order  that  there  might  be  no 
one  of  those  equal  in  rank  who  had  not  held  the  rule 
at  Rome.     To  this  must  be  added  that  also  in  the  time 
of  the  consuls  and  the  military  tribunes  vested  with 
consular  power,"  whenever  a  regency  was  proclaimed 
there  were  always  regents,  and  never  did  the  Roman 
commonwealth  so  entirely  lack  this  office  that  there 
was  not  some  regent  created,  though  it  might  be  for 
only  two  or  three  days.3     I  perceive,  indeed,  that  the 
argument  can  be  brought  up  against  me  that  for  the 
space  of  four  years  4  during  the  time  of  our  ancestors 
there  were  no  curule  magistrates  in  the  commonwealth. 
There  were,  however,  tribunes  of  the  plebs  vested  with 
the  tribunician  power,  which  is  the   most  important 
element  of  the  power  of  a  king.5     Even  so,  it  is  no- 
where stated  that  there  were  no  regents  in  that  time  ; 
and  indeed  it  has  been  declared  on  the  authority  of 
more  reliable  historians  that  consuls  6  were  later  created 
by  regents  for  the  purpose  of  conducting  the  election 
of  the  other  magistrates. 

II.  And  so  the  senate  and  people  of  Rome  passed 
through  an  unusual  and  a  difficult  situation,  namely, 

these  agree  with  the  synchronism  of  events  which  was  adopted 
by  Roman  chronographers ;  see  Cambr.  Anc.  Hist.,  vii.  p.  322. 
Another  explanation  presupposes  that  during  this  time  there 
was  in  control  a  revolutionary  government,  which  later  was  not 
recognized  as  legal ;  see  Beloch,  Rom.  Gesch.,  p.  31. 

3 i.e.,  the  emperor;  see  note  (o  Pius,  iv.  7. 

8  Consular  tribunes  according  to  Livy,  vi.  86,  3. 

297 


TACITUS 

menses,  dum  bonus  quaeritur,  res  publica  non  haberet. 

2  quae  ilia  concordia  militum !     quanta  populo  quies  ! 
quam  gravis  senatus  auctoritas  fuit !  l     nullus  usquam 
tyrannus  emersit,  sub  iudicio  senatus  et  militum  popu- 
lique    Romani   totus  orbis   est   temperatus  ;    non  illi 
principem   quemquam,    ut    recte    facerent,    non    tri- 
buniciam  potestatem  formidabant   sed — quod   est   in 
vita  optimum — se  timebant. 

3  Dicenda  est  tamen  causa  tarn  felicium  morarum  et 
speciatim  in  monumentis  publicis  inserenda  et  2  eadem 
posteris  3  human!  generis  stupenda  moderatio,  ut  dis- 
cant  qui  regna  cupiunt  non  raptum  ire  imperia  sed 

4inereri.  interfecto  fraude  Aureliano,  ut  superiore 
libro  scriptum  est,  calliditate  servi  nequissimi,  errore 
militarium  (ut  apud  quos  quaelibet  commenta  pluri- 
mum  valent,  dum  modo  irati  audiunt,  plerumque 
temulenti,  certe  consiliorum  prope  semper  expertes  4), 
reversis  ad  bonam  mentem  omnibus  eisdemque  ab 
exercitu  graviter  confutatis,  coeptum  est  quaeri  ecquis 

5  fieri  deberet   ex  omnibus  princeps.     tune  odio  prae- 
sentium    exercitus,    qui    creare    imperatorem    raptim 
solebat,  ad   senatum    litteras  misit,  de    quibus   priore 
libro  iam  dictum  est,  petens  ut  ex  ordine  suo  princi- 

6  pern    legerent.      verum   senatus,    sciens    lectos   a   se 
principes  militibus  non  placere,  rem  ad  milites  rettulit. 
dumque  id  saepius  fit,  sextus  peractus  est  meusis. 

1  fuit  Draeger,  Peter;  fuerit  P.  *et  om.  in  P.  3 eadem 
posteris  Jordan,  Ellis,  Hohl ;  eacU>m  posteros  P;  etiam  ad 
posteros  Peter2.  4 expertes  Jordan  ;  expertis  P,  Peter. 


lAur.,  xxxvi.  *  Aur.,  xli.  1-2. 

8  So  also  c.  i.  1 ;  ii.  1 ;  Aur.,  xl.  4  ;  but  in  fact  the  interval 
was  not  more  than  two  months,  since  Aurelian  was  killed  in 
October  or  November,  275  (see  note  to  Aur.,  xxxvii.  4),  and 

298 


TACITUS  II.  2-6 

that  for  sixjmonths,  while  a  good  man  was  being  sought, 
the  commonwealth  had  no  emperor.  What  harmony 
there  was  then  among  the  soldiers !  What  peace  for 
the  people !  How  full  of  weight  the  authority  of  the 
senate !  Nowhere  did  any  pretender  arise,  and  the 
judgement  of  the  senate,  the  soldiers  and  the  people  of 
Rome  guided  the  entire  world ;  it  was  not  because  they 
feared  any  emperor  or  the  power  of  a  tribune  that  they 
did  righteously,  but — what  is  the  noblest  thing  in  life 
— because  they  feared  themselves. 

I  must,  however,  describe  the  cause  of  a  delay  so 
fortunate  and  an  instance  of  unselfishness  which  should 
both  receive  special  mention  in  the  public  records  and 
be  admired  by  future  generations  of  the  human  race,  in 
order  that  those  who  covet  kingdoms  may  learn  not  to 
seize  power  but  to  merit  it.  After  Aurelian  had  been 
treacherously  slain,  as  I  have  described  in  the  previous 
book,1  by  the  trick  of  a  most  base  slave  and  the  folly 
of  the  officers  (for  with  these  any  falsehood  gains 
credence,  provided  only  they  hear  it  when  angry,  being 
often  drunken  and  at  best  almost  always  devoid  of 
counsel),  when  all  returned  again  to  sanity  and  the  troops 
had  sternly  put  down  those  persons,  the  question  was  at 
once  raised  whether  any  one  of  them  all  should  be 
chosen  as  emperor.  Then  the  army,  which  was  wont 
to  create  emperors  hastily,  in  their  anger  at  those  who 
were  present,  sent  to  the  senate  the  letter  of  which  I 
have  already  written  in  the  previous  book,2  asking  it  to 
choose  an  emperor  from  its  own  numbers.  The  senate, 
however,  knowing  that  the  emperors  it  had  chosen 
were  not  acceptable  to  the  soldiers,  referred  the  matter 
back  to  them.  And  while  this  was  being  done  a 
number  of  times  the  space  of  six  months  elapsed.3 

Tacitus  was  made  emperor  before  the  end  of  the  year.    The 
date  in  c.  iii.  2  (cf.  also  c.  xiii.  C)  is  therefore  too  early. 

299 


TACITUS 

III.  Interest    tamen    ut    sciatur    quemadmodum 
2  Tacitus  imperator  sit  creatus.     die  VII  kal.  Octob. 

cum  in  Curiam  Pompilianam  ordo  amplissimus  con- 
sedisset,  Velius  Cornificius  Gordianus  consul  dixit  : 

3 "  Referemus  ad  vos,  patres  conscripti,  quod  saepe 
rettulimus  ;  imperator  est  deligendus,  cum  l  exercitus 
sine  principe  recte  diutius  stare  non  possit,  simul 

4quia  cogit  necessitas.  nam  limitem  Transrhenanum 
Germani  rupisse  dicuntur,  occupasse  urbes  validas, 

5nobiles,  divites  et  potentes.  iam  si  nihil  de  Persicis 
motibus  nuntiatur,  cogitate  tarn  leves  esse  mentes 
Syrorum  ut  regnare  vel  feminas  cupiant  potius  quam 

6  nostram  perpeti  sanctimoniam.     quid  Africam  ?    quid 
Illyricum  ?      quid     Aegyptum     earumque     omnium 
partium  exercitus?  quo  usque  sine  principe  credimus 

7  posse  consistere  ?    quare  agite,  patres  conscripti,  et 
principem  dicite.     aut  accipiet  enim  exercitus  quern 
elegeritis  aut,  si  refutaverit,  alterum  faciet." 

IV.  Post  haec  cum  Tacitus,  qui   erat  primae  sen- 
tentiae  consularis,  sententiam  incertum  quam  vellet 

2  dicere,2  omnis  senatus  adclamavit :   "  Tacite  Auguste, 
deus  te  servet.     te  deligimus,  te  principem  facimus, 

3  tibi  curam  rei  publicae  orbisque  mandamus,      suscipe 
imperium  ex  senatus  auctoritate,  tui  loci,  tuae  vitae, 
tuae  mentis  est  quod  mereris.     princeps  senatus  recte 
Augustus    creatur,    primae    sententiae  vir  recte  im- 

1  cum  om.  in  P.        zincertam\ .  .  .  diceret  P. 


1 M.  Claudius  Tacitus  Augustus  (275-276) ;  there  is  no  warrant 
for  the  name  Aurelius  given  to  him  iu  Aur.,  xli.  4.  According 
to  Zonaras,  xii.  28,  he  was  at  this  time  75  years  old. 

2  See  Aur.t  xli.  3  and  notes. 

3  See  note  to  Aur.,  xxxv.  4.  4See  note  to  Val.t  v.  4. 

300 


TACITUS  III.   1— IV.  S 

III.  It  is  important,   however,    that   it  should  be 
known  how  Tacitus1  was  created  emperor.     On  the 

seventh  day  before  the  Kalends  of  October,  when  the  25  Sept.  (275; 

most  noble  body  had  assembled  in  the  Senate-house  of 

Pompilius,2   Velius    Cornificius  Gordianus    the   consul 

spoke  as  follows :   "  We  shall  now  bring  before  you, 

Conscript  Fathers,  what  we  have  often  brought  before 

you  previously  ;  you  must  choose  an  emperor,  because 

it  is  not  right  for  the  army  to  remain  longer  without 

a   prince,    and   at   the   same    time  because  necessity 

compels.     For  it  is  said  that  the  Germans  have  broken 

through  the  frontier  beyond  the  Rhine  3  and  have  seized 

cities  that  are  strong  and  famous  and  rich  and  powerful. 

And  even  if  we  hear  nothing  now  of  any  movement 

among  the   Persians,  reflect  that  the  Syrians  are  so 

light-minded  that  rather  than  submit  to  our  righteous 

rule  they  desire  even  a  woman  to  reign  over  them. 

What    of  Africa?      What    of   Illyricium?      What    of 

Egypt  and  the  armies  of  all  these  regions  ?     How  long, 

do  we  suppose,  can  they  stand  firm  without  a  prince  ? 

Wherefore  up,  Conscript  Fathers,  and  name  a  prince. 

For  the  army  will  either  accept  the  one  you  name  or, 

if  it  reject  him,  will  choose  another." 

IV.  Thereupon  when  Tacitus,  the  consular  whose 
right  it  was  to  speak  his  opinion  first,  began  to  express 
some  sentiment,  it  is  uncertain  what,  the  whole  senate 
acclaimed  him  4 :  "  Tacitus  Augustus,  may  God  keep 
you !     We  choose  you,  we  name  you  prince,  to  your 
care  we  commit  the  commonwealth  and  the  world. 
Now   take   the   imperial  power  by  authority  of  the 
senate,  for  by  reason  of  your  rank,  your  life  and  your 
mind  you  deserve  it.     Rightfully  is  the  prince  of  the 
senate  created  Augustus,  rightfully  is  the  man  whose 
privilege  it  is  to  speak  his  opinion  first  created   our 

301 


TACITUS 

4  perator  creatur.  ecquis  melius  quam  gravis  imperat  ? 
ecquis  melius  quam  litteratus  imperat  ?  quod  bonum 
faustum  salutareque  sit.  diu  privatus  fuisti.  scis 
quemadmodum  debeas  imperare,  qui  alios  principes 
pertulisti.  scis  quemadmodum  debeas  imperare,  qui 
de  aliis  principibus  iudicasti." 

6  At  ille  :  "  Miror,  patres  conscripti,  vos  in  locum 
Aureliani,  fortissimi  imperatoris,  senem  velle  prin- 

6  cipem  facere.    en  membra,  quae  iaculari  valeant,  quae 
hastile  torquere,  quae  clipeis  intonare,  quae  ad  ex- 
emplum    docendi    militis    frequenter   equitare.      vix 
munia  senatus  implemus,  vix  sententias,  ad  quas  nos 

7  locus    artat,    edicimus.      videte    diligentius     quam 
aetatem  de    cubiculo   atque   umbra  in  pruinas   aes- 
tusque    mittatis.   ac  probaturos  senem  imperatorem 

Smilites  creditis  ?  videte  ne  et  rei  publicae  non  eum 
quern  velitis  principem  detis,  et  mihi  hoc  solum  obesse 
incipiat  quod  me  unanimiter  delegistis." 

V.  Post  haec  adclamationes  senatus  haec  fuerunt : 
"Et  Traianus  ad  imperium  senex  venit."  dixerunt 
decies.  "Et  Hadrianus  ad  imperium  senex  venit." 
dixerunt  decies.  "  Et  Antoninus  ad  imperium  senex 
venit."  dixerunt  decies.  "  Et  tu  legisti :  *  In- 
canaque  menta  regis  Roman!.'  dixerunt  decies. 
"Ecquis  melius  quam  senex  imperat?"  dixerunt 
decies.  "  Imperatorem  te,  non  militem  facimus." 

1  Aeneid,  vi.  809-810 ;  of.  Hadr.,  ii.  8. 
302 


TACITUS  IV.  4— V.  1 

emperor.  Who  can  rule  more  ably  than  a  man  of 
authority?  Who  can  rule  more  ably  than  a  man  of 
letters?  May  it  prove  happy,  auspicious,  and  to  the 
general  welfare  !  Long  heve  you  been  a  commoner. 
You  know  how  you  should  rule,  for  you  have  been 
subject  to  other  princes.  You  know  how  you  should 
rule,  for  on  other  princes  you  have  rendered  judge- 
ment." 

Tacitus,  however,  replied :  "I  marvel,  Conscript 
Fathers,  that  in  the  place  of  Aurelian,  a  most  valiant 
emperor,  you  should  wish  to  make  an  aged  man  your 
prince.  Behold  these  members,  which  should  be  able 
to  cast  a  dart,  to  hurl  a  spear,  to  clash  a  shield,  and, 
as  an  example  for  instructing  the  soldiery,  to  ride  with- 
out ceasing.  Scarce  can  I  fulfil  the  duties  of  a  senator, 
scarce  can  I  speak  the  opinions  to  which  my  position 
constrains  me.  Observe  with  greater  care  my  advanced 
age,  which  you  are  now  sending  out  from  the  shade  of 
the  chamber  into  the  cold  and  the  heat.  And  think 
you  that  the  soldiers  will  welcome  an  old  man  as  their 
emperor  ?  Look  you  lest  you  give  the  commonwealth 
a  prince  whom  you  do  not  really  desire  and  lest  men 
begin  to  raise  this  as  the  sole  objection  against  me, 
namely,  that  you  have  chosen  me  unanimously." 

V.  Thereupon  there  were  the  following  acclama- 
tions from  the  senate :  "  Trajan  also  came  to  power 
when  an  old  man."  This  they  said  ten  times. 
"  Hadrian  also  came  to  power  when  an  old  man." 
This  they  said  ten  times.  "  Antoninus  also  came  to 
power  when  an  old  man."  This  they  said  ten  times. 
"  You  yourself  have  read,  '  And  the  hoary  beard  of 
a  Roman  king.' " l  This  they  said  ten  times.  "  Can 
any  one  rule  more  ably  than  an  old  man  ?  "  This  they 
said  ten  times.  "We  are  choosing  you  as  an  emperor, 

303 


TACITUS 

2 dixerunt  vicies.  "Tu  iube,  milites  pugnent."  dixe- 
runt tricies.  "  Habes  prudentiam  et  bonum  fratrem." 
dixerunt  decies.  "  Severus  dixit  caput  imperare  non 
pedes."  dixerunt  tricies.  "  Animum  tuum,  non 
corpus  eligimus."  dixerunt  vicies.  "  Tacite  Auguste, 
di  te  servent ! ' 

3  Deinde  omnes  interrogate1  praeterea  qui  post 
Taciturn  sedebat  senator  consularis,  Maecius  Faltonius 
VI.  Nicomachus,  in  haec  verba  disseruit :  "  Semper 
quidem,  patres  conscripti,  recte  atque  prudenter  rei 
publicae  magnificus  hie  ordo  consuluit,  neque  a 
quoquam  orbis  terrae  populo  solidior  umquam  ex- 
spectata  sapientia  est.  attamen  nulla  umquam  neque 
gravior  neque  prudentior  in  hoc  sacrario  dicta  sen- 

2tentia  est.  seniorem  principem  fecimus  et  virum 
qui  omnibus  quasi  pater  consulat.  nihil  ab  hoc 
inmaturum,  nihil  praeproperum,  nihil  asperum  for- 
midandum  est.  omnia  seria,  cuncta  gravia,  et  quasi 

3ipsa  res  publica  iubeat,  auguranda  sunt.  scit  enim 
qualem  sibi  principem  semper  optaverit  nee  potest2 
aliud  nobis  exhibere  quam  ipse  desideravit  et  voluit. 

4enimvero  si  recolere  velitis  vetusta  ilia  prodigia, 
Nerones  dico  et  Heliogabalos  et  Cormnodos,  seu 
potius  semper  Incommodos,  certe  non  hominum  magis 

Svitia  ilia  quam  aetatum  fuerunt.  di  avertant  prin- 
cipes  pueros  et  patres  patriae  dici  impuberes  et 
quibus  ad  subscribendum  magistri  litterarii  manus 

1  interrogate  S,  Peter ;  interrogatis  P.  *potes  P. 

1See  Sev.t  xviii.  10.  2  Otherwise  unknown. 


TACITUS  V.  2— VI.  5 

not  as  a  soldier."  This  they  said  twenty  times.  "  Do 
you  but  give  commands,  and  let  the  soldiers  fight." 
This  they  said  thirty  times.  "  You  have  both  wisdom 
and  an  excellent  brother."  This  they  said  ten  times. 
"  Severus  said  that  it  is  the  head  that  does  the  ruling 
and  not  the  feet."  *  This  they  said  thirty  times.  "  It 
is  your  mind  and  not  your  body  that  we  are  choosing." 
This  they  said  twenty  times.  "  Tacitus  Augustus, 
may  the  gods  keep  you  !  " 

Then  all  were  asked  their  opinions.  In  addition, 
Maecius  Faltonius  Nicomachus,a  a  senator  of  consular 
rank,  whose  place  was  next  to  Tacitus',  addressed 
them  as  follows:  VI.  "Always  indeed,  Conscript 
Fathers,  has  this  noble  body  taken  wise  and  prudent 
measures  for  the  commonwealth,  and  from  no  nation 
in  the  whole  world  has  sounder  wisdom  ever  been 
awaited.  At  no  time,  however,  has  a  more  wise  or 
more  weighty  opinion  been  voiced  in  this  sacred  place. 
We  have  chosen  as  prince  a  man  advanced  in  years, 
one  who  will  watch  over  all  like  a  father.  From  him 
we  need  fear  nothing  ill-considered,  nothing  over  hasty, 
nothing  cruel.  All  his  actions,  we  may  predict,  will 
be  earnest,  all  dignified,  and,  in  fact,  what  the  common- 
wealth herself  would  command.  For  he  knows  what 
manner  of  prince  he  has  ever  hoped  for,  and  he  can- 
not show  himself  to  us  as  other  than  what  he  himself 
has  sought  and  desired.  Indeed,  if  you  should  wish 
to  consider  those  monsters  of  old,  a  Nero,  I  mean,  an 
Elagabalus,  a  Commodus — or  rather,  always,  an  In- 
commodious— you  would  assuredly  find  that  their  vices 
were  due  as  much  to  their  youth  as  to  the  men  them- 
selves. May  the  gods  forfend  that  we  should  give  the 
title  of  prince  to  a  child  or  of  Father  of  his  Country  to 
an  immature  boy,  whose  hand  a  schoolmaster  must 

305 


TACITUS 

teneant,  quos  ad  consulatus  dandos  dulcia  et  circuli  et 
6quaecumque  voluptas  puerilis  invitet.  quae  (malum) 
ratio  est  habere  imperatorem,  qui  famam  curare  non 
noverit,  qui  quid  sit  res  publica  nesciat,  nutritorem 
timeat,  respiciat  ad  nutricem,  virgarum l  magistralium 
ictibus  terrorique  subiaceat,  faciat  eos  consules,  duces, 
iudices  quorum  vitam,  merita,  aetates,  familias,  gesta 

7  lion  norit.     sed  quo 2  diutius,  patres  conscripti,  pro- 
trahor  ?     magis  gratulemur  quod  habemus  principem 
senem,  quam  ilia  iteremus  quae  plus  quam  lacrimanda 

8  tolerantibus  exstiterunt.     gratias  igitur  dis  inmortali- 
bus  ago  atque  habeo,  et  quidem  pro  universa  re  publica, 
teque,  Tacite  Auguste,  convenio,  petens,  obsecrans  ac 
libere  pro  communi  patria  et3  legibus  deposcens,  ne 
parvulos    tuos,    si   te    citius   fata   praevenerint,  facias 
Romani  heredes  imperil,  ne  sic  rem  publicam  patresque 
conscriptos  populumque  Romanum  ut  villulam  tuam, 

9ut  colonos  tuos,  ut  servos  tuos  relinquas.  quare  cir- 
cumspice,  imitare  Nervas,  Traianos,  Hadrianos.  ingens 
est  gloria  morientis  principis  rem  publicam  magis 
amare  quam  filios." 

VII.  Hac  oratione  et  Tacitus  ipse  vehementer  est 
motus,  et  totus  senatorius  ordo  concussus,  statimque 
adclamatum  est,  "  Omnes,  omnes." 

2  Inde  itum  ad  Campum  Martium,  ubi  comitiale 
tribunal  ascendit.  ibi 4  praefectus  urbis  Aelius  Cesetti- 

1  uirgarum  Peter,  Hohl ;  magnarum  P1.  2  quo  Salm., 

Peter;  quod  P.         'Aet  ins.  by  Salm.;  om.  in  P.          4ubi  .  .  . 
ibi  Peter;  ibi  .  .  .  ubi  P,  Hohl. 

1  i.e.,  adopt  a  successor. 

'  Otherwise  unknown.  According  to  the  list  of  the  "  Chrono- 
grapher  of  354,"  Postumius  Suagrus  was  prefect  of  the  city  in 
275. 

306 


TACITUS  VJ.  6— VII.  2 

guide  for  the  signing  of  his  name  and  who  is  induced 
to  confer  a  consulship  by  sweetmeats  or  toys  or  other 
such  childish  delights.  What  wisdom  is  there — a 
plague  upon  it ! — in  having  as  emperor  one  who  has 
not  learned  to  care  for  fame,  who  knows  not  what  the 
commonwealth  is,  who  stands  in  dread  of  a  guardian, 
who  looks  to  a  nurse,  who  is  in  subjection  to  the  blows 
or  the  fear  of  a  schoolmaster's  rod,  who  appoints  as 
consuls  or  generals  or  judges  men  whose  lives,  whose 
merits,  whose  years,  whose  families,  whose  achieve- 
ments he  knows  not  at  all?  But  why,  Conscript 
Fathers,  do  I  proceed  farther.  Let  us  rejoice  that  we 
have  an  elder  as  our  prince,  rather  than  recall  again 
those  times  which  appear  more  than  tearful  to  those 
who  endured  them.  And  so  I  bring  and  offer  thanks 
to  the  gods  in  heaven  in  behalf,  indeed,  of  the  entire 
commonwealth,  and  I  appeal  to  you,  Tacitus  Augustus, 
asking  and  entreating  and  openly  demanding  in  the 
name  of  our  common  fatherland  and  our  laws  that,  if 
Fate  should  overtake  you  too  speedily,  you  will  not 
name  your  young  sons  as  heirs  to  the  Roman  Empire, 
or  bequeath  to  them  the  commonwealth,  the  Conscript 
Fathers,  and  the  Roman  people  as  you  would  your 
farm,  your  tenants,  and  your  slaves.  Wherefore  look 
about  you  and  follow  the  example  of  a  Nerva,  a  Trajan, 
and  a  Hadrian.1  It  is  a  great  glory  to  a  dying  prince 
to  love  the  commonwealth  more  than  his  own  sons." 

VII.  By  this  speech  Tacitus  himself  was  greatly 
moved  and  the  whole  senatorial  order  was  deeply 
affected,  and  at  once  they  shouted,  "So  say  we  all 
of  us,  all  of  us." 

Thereupon  they  proceeded  to  the  Campus  Martius, 
where  Tacitus  mounted  the  assembly-platform.  There 
Aelius  Cesettianus,-  the  prefect  of  the  city,  spoke  as 

307 


TACITUS 

3  aims  sic  locutus  est:  "Vos,  sanctissimi  milites  et 
sacratissiini  vos  Quirites,  habetis  principem,  quern  de 
sententia  omnium  exercituum  senatus  elegit,  Taciturn 
dico,  augustissimum  virum,  ut  qui  hactenus  seiitentiis 
suis  rem  puolicam,  DUDC  adiuvet1  iussis  atque  con- 

4sultis."  adclamatum  est  a  populo,  "  Felicissime  Tacite 
Auguste,  di  te  servent,"  et  reliqua  quae  solent  dici. 

6  Hoc  loco  tacendum  non  est  plerosque  in  litteras 
rettulisse  Taciturn  absentem  et  in  Campania  positum 

6  principem  nuncupatum ;  verum  est,  nee  dissimulare 
possum,  nam  cum  rumor  emersisset  ilium  imperatorem 
esse  faciendum,  discessit  atque  in  Baiano  duobus 

yinensibus  fuit.  sed  inde  deductus  huic  senatus  con- 
sulto  interfuit,  quasi  vere  privatus  et  qui  vere  recusaret 
VIII.  imperium.  ac  ne  quis  me  temere  Graecorum  alicui 
Latinorumve  aestimet  credidisse,  liabet  in  Bibliotheca 
Ulpia  in  armario  sexto  librum  elephanttnum,  in  quo 
hoc  senatus  consultum  perscriptum  est,  cui  Tacitus  ipse 

2manu  sua  subscripsit.  nam  diu  haec  senatus  consulta 
quae  ad  principes  pertinebant  in  libris  elephantinis 
scribebantur. 

3  Inde  ad  exercitus  profectus.     ibi  quoque,  cum  pri- 
mum  tribunal  ascendit,  Moesius  Gallicanus  praefectus 

4  praetorii  in  haec  verba  disseruit :   "  Dedit,  sanctissimi 
commilitones,  senatus  principem,  quern  petistis  ;  paruit 
praeceptis  et  voluntati 2  castrensium  ordo  ille  nobilis- 
simus.     plura  mihi  apud  vos  praesente  iam  imperatore 

ladiu'uet    Peter,    Hohl ;    diuet    P.  *uoluntati    27; 

uoluptati  P. 

1  So  also  Zonaras,  xii.  28. 

2  See  Aur.t  i.  7  and  notes;  the  "ivory  book"  is  doubtless  as 
fictitious  as  the  "  libri  lintei." 

3  Otherwise  unknown. 

308 


TACITUS  VII.  3— VI II.  4 

follows  :  "  You  have  now,  most  venerated  soldiers,  and 
you,  most  revered  fellow-citizens,  an  emperor  chosen 
by  the  senate  at  the  request  of  all  the  armies,  Tacitus, 
I  mean,  the  most  august  of  men,  who,  as  he  has  in  the 
past  benefited  the  commonwealth  by  his  counsels,  will 
now  benefit  it  by  his  commands  and  decrees."  The 
people  then  shouted,  "Tacitus  Augustus,! most  blessed, 
may  the  gods  keep  you ! "  and  all  else  that  it  is 
customary  to  say. 

At  this  point  I  must  not  leave  it  unmentioned  that 
many  writers  have  recorded  that  Tacitus,  when  named 
emperor,  was  absent  and  residing  in  Campania l ;  this 
is  indeed  true,  and  I  cannot  dissemble.  For  when  the 
rumour  spread  that  he  was  to  be  made  emperor,  he 
withdrew  and  lived  for  two  months  at  his  house  at 
Baiae.  But  after  being  escorted  back  from  there  he 
took  part  in  this  decree  of  the  senate,  as  though 
actually  a  commoner  and  one  who  in  truth  would 
refuse  the  imperial  power.  VIII.  And  now,  lest  any 
one  consider  that  I  have  rashly  put  faith  in  some 
Greek  or  Latin  writer,  there  is  in  the  Ulpian  Library,2 
in  the  sixth  case,  an  ivory  book,  in  which  is  written 
out  this  decree  of  the  senate,  signed  by  Tacitus  himself 
with  his  own  hand.  For  those  decrees  which  pertained 
to  the  emperors  were  long  inscribed  in  books  of 
ivory. 

He  proceeded  thence  to  the  troops.  Here  also,  as 
soon  as  he  mounted  the  platform  Moesius  Gallicanus,8 
the  prefect  of  the  guard,  spoke  as  follows:  "The 
senate  has  given  you,  most  venerated  fellow-soldiers, 
the  emperor  you  sought ;  and  that  most  noble  order 
has  carried  out  the  instructions  and  the  wishes  of  the 
men  of  the  camps.  More  I  may  not  say,  for  the 
emperor  is  now  present  with  you.  Do  you,  then,  as 

309 


TACITUS 

non   licet   loqui.     ipsum  igitur,  qui   tueri  nos   debet, 

5loquentem  dignanter  audite."  post  hoc  Tacitus 
Augustus  dixit :  "  Et  Traianus  ad  imperium  senex 
venit,  sed  ille  ab  uno  delectus  est,  at  me,  sanctissimi 
commilitones,  primum  vos,  qui  scitis  principes  adpro- 
bare,  deinde  amplissimus  senatus  dignum  hoc  nomine 
iudicavit.  curabo,  enitar,  efficiam,  ne  vobis  desint,  si 
non  fortia  facta,  at  saltern l  vobis  atque  imperatore 
digna  consilia." 

IX.  Post  hoc  stipendium  et  donativum  ex  more  pro- 
misit  et  primam  orationem  ad  senatum  talem  dedit : 
"Ita  mihi  liceat,  patres  conscripti,  sic2  imperium  regere 
ut  a  vobis  me  constet  electum,  ut  ego  cuncta  ex  vestra 
facere  sententia  et  potestate  decrevi.  vestrum  3  est 
igitur  ea  iubere  atque  sancire  quae  digna  vobis,  digna 
modesto  exercitu,  digna  populo  Romano  esse  videan- 

2tur."  in  eadem  oratione  Aureliano  statuam  auream 
ponendam  in  Capitolio  decrevit,  item  statuam  argen- 
team  in  Curia,  item  in  Templo  Solis,  item  in  Foro  divi 
Traiani.  sed  aurea  non  est  posita,  dedicatae  autem 

Ssunt  solae  argenteae.  in  eadem  oratione  cavit  ut 
si  quis  argento  publice  privatimque  aes  miscuisset,  si 
quis  auro  argentum,  si  quis  aeri  plumbum,  capital  esset 

4  cum  bonorum  proscription  e.  in  eadem  oratione  cavit 
ut  servi  in  dominorum  capita  non  interrogarentur,  ne 

1  at  saltern  Z ;  ad  salutem  P.  2  sic  27;  sit  P.  3  itestrum 
2 ;  uerum  P. 


1  See  Aur.t  xxxv.  3  and  note. 

a  See  note  to  Hadr.t  vii.  6. 

3  This  principle  had  been  established  by  a  vetus  senatus 
consul  turn ;  see  Tacitus,  Annals,  ii.  30,  3.  But  by  Cicero's 
time  an  exception  was  made  in  cases  of  sacrilege  and  con- 
spiracy; see  Cicero,  Oral.  Partition's,  118. 

310 


TACITUS  VI 11.  5-  JX.  4 

he  speaks,  listen  to  him  with  all  respect,  for  his  duty 
it  is  to  watch  over  us."  Thereupon  Tacitus  Augustus 
spoke  :  "  Trajan  also  came  into  power  in  his  old  age,  but 
he  was  chosen  by  a  single  man,  whereas  I  have  been 
judged  worthy  of  this  title,  first  by  you,  most  venerated 
fellow-soldiers,  who  know  how  to  approve  your 
emperors,  and  then  by  the  most  noble  senate.  Now  I 
will  endeavour  and  make  every  effort  and  do  my 
utmost  that  you  may  have  no  lack,  if  not  of  brave 
deeds,  at  least  of  counsels  worthy  of  you  and  of  your 
emperor." 

IX.  After  this  he  promised  them  their  pay  and  the 
customary  donative,  and  then  he  delivered  his  first 
speech  to  the  senate  as  follows :  "  So  surely  may  it  be 
granted  me,  Conscript  Fathers,  to  rule  the  empire  in 
such  a  way  that  it  will  be  apparent  that  I  was  chosen 
by  you,  as  I  have  determined  to  do  all  things  by  your 
will  and  power.  Yours  it  is,  therefore,  to  command 
and  enact  whatsoever  seems  worthy  of  yourselves, 
worthy  of  a  well-ordered  army,  and  worthy  of  the 
Roman  people."  In  this  same  speech  he  proposed 
that  a  golden  statue  of  Aurelian  be  set  up  in  the 
Capitolium,  likewise  a  silver  one  in  the  Senate-house, 
in  the  Temple  of  the  Sun,1  and  in  the  Forum  of  the 
Deified  Trajan.2  The  golden  one,  however,  was  never 
set  up  and  only  the  silver  ones  were  ever  dedicated. 
In  the  same  oration  he  ordained  that  if  any  one,  either 
officially  or  privately,  alloyed  silver  with  copper,  or  gold 
with  silver,  or  copper  with  lead,  it  should  be  a  capital 
offence,  involving  confiscation  of  property.  In  the 
same  speech  he  ordained  that  slaves  should  not  be 
questioned  against  their  master  when  on  trial  for  his 
life,3  not  even  in  a  prosecution  for  treason.  He  added 
the  further  command  that  every  man  should  have  a 

311 


TACITUS 

Bin  causa  maiestatis  quidem.  addidit  ut  Aurelianum 
omnes  pictum  haberent.  divorum  templura  fieri  iussit, 
in l  quo  essent  statuae  principum  bonorum,  ita  ut  iis- 
dem  natalibus  suis  et  Parilibus  et  kalendis  lanuariis 

6  et  Votis  libamina  ponerentur.  in  eadem  oratione  fratri 
suo  Floriano  consulatum  petiit  et  non  impetravit,  id- 
circo  quod  iam  senatus  omnia  mmdinia  suffectorum 
consulum  clauserat.  dicitur  autem  multum  laetatus 
senatus  libertate,  quod  ei  negatus  est  consulatus,  quern 
fratri  petierat.  fertur  denique  dixisse,  "  Scit  senatus 
quern  principem  fecerit." 

X.  Patrimonium  suura  publicavit,  quod  habuit  in  re- 
ditibus,  sestertium  bis  milies  octingenties.  pecuniam, 
quam  domi  collegerat,  in  stipendium  militum  vertit. 
togis  et  tunicis  iisdem  est  usus  quibus  privatus. 

2raeritoria  intra  urbem  stare  vetuit,  quod  quidem  diu 
tenere  non  potuit.  thermas  omnes  ante  lucernam 
claudi  iussit,  ne  quid  per  noctem  seditionis  oriretur. 

SCornelium  Taciturn,  scriptorem  historiae  Augustae, 
quod  parentem  suum  eundem  diceret,  in  omnibus 

1  in  Z ;  ut  P. 


1  There  was  already  in  existence  a  large  structure  built  by 
Domitian,  consisting  of  two  temples  of  Vespasian  and  Titus  with 
a  great  enclosing  portico,  called  the  Portions  Divorum,  the 
whole  complex  being  known  as  the  Ternplum  Divorurn.     Its 
site  was  the  mod.  Piazza  Grazioli  and  the  land  to  the  south. 

2  21   April,   originally  a  festival  in  honour  of  an  ancient 
pastoral  deity  named  Pales,  and  later  celebrated  as  the  birth- 
day of  Rome. 

8  The  Votorum  Nuncupatio  on  3  Jan.,  on  which  vows  for  the 
emperor's  health  were  taken  by  the  officials  and  priests. 
4  See  c.  xiii.  6  f. 
"See  notes  to  Corac.,  iv.  8,  and  Alex.,  xxviii.  1. 

312 


TACITUS  IX.  5— X.  $ 

painting  of  Aurelian,  and  he  ordered  that  a  temple  to 
the  deified  emperors  l  be  erected,  in  which  should  be 
placed  the  statues  of  the  good  princes,  so  that  sacrificial 
cakes  might  be  set  before  them  on  their  birthdays,  the 
Parilia,2  the  Kalends  of  January,  and  the  Day  of  the 
Vows.3  In  the  same  speech  he  asked  for  the  consul- 
ship for  his  brother  Florian,4  but  this  request  he  did 
not  obtain  for  the  reason  that  the  senate  had  already 
fixed  all  the  terms  of  office  for  the  substitute  consuls.6 
It  is  said,  moreover,  that  he  derived  great  pleasure 
from  the  senate's  independence  of  spirit,  because  it 
refused  him  the  consulship  which  he  had  asked  for  his 
brother.  Indeed  he  is  said  to  have  exclaimed,  "  The 
senate  knows  what  manner  of  prince  it  has  chosen." 

X.  He  presented  to  the  state  the  private  fortune 
which  he  had  in  investments,  amounting  to  two 
hundred  and  eighty  million  sesterces,  and  the  money 
which  he  had  accumulated  in  his  house  he  used  for  the 
pay  of  the  soldiers.  He  continued  to  wear  the  same 
togas  and  tunics  that  he  had  worn  while  a  commoner. 
He  forbade  the  keeping  of  brothels  in  the  city — 
which  measure,  indeed,  could  not  be  maintained  for 
long.  He  gave  orders  that  all  public  baths  should  be 
closed  before  the  hour  for  lighting  the  lamps,6  that 
no  disturbance  might  arise  during  the  night.  He  had 
Cornelius  Tacitus,  the  writer  of  Augustan  history,7 
placed  in  all  the  libraries,  claiming  him  as  a  relative  8  ; 


6  They  had  been  kept  open  at  night  by  Severus  Alexander ; 
see  Alex.,  xxiv.  6. 

7  From  this  passage  Casaubon  took  the  title  which  has  ever 
since  been   given   erroneously  to  this  collection  ;    see  vol.  IM 
Intro.,  p.  xi. 

8  The  difference  between  the  names  of  their  respective  gentea 
shows  this  to  be  impossible. 

313 


TACITUS 

bibliothecis  conlocari  iussit ;  ne1  lectorum  incuria 
deperiret,  librum  per  annos  singulos  decies  scribi 
publicitus  in  t  evicosarchis 2  iussit  et  in  bibliothecis 

4poni.  holosericam  vestem  viris  omnibus  interdixit. 
doraum  suam  destrui  praecepit  atque  in  eo  loco  ther- 

5  mas  publicas  fieri  private  sumptu  iussit.  columnas 
centum  Numidicas  pedum  vicenum  ternum  Osti- 
ensibus  donavit  de  proprio.  possessiones,  quas  in 
Mauretania  habuit,  sartis  tectis  Capitolii  deputavit. 

eargentum  mensale,  quod  privatus  habuerat,3  minis- 
teriis  conviviorum,  quae  in  templis  fierent,  dedicavit. 

7  servos  urbanos   omnes   manu   misit   utriusque  sexus, 
intra  centum  tamen  ne  Caniniam  transire  videretur. 

XI.  Ipse  fuit  vitae  parcissimae,  ita  ut  sextarium 
vini  tota  die  numquam  potaverit,  saepe  intra  heminam. 
2convivium  vero  unius  gallinacei,  ita  ut  sinciput  ad- 
deret  et  ova.  prae  omnibus  holeribus  adfatim  minis- 
tratis  lactucis  impatienter  indulsit,  somnum  enim  se 
mercari  ilia  sumptus  effusione  dicebat.  amariores 

8  cibos  adpetivit.     balneis  raro  usus  est  atque  adeo  vali- 
dior  fuit  in  senectute.      vitreorum  diversitate  atque 
operositate  vehementer  est    delectatus.    panem    nisi 
siccum  numquam  comedit  eundemque  sale  atque  aliis 

4  rebus  conditum.  fabricarum  peritissimus  fuit,  mar- 
morum  cupidus,  nitoris  senatorii,  venationum  studiosus. 

1  ne  Hohl ;    nee  P ;    iieue  Peter2.         2  So  P  ;   no  successful 
emendations  have  been  proposed.     'Ahabuerat  Z\  habu-eritP. 


1  See  Heliog.,  xx^i.  1  and  note. 

8  See  note  to  Gord.,  xxxii.  2. 

3  The  Lex  Fufia  Caninia  of  2  B.C.,  designating  specified  pro- 
portions of  a  household  of  slaves  that  might  be  manumitted, 
the  maximum  being  one  hundred  ;  see  Gaius,  i.  42-46. 


TACITUS  X.  4— XI.  4 

and  in  order  that  his  works  might  not  be  lost  through 
the  carelessness  of  the  readers  he  gave  orders  that  ten 
copies  of  them  should  be  made  each  year  officially  in 
the  copying-establishments  and  put  in  the  libraries. 
He  forbade  any  man  to  wt-ar  a  garment  made  wholly 
of  silk.1  He  gave  orders  that  his  house  should  be 
destroyed  and  a  public  bath  erected  on  the  site  at  his 
own  expense.  To  the  people  of  Ostia  he  presented 
from  his  own  funds  one  hundred  columns  of  Numidian 
marble/  each  twenty-three  feet  in  height,  and  the 
estates  which  he  owned  in  Mauritania  he  assigned  tor 
keeping  the  Capitolium  in  repair.  The  table-silver 
which  he  had  used  when  a  commoner  he  dedicated 
to  the  service  of  the  banquets  to  be  held  in  the 
temples,  and  all  the  slaves  of  both  sexes  whom  he  had 
in  the  city  he  set  free,  keeping  the  number,  however, 
below  one  hundred  in  order  not  to  seem  to  be  trans- 
gressing the  Caninian  Law.3 

XI.  In  his  manner  of  living  he  was  very  temperate, 
so  much  so  that  in  a  whole  day  he  never  drank  a  pint 
of  wine,  and  frequently  less  than  a  half-pint.  Even 
at  a  banquet  there  would  be  served  a  single  cock,  with 
the  addition  of  a  pig's  jowl  and  some  eggs.  In  pre- 
ference to  ah1  other  greens  he  would  indulge  himself 
without  stint  in  lettuce,  which  was  served  in  large 
quantities,  for  he  used  to  say  that  he  purchased  sleep 
by  this  kind  of  lavish  expenditure.  He  especially 
liked  the  more  bitter  kinds  of  food.  He  took  baths 
rarely  and  wras  all  the  stronger  in  his  old  a<:e.  He 
delighted  greatly  in  varied  and  elaborate  kinds  of 
g'assware.  He  never  ate  bread  unless  it  was  dry,  but 
he  flavoured  it  with  salt  and  other  condiments.  He 
was  very  skilled  in  the  handicrafts,  fond  of  marbles, 
truly  senatorial  in  his  elegance  and  devoted  to  hunting. 


TACITUS 

5mensam  denique  suam  numquam  nisi  agrestibus 
opimavit.  phasianam  avem  nisi  suo  et  auorum  natali 
et  diebus  festissimis  nori  posuit.  hostias  suas  semper 

6  domurn  revocavit  iisdemque  suos  vesci  iussit.     uxorem 
gemmis  uti  non  est  passus.     auro  clavatis  vestibus  idem 
interdixit.     nam  et  ipse  auctor  Aureliano  fuisse  perhi- 
betur  ut  aurum  a  vestibus  et  cameris  et  pellibus  sum- 

7  moveret.     multa  hums  feruntur,  sed  longum  est  ea  in 
litteras  mittere.     quod  si  quis  omnia  de  hoc  viro  cupit 
scire,  legat  Suetonium  Optatianum,  qui  eius  vitam  ad- 

8  fatim  scripsit.     legit  sane  senex  minutulas  litteras  ad 
stuporem  nee  umquam  noctem  intermisit  qua  non  ali- 
quid  vel  scriberet  ille  vel   legeret   praeter   posterum 
kalendarum  diem. 

XII.  Nee  tacendum  est  et  frequenter  intimandum1 
tantam  senatus  laetitiam  fuisse,  quod  eligendi  principis 
cura  ad  ordinem  amplissimum  revertisset  ut  et  suppli- 
cationes  decernerentur,  et  hecatombe  promitteretur, 
singuli  denique  senatores  ad  suos  scriberent,  nee  ad 
suos  tantum  sed  etiam  ad  externos,  mitterentur  prae- 
terea  litterae  ad  provincias :  "scirent  omnes  socii 
omnesque  nationes  in  antiquum  statum  redisse  rem 
publicam  ac  senatum  principes  legere,  immo  ipsum 
senatum  principem  factum,  leges  a  senatu  petendas, 

1  intimandum  Salm. ;  vmitandum  P. 


1  See  note  to  Pert.,  xii.  6.  a  See  Aur.t  xlvi.  1. 

3  Unknown  and  probably  fictitious. 

4  His  reign  was  regarded  throughout  as  the  re-establishment 
of  the  rule  of  the  senate ;  he  restored  to  the  senators  the  right 
to  hold  military  commands  (Aur.  Victor,  Caes.,   37,   6)   and 
issued  gold  coins  inscribed  S.C.  (Matt.-Syd.,  v.  p.  333,  no.  75 ; 
pp.  346-347,  nos.  205  and  209).     This  policy  found  expression  in 

316 


TACITUS  XI.  5— XII.   1 

II is  table,  indeed,  was  supplied  only  with  country 
produce,  and  he  never  served  pheasants  l  except  on  his 
own  birthday  and  on  those  of  his  family  and  on  the 
chief  festivals.  He  always  brought  back  home  the 
sacrificial  victims  and  bade  his  household  eat  them. 
He  did  not  permit  his  wife  to  use  jewels  and  also  for- 
bade her  to  wear  garments  with  gold  stripes.  In  fact, 
it  is  said  that  it  was  he  who  impelled  Aureliaii  to  forbid 
the  use  of  gold  on  clothing  and  ceilings  and  leather.'2 
Many  other  measures  of  his  are  related,  but  it  would 
be  too  long  to  set  them  all  down  in  writing,  and  if 
anyone  desires  to  know  everything  about  this  man,  he 
should  read  Suetonius  Optatianus,3  who  wrote  his  life 
in  full  detail.  Though  he  was  an  old  man,  he  could 
read  very  tiny  letters  to  an  amazing  degree  and  he 
never  let  a  night  go  by  without  writing  or  reading 
something  except  only  the  night  following  the  day 
after  the  Kalends. 

XII.  It  must  not  be  left  unmentioned,  and  in  fact 
it  should  become  widely  known,  that  so  great  was  the 
joy  of  the  senate  that  the  power  of  choosing  an 
emperor  had  been  restored  to  this  most  noble  body,4 
that  it  botli  voted  ceremonies  of  thanksgiving  and 
promised  a  hecatomb  and  finally  each  of  the  senators 
wrote  to  his  relatives,  and  not  to  his  relatives  only  but 
also  to  strangers,  and  letters  were  even  despatched  to 
the  provinces,  all  in  the  following  vein  :  "  Let  all  the 
allies  and  all  foreign  nations  know  that  the  common- 
wealth has  been  restored  to  its  ancient  condition,  and 
that  the  senate  now  creates  the  ruler,  nay  rather  the 
senate  itself  has  been  created  ruler,  and  henceforth 

the  titles  Verae  Liber  tatis  Auctor  given  to  him  in  an  inscription 
from  Gaul  (C.I.L.  xii.  5563  =  Dessau,  Ins.  Set.  591)  and 
Eestitutor  Rei  Publicae  on  coins  (Cohen,  vi.2  p.  231,  no.  107). 

317 


TACITUS 

reges  barbaros  senatui  supplicaturos,  pacem  ac  bella 
2senatu  auctore  tractanda."  ne  quid  denique  deesset 
cognition!,  plerasque  huius  modi  epistulas  in  fine  libri 
posui,  et  cum  cupiditate  et  sine  fastidio,  ut  aestimo, 
perlegendas. 

XIII.    Et  prima  quidem  illi  cura  imperatoris  facti 

haec  fuit,  ut  omnes  qui  Aurelianum  occiderant  interi- 

meret,  bonos  malosve,  cum  iam  ille  vindicatus  esset. 

2et  quoniam  a  Maeotide  multi  barbari  eruperant,  hos 

Seosdem  consilio  atque  virtute  compressit,     ipsi  autem 

Maeotidae  ita  se  gregabant,  quasi  accitu  Aureliani  ad 

bellum  Persicum  convenissent,  auxilium  daturi  nostris 

4  si  necessitas  postularet.      M.  Tullius  dicit  magnificen- 

tius  esse  dicere,  quemadmodum  gesserit  quam  quemad- 

modum l  ceperit  consulatum  ;  at  in  isto  viro  magnificum 

fuit  quod  tanta  gloria  cepit  imperium  ;  gessit  autem 

6  propter  brevitatem  temporum  nihil  magnum,     inter- 

emptus  est  enim  insidiis  militaribus,  ut   alii    dicunt, 

sexto  mense,   ut  alii,  morbo  interiit.     tameii  constat 

1  gesserit  quam  quemadmodum  rest,  by  Salm.  from  Cicero; 
om.  in  P. 


1  cc.  xviii.-xix. 

2  See  Aur.,  xxxvii.  2.     Others  were  punished  by  Probus ; 
see  Prob.,  xiii.  2. 

3  The  Sea  of  Azov  ;  see  note  to  Aur.,  xvi.  4.    A  fuller  account 
of  this  invasion  of  the  Erali  in  275-276  is  found  in  Zosimus,  i. 
63, 1  and  Zonaras,  xii.  28.     Entering  Asia  Minor  from  Colchis, 
they  overran  Pontus,  Galatia,   Cappadocia  and  Cilicia,  where 
they  were  defeated  by  Tacitus  with  the  aid  of  Florian.     He 
celebrated  the  victory  by  assuming  the  cognomen  Gothicus 
Maximus   and  by   coins   (of   276)   with   the   legend    Victoria 
Gothica;  see  Matt.-Syd.,  v.  p.  337,  no.  110. 

4  See  Aur.,  xxxv.  4.  6  In  Pisonem  3. 

318 


TACITUS  XII.   2— XIII.  5 

laws  must  be  sought  from  the  senate,  barbarian  kings 
bring  their  entreaties  to  the  senate,  and  peace  and  war 
be  made  by  authority  of  the  senate."  In  fact,  in 
order  that  nothing  may  be  lacking  to  your  knowledge, 
I  have  placed  many  letters  of  this  sort  at  the  end  of 
the  book,1  to  be  read,  as  I  think,  with  enjoyment,  or 
at  least  without  aversion. 

XIII.  His  first  care  after  being  made  emperor  was 
to  put  to  death  all  those  who  had  killed  Aurelian, 
good  and  bad  alike,  although  he  had  already  been 
avenged.2  Then  with  wisdom  and  courage  he  crushed 
the  barbarians — for  they  had  broken  forth  in  great 
numbers  from  the  district  of  Lake  Maeotis.3  The 
Maeotidae,  in  fact,  were  flocking  together  under  the 
pretext  of  assembling  by  command  of  Aurelian  for  the 
Persian  War,4  in  order  that,  should  necessity  demand 
it,  they  might  render  aid  to  our  troops.  Now  Cicero 
declares  5  that  it  is  rather  a  matter  for  boasting  to  tell 
how  one  has  conducted,  rather  than  how  one  has  ob- 
tained, the  consulship  ;  in  the  case  of  Tacitus,  however, 
it  was  a  noble  achievement  that  he  obtained  the 
imperial  power  with  such  glory  to  himself,  but  by 
reason  of  the  shortness  of  his  reign  he  performed  no 
great  exploit.  For  hi  the  sixth  month  of  his  rule,  he 
was  slain,6  according  to  some,  by  a  plot  among  the 
troops,  though  according  to  others  he  died  of  disease.7 

6  At  Tyana  (Kizli-Hissar)  in  Cappadocia,  according  to  Aur. 
Victor,  Goes.,  36,  2.     Zosimus  (i.  63,  2)  and  Zonaras  (xii.  28) 
relate  that  he  was  killed  by  some  soldiers  who  had  murdered 
his  kinsman   Maximinus,   the   governor   of   Syria,  and  then 
feared   punishment  from  him.     As  there  are  papyri  of  June 
276,  drawn  up  while  he  was  ruling,  his  death  could  not  have 
taken  place  before  this  month. 

7  This   version,  evidently  incorrect,  seems  to  appear  also  in 
Prob. ,  x.  1  and  Car.,  iii.  7,  and  in  Ejjit.,  36, 1. 

319 


TACITUS 

factionibus  eum  oppressum  mente  atque  animo  de- 
fecisse.  liic  idem  mensem  Septembrem  Taciturn  ap- 
pellari  iussit,  idcirco  quod  eo  mense  et  natus  et  factus 
est  imperator. 

Huic  frater  Florianus  in  imperio  successit,  de  quo 
pauca  ponenda  sunt. 

XI V.  Hie  frater  Taciti  germanus  fuit,  qui  post  fra- 
trem  arripuit  imperium,  non  senatus  auctoritate  sed 
suo  motu,  quasi  hereditarium  esset  imperium,  cum 
sciret  adiuratum  esse  in  senatu  Taciturn,  ut,  cum  mori 
coepisset,  non  liberos  suos  sed  optimum  aliquem  prin- 

2  cipem  faceret.     denique  vix  duobus  mensibus  imperium 
ten u it   et   occisus  est   Tarsi  a  militibus,  qui    Probum 
audierant    imperare,    quern    omnis    exercitus    legerat. 

3  tantus  autem  Probus  fuit  in  re l  militari  ut  ilium  sena- 
tus optaret,  miles  eligeret,  ipse  populus   Romanus  ad- 

4  clamationibus  peteret,     fuit    etiam  Florianus  morum 
fratris   imitator,   nee  tamen  usquequaque.     nam  effu- 

1  in  re  27,  Peter,  Hohl ;  intere  P. 


1  See  c.  ii.  6  and  note. 

2  M.  Annius  Florianus  Augustus.     His  name  shows  that  the 
biographer  is  correct  in  his  statement,  in  c.  xvii.  4,  that  he  was 
the  son  of  Tacitus'  mother  by  a  second  husband  ;    accordingly, 
the  "  germanus  "  of  c.  xiv,  1  is  incorrect.     In  direct  contradic- 
tion of  c.  xiv.  1  Zonaras  says  that  he  was  i  ecognised  by  the 
senate,  and  both  he  and  Zosimus  relate  that  he  was  acknow- 
ledged emperor  by  the  European  and  African  portions  of  the 
empire ;  this  is  supported  by  the  evidence  of  inscriptions  from 
the  various  western  provinces. 

3  Cf .  c.  vi.  8. 

4  He  reigned  for  eighty  days  according  to  Eutropius,  ix.  16, 
and  for  eighty-eight  according  to  the  "  Ghronographer  of  354." 
Since  Tacitus  seems  to  have  been  killed  in  June,  276  (see  note 
to  c.  xiii.  5),  and  F:orian  is  said  by  Zosimus  (i.  64,  2)  to  have 

320 


TACITUS  XIII.  6— XIV.  4 

It  is,  nevertheless,  agreed  among  all  that,  crushed  by 
plots,  he  grew  weak  both  in  mind  and  in  spirit.  He 
likewise  gave  command  that  the  month  of  September 
should  be  called  Tacitus,  for  the  reason  that  in  that 
month  he  was  not  only  born  but  also  created  emperor.1 

He  was  succeeded  in  the  imperial  power  by  his 
brother  Florian,2  about  whom  a  few  things  must  now 
be  related. 

XIV.  Florian  was  own  brother  to  Tacitus,  and  after 
his  brother's  death  he  seized  the  imperial  power,  not 
by  authorisation  of  the  senate  but  on  his  own  volition, 
just  as  though  the  empire  were  an  hereditary  posses- 
sion, and  although  he  knew  that  Tacitus  had  taken 
oath  in  the  senate  that  when  he  came  to  die  he  would 
appoint  as  emperor  not  his  own  sons  but  some  excel- 
lent man.3  Finally,  after  holding  the  imperial  power 
for  scarce  two  months  4  he  was  slain  at  Tarsus  by  the 
soldiers,5  who  heard  that  Probus,  the  choice  of  the 
whole  army,  was  now  in  command.  So  great,  more- 
over, was  Probus  in  matters  of  war  that  the  senate 
desired  him,  the  soldiers  elected  him,  and  the  Roman 
people  itself  demanded  him  by  acclamations. 6  Florian 
was  also  an  imitator  of  his  brother's  ways,  though  not 

been  killed  during  the  summer,  his  death  may  be  supposed  to 
have  taken  place  about  August. 

"Zosimus  (i.  64,  2)  relates  that  he  carried  on  the  war  against 
the  Eruli  with  success  and  that  he  had  cut  off  their  retreat 
when  he  was  forced  by  Probus'  assumption  of  the  imperial 
power  to  return  to  Cilicia.  After  a  battle  of  no  importance 
Probus'  soldiers  deposed  Florian  and  placed  him  under  guard  ; 
when  he  made  an  attempt  to  recover  his  position  he  was  killed 
by  his  own  troops  at  the  instigation  of  Probus'  emissaries.  The 
biographer,  both  here  and  in  Prob.,  x.  8,  suppresses  all  sugges- 
tion of  complicity  in  Florian's  death  on  the  part  of  his  hero 
Probus. 

"See  Prob.,  x. -xii. 

321 


TACITUS 

sionem  in  eo  frater  frugi  reprehendit,  et  haec  ipsa  im- 
perandi  cupiditas  aliis  eum  moribus  ostendit  fuisse 
quam  fratrem. 

5  Duo  igitur  priucipes  una  exstiterunt  domo,  quorum 
alter  sex  mensibus,  alter  vix  duobus  imperaverunt, 
quasi  quidam  interreges  inter  Aurelianum  et  Probura, 
post  interregnum  principes  nuncupati.1 

XV.  Horum  statuae  fuerunt  Interamnae  duae 
pedum  tricenum  e  mar  more,  quod  illic  eorum  ceno- 
taphia  constituta  sunt  in  solo  proprio ;  sed  deiectae 
fulmine  ita  contritae  sunt  ut  membratim  iaceant  dis- 

2sipatae.  quo  tempore  responsum  est  ab  haruspicibus 
quandocumque  ex  eorum  familia  imperatorem  Roma- 
num  futurum  seu  per  feminam  seu  per  virum,  qui  det 
iudices  Parthis  ac  Persis,  qui  Francos  et  Alamannos 
sub  Romanis  legibus  habeat,  qui  per  omnem  African! 
barbaruml  I  non  relinquat,  qui  Taprobanis  praesidem 
imponat,  qui  ad  luvernam 2  insulam  proconsulem 
mittat,  qui  Sarmatis  omnibus  iudicet,  qui  terram 
omnem,  qua  Oceano  ambitur,  captis  omnibus  genti- 
bus  suam  faciat,  postea  tamen  senatui  reddat  imperium 
et  antiquis  legibus  vivat,  ipse  victurus  annis  centum 

3  viginti  et  sine  herede  moriturus.     futurum  autem  eum 
dixerunt  a  die  fulminis  praecipitati  statuisque  confract:s 

4  post  3  annos  mille.     non  magna  haec  urbanitas  harus- 
picum    fuit,    qui    principem    talem    post   mille   annos 
futurum  esse  dixerunt,  pollicentes  cum  vix  remanere 

1  post  .  .  .  nuncupati  P,  retained  by  von  Winterfeld;  del. 
by  Salm.,  Peter,  Hohl.  a  luvernam  Purser,  Hohl ; 

Romanam  P,  Peter.          3post  2  ;  per  P. 


1  Mod.  Terni,  about  60  m.  N.  of  Rome. 

2  Cf.  Prob.,  xxiv.  2.  8  Ceylon. 

4  Ireland — if  the  emendation  in  the  text  is  correct. 

322 


TACITUS  XIV.  5— XV.  4 

in  every  respect.  For  the  frugal  Tacitus  found  fault 
with  his  lavishness,  and  his  very  eagerness  to  rule 
showed  him  to  be  of  a  different  stamp  from  his  brother. 

So  then  there  arose  two  princes  from  one  house,  of 
whom  the  one  ruled  for  six  months  and  the  other  for 
scarce  two — merely  regents,  so  to  speak,  between 
Aurelian  and  Probus,  and  themselves  named  princes 
after  a  regency. 

XV.  Their  two  statues,  made  of  marble  and  thirty 
feet  in  height,  were  set  up  at  Interamna,1  for  there 
cenotaphs  were  erected  to  them  on  their  own  land  ; 
but  these  were  struck  by  lightning  and  so  thoroughly 
broken  that  they  lay  scattered  in  fragments.  On 
this  occasion  the  soothsayers  foretold  that  at  some 
future  time  there  would  be  a  Roman  emperor  from 
their  family,2  descended  through  either  the  male  or 
the  female  line,  who  would  give  judges  to  the  Parthians 
and  the  Persians,  subject  the  Franks  and  the  Ala- 
manni  to  the  laws  of  Rome,  drive  out  every  barbarian 
from  the  whole  of  Africa,  establish  a  governor  at 
Taprobane,3  send  a  proconsul  to  the  island  of  luverna,4 
act  as  judge  to  all  the  Sarmatians,  make  all  the  land 
which  borders  on  the  Ocean  his  own  territory  by 
conquering  all  the  tribes,  but  thereafter  restore  the 
power  to  the  senate  and  conduct  himself  in  accord- 
ance with  the  ancient  laws,  being  destined  to  live  for 
one  hundred  and  twenty  years  5  and  to  die  without 
an  heir.  They  declared,  moreover,  that  he  would 
come  one  thousand  years  from  the  day  when  the 
lightning  struck  and  shattered  the  statues.  It  showed 
no  great  skill,  indeed,  on  the  soothsayers'  part  to  de- 
clare that  such  a  prince  would  come  after  an  interval 
of  one  thousand  years,  for  their  promise  applied  to 

*  Cf.  Claud.,  ii.  4. 

323 


TACITUS 

tails  possit  historia,1  quia,  si  post  centum  annos  prae- 
dicerent,  forte   possent  eorum  deprehendi  mendacia. 
6  ego  tamen  haec  idcirco  inserenda  volumini  credidi  lie 
quis  me  legens  legisse  non  crederet. 

XVI.  Tacitus  congiarium  populo  Romano  intra  sex 

2  menses  vix  dedit.     imago  eius  posita  est  in  Quintili- 
orum,  in  una  tabula  quinquiplex,  in  qua  semel  togatus, 
semel   chlamydatus,  semel   armatus,   semel   palliatus, 

3  semel    venatorio    habitu.     de   qua  quidem   epigram- 
matarius  ita  allusit  ut  diceret  :  "Non  agnosco  seiiem 
armatum,    non    chlamydatum '     inter    cetera,    "  sed 

4 agnosco  togatum."  et  Floriani  liberi  et  Taciti  multi 
exstiterunt,  quorum  sunt  poster!,  credo,  millesimum 
annum  exspectantes.  in  quos  multa  epigrammata 
scripta  suiit,2  quibus  3  iocati  sunt  haruspices  imperium 

5  pollicentes.      haec  sunt    quae   de    vita  Taciti  atque 
Floriani  digna  memoratu  comperisse  me  memiiii. 

6  Nunc  nobis  adgrediendus  est  Probus,  vir  domi  foris- 
que    conspicuus,    vir    Aureliano,    Traiano,    Hadriano, 
Antoninis,  Alexandro  Claudioque  praeferendus,  quia4 
in  illis  varia,  in  hoc  omnia  praecipua  iuiicta 5  fuere, 
qui  post  Taciturn  omnium  iudicio  bonorum  imperator 
est  factus  orbemque   terrarum   pacatissimum  guber- 
navit,  delet:s  barbaris  gentibus,  deletis  etiam  plurimis 
tyrannorum,  qui  eius  temporibus  exstiterunt,  de  quo 

1  pollicentes  .  .  .  historic,  transp.  by  Salm. ;  after  niendacia 
in  P.  "scripta  sunt  2,  Hohl ;  om.  in  P  and  by  Peter. 
8  quibus  Hohl ;  quo  P,  Peter ;  queis  Cas.  4  So  Peter  ;  nisi 

quia  P,  Hohl.         5iunc!a  Baehrens,  Peter2 ;  tune  P. 


1  Commemorated  by  coins  with  the  legend  Annona  Augusti ; 
see  Matt.-S.yd.,  v.  p.  339,  nos.  123-125. 

-  Unknown.  8  See  note  to  Prob.,  i.  3. 

S24- 


TACITUS  XV.  5— XVI.  6 

a  time  when  such  a  story  will  scarce  be  remembered, 
whereas,  if  they  had  said  one  hundred  years,  their 
falsehood  could  perhaps  be  detected.  All  this,  never- 
theless, I  thought  should  be  included  in  this  volume 
for  the  reason  that  someone  who  reads  me  might  think 
that  I  had  not  read. 

XVI.  Tacitus  scarcely  gave  a  largess ]  to  the  Roman 
people  in  six  months'  time.  His  portrait  was  placed 
in  the  house  of  the  Quintilii,2  representing  him  in  five 
ways  on  a  single  panel,  once  in  a  toga,  once  in  a 
military  cloak,  once  in  armour,  once  in  a  Greek 
mantle,  and  once  in  the  garb  of  a  hunter.  Of  this 
picture,  indeed,  a  writer  of  epigrams  made  mock, 
saying :  "  I  do  not  recognise  the  old  man  in  the 
armour,  I  do  not  recognise  the  man  in  the  military 
cloak,"  and  so  forth,  "  but  I  do  recognise  the  man  in 
the  toga."  Both  Florian  and  Tacitus  left  many 
children,  whose  descendants,  I  suppose,  are  awaiting 
the  coming  of  the  thousandth  year.  About  them 
many  epigrams  were  written,  ridiculing  the  sooth- 
sayers who  made  the  promise  of  the  imperial  power. 
This  is  all  that  I  remember  learning  about  the  lives 
of  Tacitus  and  Florian  that  is  worthy  of  record. 

Now  we  must  take  up  Probus,  a  man  of  note  both 
at  home  and  abroad,  and  one  to  be  preferred  to 
Aurelian,  to  Trajan,  to  Hadrian,  to  the  Antonines,  to 
Alexander,  and  to  Claudius,  for  the  reason  that,  while 
they  had  various  virtues,  he  had  all  combined  and  to 
a  surpassing  degree.3  He  was  made  emperor  after 
Tacitus  by  the  vote  of  all  good  men,  and  he  ruled 
a  world  to  which  he  had  brought  perfect  peace  by 
destroying  barbarian  tribes  and  by  destroying  also 
the  very  many  pretenders  who  arose  in  his  time,  and 
about  him  it  was  said  that  he  was  worthy  to  be  called 


TACITUS 

dictum  est  dignum  esse  1  ut  Probus  diceretur,  etiamsi 
Probus  nomine  non  fuisset.  quern  quidem  multi 
ferunt  etiam  Sibyllinis  Libris  promissum,  qui  si  diutius 

7  fuisset,  orbis  terrae  barbaros  non  haberet.     haec  ego 
in  aliorum  vita  de  Probo  credidi  praelibanda,  ne  dies, 
hora,  momentum  aliquid  sibi  vindicaret  in  me  neces- 

8  sitate  fatali  ac  Probo  indicto  deperirem.     nunc  quon- 
iam  interim  meo  studio  satisfeci,  claudam  istud  volu- 
men,2  satisfactum  arbitrans  studio  et  cupiditati  meae. 

XVII.  Omina  imperii  Tacito  haec  fuerunt  :  fanati- 

cus  quidam  in    Templo    Silvani  tensis   membris   ex- 

clamavit,    "  Tacita    purpura,   tacita    purpura/'    idque 

septimo  ;  quod  quidem  postea  omini  deputatum  est. 

2  vinum,  quo  libaturus  Tacitus  fuerat  in  templo  Herculis 

8  Fundani,   subito  purpureum  factum  est.     vitis,  quae 

uvas  Aminnias  albas    ferebat,  eo  anno  quo   ille   im- 

perium  meruit  purpureas   tulit.3      plurima    purpurea 

4  facta  sunt.     mortis  omina  haec  fuerunt :  patris  sepul- 

chrum  disruptis  ianuis  se  aperuit.      matris  umbra  se 

per  diem  et  Tacito  et  Floriano  velut  viventis  obtulit, 

nam  diversis  patribus  nati  ferebantur.     in  larario  di 

omnes  seu  terrae  motu  seu  casu  aliquo  conciderunt. 

1  dignum  esse  ins.  by  Gas.,  Peter3  ;  om.  in  P.  2  satisfeci 

.  .  .  uolumen  2,  Hohl ;  om.  in  P  and  by  Peter.        3  So  Salm. ; 
purascere  P;  purpurascere  .  .  .  Peter,  Hohl. 


1  i.e.,  Upright ;  cf.  Prob.,  iv.  4  ;  x.  4. 

2  There  were  in   Rome  many  private  shrines  of   Silvanus, 
which  are  attested  by  inscriptions,  but  there  was  no  official  cult 
of  the  god  or  any  temple. 

3  A  dedicatory  inscription    to  Hercules  Fundauius  has  been 
found  in  Rome  (C.I.L.,  vi.  311  =  Dessau,  In<.  Sel.,  3449),  but 
the  adjective  may  refer  to  the  town  of  Fundi  (mod.  Fondi)  on 
the  Via  Appia. 

326 


TACITUS  XVI.  7— XVII.  4 

Probus1  even  if  that  had  not  been  his  name.  Many, 
indeed,  declare  that  he  was  even  foretold  by  the 
Sibylline  books,  and  had  he  but  lived  longer  the 
world  would  contain  no  barbarians.  These  state- 
ments about  him  I  thought  should  be  given  in  the 
life  of  others  as  a  foretaste,  lest  the  day,  the  hour, 
and  the  moment  should  put  forth  some  claim  against 
me  because  my  fate  is  destined,  and  I  should  die 
without  mention  of  Probus.  Now,  since  I  have  for 
the  time  satisfied  my  zeal,  I  will  bring  this  book  to 
a  close,  believing  that  I  have  given  satisfactory  ex- 
pression to  my  devotion  and  my  desire. 

XVII.  The  omens  that  predicted  the  rule  of  Tacitus 
were  the  following :  A  certain  madman  in  the  Temple 
of  Silvanus  2  was  seized  with  a  stiffening  of  the  limbs 
and  shouted  out,  "  There  is  tacit  purple,  there  is  tacit 
purple,"  and  so  on  for  seven  times;  and  this, .indeed, 
was  later  regarded  as  an  omen.  The  wine,  moreover, 
with  which  Tacitus  was  about  to  pour  a  libation  in 
the  Temple  of  Hercules  Fundanius,3  suddenly  turned 
purple,  and  a  vine,  which  had  previously  borne  white 
Aminnian  grapes,4  in  the  year  in  which  he  gained  the 
imperial  power  bore  grapes  of  a  purple  colour.  Very 
many  other  things,  too,  turned  purple.  Now  the 
omens  predicting  his  death  were  these  :  His  father's 
tomb  burst  its  doors  asunder  and  opened  of  its  own 
accord.  His  mother's  shade  appeared  in  the  daytime 
as  though  alive  to  Tacitus  and  to  Florian  as  well — it 
is  said,  indeed,  that  they  had  different  fathers.5  All 
the  gods  in  their  private  chapel  fell  down,  overthrown 
either  by  an  earthquake  or  by  some  mischance.  The 

4  One  of  the  most  famous  of  the  Italian  grapes ;  see  Vergil, 
Georg.,  ii.  97,  and  Pliny,  Nat.  Hist.,  xiv.  21-22. 

5  See  note  to  c.  xiii.  6. 

327 


TACITUS 

5  imago  Apollinis,  quae  ab  his  colebatur,  ex  summo 
fastigio  in  lectulo  posita  sine  hominis  cuiuspiam  manu 
deprehensa  est.  sed  quousque  ultra  progredimur  ? 
sunt  a  quibus  ista  dicantur.  nos  ad  Probum  et  ad 
Probi  gesta  insignia  reservemus.1 

XVIII.  Et  quoniam  me  promisi  aliquas  epistulas 
esse  positurum,  quae  create  Tacito  principe  gaudia 
senatus  ostenderent,  his  additis  finem  scribendi 
faciam . 

Epistulae  publicae  : 

2  "  Senatus  amplissimus  curiae  Carthaginiensi  salutem 
dicit.  quod  bonum,  faustum,  felix  salutareque  sit  rei 
publicae  orbique  Romano,  dandi  ius  imperii,  appel- 
landi  principis,  nuncupandi  Augusti  ad  nos  revertit. 

Sad  nos  igitur  referte  quae  magna  sunt.  omnis  pro- 
vocatio  praefecti 2  urbis  erit,  quae  tamen  a  procon- 

4  sulibus  et  ab  ordinariis  iudicibus  emerserit.     in  quo 
quidem  etiam  vestram  in  antiquum    statum    redisse 
credimus  dignitatem,  si  quidem  primus  hie  ordo  est, 
qui  recipiendo  vim  suam  ius  suum  ceteris  servat." 

5  Alia  epistula  : 

"  Senatus  amplissimus  curiae  Trevirorum.  ut  estis 
liberi  et  semper  fuistis,  laetari  vos  credimus.  creandi 
principis  iudicium  ad  senatum  rediit,  simul  etiam 

1  reseruemns  Z,  Petschenig,  Hohl ;  reseruemur  P ;  reuertemur 
Peter.  *  praefecti  2 ;  quae  P. 


Jc.  xii.  2. 

2 As  the  representative  of  the  senate;  so  also  Prob.,  xiii.  1. 
The  principle  had  been  laid  down  by  Nero  that  appeals  from 
Italy  and  the  senatorial  provinces  should  be  made  to  the  consuls 
(i.e.,  the  senate),  while  those  from  the  imperial  provinces  should 
be  made  to  the  emperor ;  see  Tacitus,  Annals,  xiii.  4.  This  was 

328 


TACITUS  XVII.  5— XVIII.  5 

statue  of  Apollo,  worshipped  by  them  both,  was  found 
removed  from  the  top  of  its  pedestal  and  laid  on  a 
couch,  all  without  the  agency  of  any  human  hand. 
But  to  what  end  shall  I  proceed  further?  There  are 
others  to  relate  these  things ;  let  us  save  ourselves 
for  Probus  and  for  Probus'  famous  deeds. 

XVIII.  Now  since  1  have  promised  l  to  quote  some 
of  the  letters  which  showed  the  joy  of  the  senate 
when  Tacitus  was  created  emperor,  I  will  append  the 
following  and  then  make  an  end  of  writing. 

The  official  letters : 

"  From  the  most  noble  senate  to  the  council  of 
Carthage,  greeting.  May  it  prove  happy,  auspicious, 
of  good  omen,  and  to  the  welfare  of  the  common- 
wealth and  the  Roman  world !  The  right  of  con- 
ferring the  imperial  power,  of  naming  an  emperor, 
and  of  entitling  him  Augustus  has  been  restored  to 
us.  To  us,  therefore,  you  will  now  refer  all  matters 
of  importance.  Every  appeal  shall  now  be  made  to 
the  prefect  of  the  city,2  but  it  shall  come  up  to  him 
from  the  proconsuls  and  the  regular  judges.  And 
herein,  we  believe,  your  authority  also  has  been  re- 
stored to  its  ancient  condition,  for  this  body  is  now 
supreme,  and  in  recovering  its  own  power  it  is  pre- 
serving the  rights  of  others  as  well." 

Another  letter : 

"  From  the  most  noble  senate  to  the  council  of  the 
Treviri.3  We  believe  that  you  are  rejoicing  that  you 
are  free  and  have  ever  been  free.  The  power  to 
create  the  emperor  has  been  restored  to  the  senate, 


now  extended,  on  the  theory  that  the  senate  was  the  supreme 
governing  body,  to  all  the  provinces. 
3  See  note  to  Tyr.  Trig.,  xxxi.  3. 

329 


TACITUS 

praefecturae  urbanae  appellatio  universa  decreta 
est" 

6  Eodem  modo  scriptum  est  Antiochensibus,  Aqui- 
leiensibus,  Mediolanensibus,  Alexandrinis,  Thessaloni- 
censibus,  Corinthiis  et  Atheniensibus. 

XIX.  Privatae  autem  epistulae  haec  fuerunt : 
"  Autronio  lusto  patri  Autronius  Tiberianus  salutem. 
nunc  te,  pater  sancte,  interesse  decuit  senatui  amplis- 
simo,  nunc  sententiam  dicere,  cum  tantum  auctoritas 
amplissimi  ordinis  creverit  ut  reversa  in  antiquum 
statum  re  l  publica  nos  principes  demus,  nos  faciamus 

2imperatores,  nos  denique  mmcupemus  Augustos.  fac 
igitur  ut  convalescas,  Curiae  interfuturus  antiquae. 
nos  recepimus  ius  proconsulare,  redierunt  ad  prae- 
fectum  urbi  appellationes  omnium  potestatum  et 
omnium  dignitatum." 

3  Item  alia  : 

"  Claudius  Sapilianus  Cereio  Maeciano  patruo  salu- 
tem. obtinuimus,'2  pater  sancte,  quod  semper  optavi- 
mus ;  in  antiquum  statum  senatus  revertit.  nos 
principes  facimus,  nostri  ordinis  sunt  potestates. 

4  gratias  exercitui  Romano  et  vere   Romano  ;  reddidit 
5nobis    quam    semper    habuimus    potestatem.       abice 

Baianos  Puteolanosque  secessus,  da  te  urbi,  da  te 
Curiae.  floret  Roma,  floret  tota  res  publica.  impera- 
tores  damus,  principes  facimus  ;  possumus  et  prohibere 
qui  coepimus  facere.  dictum  sapienti  sat  est." 

1  So  Peter ;  reuera  .  .  .  rei  P.  2  optinuimus  2 ; 

optimus  P. 


1  Neither  these  persons  nor  those  mentioned  in  the  next  letter 
are  otherwise  known. 

330 


TACITUS  XVIII.  6— XIX.  5 

and  at  the  same  time  the  prefect  of  the  city  has  been 
authorized  to  hear  all  appeals." 

After  the  same  manner  letters  were  written  to  the 
people  of  Antioch,  of  Aquileia,  of  Milan,  of  Alexandria, 
of  Thessalonica,  of  Corinth,  and  of  Athens. 

XIX.  The  private  letters,  moreover,  were  as 
follows : 

"  From  Autronius  Tiberianus  to  Autronius  Justus  l 
his  father,  greeting.  Now  at  last  it  is  fitting,  my 
revered  father,  for  you  to  be  present  in  the  most  noble 
senate,  and  now  to  speak  your  opinion,  for  so  greatly 
has  the  authority  of  that  noble  body  increased  that, 
now  that  the  commonwealth  has  been  restored  to  its 
ancient  position,  we  name  the  princes,  we  create  the 
emperors,  we,  in  fine,  give  the  Augusti  their  title. 
Now  look  to  it  that  you  grow  strong,  ready  to  be 
present  once  more  in  the  ancient  Senate-house.  We 
have  recovered  the  proconsular  command,  and  to  the 
prefect  of  the  city  have  been  restored  the  appeals 
from  every  office  and  from  every  rank." 

Likewise  another  letter : 

"  From  Claudius  Sapilianus  to  Cereius  Maecianus 
his  uncle,  greeting.  We  have  obtained,  revered  sir, 
what  we  have  always  desired ;  the  senate  has  been 
restored  to  its  ancient  position.  We  now  create  the 
emperors  and  in  our  body  is  vested  every  power. 
All  thanks  to  the  Roman  army,  aye,  Roman  in  truth  1 
It  has  restored  to  us  the  power  which  we  always  held. 
Now  away  with  retirement  to  Baiae  and  Puteoli  1 
Present  yourself  in  the  city,  present  yourself  in  the 
Senate-house.  Happy  is  Rome,  happy  the  entire 
commonwealth.  We  name  the  emperors,  we  create 
the  princes ;  and  we  who  have  begun  to  create  are 
also  able  to  depose.  To  the  wise  a  word  is  sufficient." 

331 


TACITUS 

6  Longum  est  omnes  epistulas  conectere  quas  rep- 
peri,  quas  legi.  tantum  illud  dico,  senatores  omnes 
ea  esse  laetitia  elatos  ut  in  domibus  suis  omnes  albas 
hostias  caederent,  imagines  frequenter  aperirent,1 
albati  sederent,  convivia  sumptuosiora  praeberent,2 
antiquitatem  sibi  redditam  crederent. 

1  aperirent  2;  aperient  P.  *  praeberent  Gas.,  Peter. 

praeuenerent,  P1. 


332 


TACITUS  XIX.  6 

It  would  be  too  long  to  include  all  the  letters  that 
I  have  found  and  read.  I  will  say  only  this  much, 
that  all  the  senators  were  so  carried  away  by  joy  that 
they  all  in  their  houses  sacrificed  white  victims,  un- 
covered everywhere  the  portraits  of  their  ancestors, 
sat  arrayed  in  white  garments,  served  more  sumptuous 
banquets,  and  supposed  that  the  ancient  times  had 
been  restored. 


333 


PROBUS 

FLAVII  VOPISCI  SYRACUSII 

I.  Certum  est  quod  Sallustius  Crispus  quodque 
Marcus  Cato  et  Gellius  historic!  sententiae  modo  in 
litteras  rettulerunt,  omnes  omnium  virtutes  tantas  esse 
quantas  videri  eas  voluerint  eorum  ingenia  qui  unius 

2CuiusqueT  facta  descripserint.  inde  est  quod  Alex- 
ander Magnus  Macedo,  cum  ad  Achill  s  sepulchrum 
venisset,  graviter  ingemescens  "  Felicem  te,"  inquit, 
"iuvenis,  qui  talem  praeconem  tuarum  virtutum  rep- 
peristi,"  Homerum  intellegi  volens,  qui  Acliillem 
tantum  in  virtutum  studio  fecit 2  quantum  ipse  valebat 
ingenio. 

3      Quorsum  haec  pertiueant,  mi  Celsine,  fortassis  requi- 

lcuiusque  27;  cuius  P.  2 fecit  Peter;  fuit  P. 


1  What  follows  is  not  a  quotation,  but  a  reflection  based  on 
Sallust,  CatiL,  8,  4  and  Cato's  Origines  quoted  by  Aulus  Gellius, 
iii.  7, 19.  The  actual  words  of  Sallust  are  cited  by  Jerome  in  his 
Vita  Hilarivnis,  1,  in  immediate  connection  with  the  anecdote 
related  in  §  2,  though  without  the  reference  to  Cato.  The  co- 
incidence and  the  exactness  of  Jerome's  quotation  from  Sallsut 
have  suggested  the  possibility  that  the  biographer  has  taken 

334 


PROBUS 

BY 

FLAVIUS  VOPISCUS  OF  SYRACUSE 

I.  It  is  true — as  Sallustius  Crispus  and  the  historians 
Marcus  Cato  and  Gellius  l  have  put  into  their  writings 
as  a  sort  of  maxim — that  all  the  virtues  of  all  men  are 
as  great  as  they  have  been  made  to  appear  by  the 
genius  of  those  who  related  their  deeds.  Hence  it  was 
that  Alexander  the  Great  of  Macedonia,  as  he  stood  at 
the  tomb  of  Achilles,  said  with  a  mighty  groan, 
"  Happy  are  you,  young  man,  in  that  you  found  such 
a  herald  of  your  virtues,"  2  making  allusion  to  Homer, 
who  made  Achilles  outstanding  in  the  pursuit  of 
virtue  in  proportion  as  he  himself  was  outstanding  in 
genius. 

"But  to  what  does  all  this  apply,"  you  may  perhaps 

this  passage  from  the  Vita  Hilarionis  (written  about  390),  and 
that,  accordingly,  the  Probus  was  not  composed  before  the  end  of 
the  fourth  century;  see  B.  Schmiedler  in  Phil.  Woch.,  1927, 

p.  955  f. 

2  Related  also  by  Plutarch,  Alexander,  15,  4;  Arrian,  Anab. 
Alex.,  i.  12,  1 ;  Cicero,  pro  Archia,  24,  and  referied  to  by  Cicero 
in  Epist.  ad  Familiares,  v.  12,  7. 

335 


PROBUS 

ris.  Probum  principem,  cuius  imperio  oriens,  occidens, 
meridies,  septentrio  omnesque  orbis  partes  in  totam 
securitatem1  redactae  sunt,  scriptorum  inopia  iam 

4  paene  nescimus.     occidit,  pro  pudor  !  tanti  viri  et  talis 
historia  qualem  non  habent  bella  Punica,  lion  terror 
Gallicus,  non  motus  Pontici,  non  Hispaniensis  astutia. 

5  sed  non  patiar  ego  ille,  a  quo  dudum  solus  Aurelianus 
est  expetitus,  cuius  vitam  quantum  potui  persecutus, 
Tacito  Florianoque  iam  scriptis  non  me  ad  Probi  facta 
conscendere,   si   vita   suppetet,   omnes    qui  supersunt 
usque    ad     Maximianum    Diocletianumque    dicturus. 

6neque  ego  nunc  facultatem  eloquentiamque  polliceor 
sed  res  gestas,  quas  perire  non  patior. 

II.  Us  us  autem  sum,  ne  in  aliquo  fallam  carissimam 
mihi  familiaritatem  tuam,  praecipue  libris  ex  Biblio- 
theca  Ulpia,  aetate  mea  Thermis  Diocletianis,  et  item 
ex  Domo  Tiberiana,  usus  etiam  regestis  scribarum 
Porticus  Porphyreticae,  actis  etiam  senatus  ac  populi. 

2  et  quoniam  me  ad  colligenda  talis  viri  gesta  ephemeris 
Turduli  Gallicani  plurimum  iuvit,  viri  honestissimi  ac 
sincerissimi,  beneficium  amici  senis  tacere  non  debui. 

1  securitatem  Z" ;  seiieritatem  P. 


1  Like  the  other  persons  to  whom  Vopiscus'  biographies  are 
addressed  (Aur.t  1, 9,  arid  Firm.,  ii.  1),  unknown,  unless  he  is  the 
Celsiuus  of  Aur.t  xliv.  3. 

2  M.  Aurelius  Probus  Augustus  (276-282).     The  name  Valerius, 
by  which  he  is  called  in  c.  xi.  5,  is  incorrectly  given  to  him,  as 
also  to  Claudius ;  see  note  to  Claud.,  i.  1.     Probus  is  the  hero  of 
this  group  of  biographies  and  this  vita  is  little  more  than  a 
panegyric;  see  especially  c.  xxii-xxiii;  cf.  Tac.,  xvi.  6;  Car., 
i.  2. 

3  See  Aur.t  i.  7  and  note.     This  is  the  only  authority  for  its 
removal  to  the  Baths  of  Diocletian  (on  which  see  note  to  Tyr. 
Trig.,  xxi.  7). 

336 


PROBUS  I.  4— II.  2 

be  inquiring,  my  dear  Celsinus.1  It  means  that 
Probus,2  an  emperor  whose  rule  restored  to  perfect 
safety  the  east,  the  west,  the  south,  and  the  north, 
indeed  all  parts  of  the  world,  is  now,  by  reason  of 
a  lack  of  writers,  almost  unknown  to  us.  Perished 
— shame  be  upon  us  ! — has  the  story  of  a  man  so  great 
and  such  as  is  not  to  be  found  either  in  the  Punic 
Wars  or  in  the  Gallic  terror,  not  in  the  commotions  of 
Pontus  or  the  wiles  of  the  Spaniard.  But  I  will  not 
permit  myself — I  who  at  first  sought  out  Aurelian  alone, 
relating  the  story  of  his  life  to  the  best  of  my  powers, 
and  have  since  written  of  Tacitus  and  Florian  also — to 
fail  to  rise  to  the  deeds  of  Probus,  purposing,  should 
the  length  of  my  life  suffice,  to  tell  of  all  who  remain 
as  far  as  Maximian  and  Diocletian.  No  fluency  or 
elegance  of  style  can  I  promise,  but  only  the  record  of 
their  deeds,  which  I  will  not  suffer  to  die. 

II.  I  have  used,  moreover — not  to  deceive  in  any 
respect  your  friendly  interest  which  I  hold  most  dear 
— chiefly  the  books  from  the  Ulpian  Library3  (in  my 
time  in  the  Baths  of  Diocletian)  and  likewise  from  the 
House  of  Tiberius,4  and  I  have  used  also  the  registers 
of  the  clerks  of  the  Porphyry  Portico  5  and  the  transac- 
tions of  the  senate6  and  of  the  people  :  and  since  in 
collecting  the  deeds  of  so  great  a  man  I  have  received 
most  aid  from  the  journal  of  Turdulus  Gallicanus,7 
a  most  honourable  and  upright  man,  I  ought  not  to 
leave  unmentioned  the  kindness  of  this  aged  friend. 

4  See  Pius,  x.  4  and  note.  This  library  is  also  mentioned 
in  Aulus  Gellius,  xiii.  20,  1,  and  Fronto,  Epist.  ad  M.  Caes., 
iv.  5. 

6  This  portico  (called  Purpuretica)  is  mentioned  in  an  inscrip- 
tion as  part  of  the  Forum  of  Trajan  (of.  Hadr.t  vii.  6) ;  see 
C.T.L.,  vi.  7191  =  Dessau,  Ins.  Sel.  8729. 

6  See  note  to  Alex.,  Ivi.  2.  7  Otherwise  unknown. 

337 


PROBUS 

8  Cn.  Pompeium,  tribus  fulgentem  triumphis  belli 
piratici,1  belli  Sertoriani,  belli  Mithradatici  multarum- 
que  rerum  gestarum  maiestate  sublimem,  quis  tandem 
nosset,  nisi  eum  Marcus  Tullius  et  Titus  Livius  in 

4  litteras  rettulissent  ?     Publium  Scipionem  Africanum, 
immo  Scipiones  omnes,  seu  Lucios  seu  Nasicas,  nonne 
tenebrae  possiderent  ac  tegerent,  nisi  commendatores 
eorum   historici  nobiles  atque  ignobiles  exstitissent  ? 

5  longum  est  omnia  persequi,  quae  ad  exemplum  huiusce 

6  modi   etiam  nobis    taceiitibus   usurpanda  sunt.     illud 
tantum  contestatum  volo,  me  et  rem  scripsisse,  quam 
si  quis  voluerit  honestius  eloquio  celsiore  demonstret. 

7  et  mihi  quidem  id  animi  fuit  ut 2  non  Sallustios,  Livios, 
Tacitos,    Trogos    atque    omnes    disertissimos    imitarer 
viros  in  vita  principum  et  temporibus  disserendis,  sed 
Marium   Maximum,   Suetonium   Tranquillum,   Fabium 
Marcellinum,   Gargilium    Martialem,   lulium   Capitoli- 
num,  Aelium  Lampridium  ceterosque,  qui  haec  et  talia 

8  non  tarn  diserte  quam  vere  memoriae  tradiderunt.     sum 
enim  unus  ex  curiosis,  quod  infitias  3  ire  non  possum, 
incendentibus  vobis,  qui,  cum  multa  sciatis,  scire  multo 

9  plura  cupitis.     et  ne  diutius  ea,  quae  ad  meum  consilium 

1  piratici  Z;  Parthici  P.  2ut  ins.  by  Peter;  om.  in  P. 

s  infitias  Peter;  infinitas  P1. 


1  Lucius  Cornelius  Scipio  Asiagenus,  the  brother  of  Af  ricanus, 
was  nominally  in  command  of  the  Roman  army  at  the  battle 
of  Magnesia,  190  B.C. 

2  There  were  no  less  than  six  men  named  P.  Cornelius  Scipio 
Nasica,  the  most  famous  of  whom  were  the  consul  of  191  B.C., 
who  in  204  had  been  declared  by  the  senate  to  be  the  best  man 
in  Rome  and  so  qualified  to  receive  the  image  of  the  Magna 

338 


PROBUS  II.  3-9 

Who,  pray,  would  know  of  Gnaeus  Porapey,  re- 
splendent in  the  three  triumphs  that  he  won  by  his 
war  against  the  pirates,  his  war  against  Sertorius,  and 
his  war  against  Mithradates,  and  exalted  by  the 
grandeur  of  his  many  achievements,  had  not  Marcus 
Tullius  and  Titus  Livius  brought  him  into  their 
works  ?  And  as  for  Publius  Scipio  Africanus,  or  rather 
all  the  Scipios,  whether  called  Lucius3  or  Nasica,2 
would  they  not  lie  hidden  in  darkness,  had  not 
historians,  both  famous  and  obscure,  arisen  to  grace 
their  deeds  ?  It  would,  indeed,  be  too  long  to 
enumerate  all  the  cases  which  might  be  brought  up 
by  way  of  example  of  this  sort  of  thing,  even  if  I  were 
silent.  I  do  but  wish  to  call  to  witness  that  I  have 
also  written  on  a  theme  which  anyone,  if  he  so  desire, 
may  narrate  more  worthily  in  loftier  utterance.  As  for 
me,  indeed,  it  has  been  my  purpose,  in  relating  the 
lives  and  times  of  the  emperors,  to  imitate,  not  a 
Sallust,  or  a  Livy,  or  a  Tacitus,  or  a  Trogus,3  or  any 
other  of  the  most  eloquent  writers,  but  rather  Marius 
Maximus,4  Suetonius  Tranquiilus,  Fabius  Marcellinus,6 
Gargilius  Martialis,6  Julius  Capitolinus,  Aelius  Lam- 
pridius,  and  the  others  who  have  handed  down  to 
memory  these  and  other  such  details  not  so  much  with 
eloquence  as  with  truthfulness.  For  I  am  now  an 
investigator — I  cannot  deny  it — incited  thereto  by  you, 
who,  though  you  know  much  already,  are  desirous  of 
learning  much  more  besides.  And  now,  lest  I  speak 
at  too  great  length  concerning  all  that  has  to  do  with 

Mater,  and  his  son,  consul  in  162  and  155  B.C.,  conqueror  of 
Dalmatia  and  a  famous  orator. 

3  See  note  to  Aur.,  ii.  1.  *  See  note  to  Hadr.,  ii.  10. 

8  See  note  to  Alex.,  xlviii.  6. 

8  See  note  to  Alex.,  xxxvii.  9. 

339 


PROBUS 

pertinent,  loquar,  magnum  et  praeclarum  principem  et 
qualem  historia  nostra  non  novit,  arripiam. 

III.  Probus  oriundus  e  Pannonia,  civitate  Sirmiensi, 
nobiliore    matre    quam    patre,   patrimonio  moderate, 
adfinitate  non  magna,  tarn  privatus  quam  imperator 

2nobilissimus  virtutibus  claruit.  Probo,  ut  quidam  in 
iitteras  rettulerunt,  pater  nomine  Maximus  fuit,  qui, 
cum  ordines  honestissime  duxisset,  tribunatum  adep- 
tus  apud  Aegyptum  vita  functus  est  uxore  ac  filio  et 

Sfilia  derelictis.  multi  dicunt  Probum  Claudii  propin- 
quum  fuisse,  optimi  et  sanctissimi  principis,  quod, 
quia  per  unum  taiitum  Graecorum  relatum  est,  iios  in 

4  medio  relinquemus.  unum  tamen  dico,  quod  in  ephe- 
meride  legisse  me  memini,  a  Claudia  sorore  Probum 

6  sepultum.  adulescens  Probus  corporis  viribus  tarn 
clarus  est  factus  ut  Valeriani  iudicio  tribunatum  prope 

6  imberbis  acciperet.     exstat  epistula  Valeriani  ad  Gal- 
lienum,  qua  Probum  laudat  adhuc  adulescentem  et 

7  imitationi  omnium  proponit.     ex  quo  apparet  nemi- 
nem  umquam  pervenisse  ad   virtutum  summam  iam 
maturum,  nisi  qui  puer  seminario  virtutum  generosiore 
concretus  aliquid  inclitum  desigiiasset. 

IV.  Epistula  Valeriani : 

"  Valerianus  pater  Gallieno  filio,  Augustus  Augusto. 
et  meum  secutus  iudicium,  quod  semper  de  Probo 
adulescente  primo  habui,  et  omnium  bonorum,  qui 


1  Mitrovitz  ;  see  note  to  Aur.,  iii.  1. 

8  See  note  to  Av.  Ca^s.,  i.  1. 

8  Evidently  a  fiction,  due  to  a  desire  on  the  part  of  the  bio- 
grapher 10  connect  his  hero  with  Pollio's. 

4  Probably  fictitious,  on  account  of  her  name,  unless  we  may 
suppose  that  she  was  a  half-sister. 

340 


PROBUS  III.   1— IV.  1 

v 

my  plan,  I  will  hasten  on  to  an  emperor  great  and 
illustrious,  the  like  of  whom  our  history  has  never 
known. 

III.  Probus  was  a  native  of  Pannonia,  of  the  city  of 
Sirmium,1  his  mother  was  of  nobler   birth  than  his 
father,    his    private    fortune    was    modest,   and    his 
kindred    unimportant.       Both   as   commoner  and   as 
emperor   he    stood    forth   illustrious,   famed    for    his 
virtues.     His  father,  so  some  have  said  in  their  writ- 
ings, was  a  man  named   Maximus,  who,  after  com- 
manding  in    the   ranks 2   with   honour  and   winning 
a  tribuneship,  died  in  Egypt,  leaving  a  wife,  a  son, 
and  a  daughter.     Many  aver  that  Probus  was  a  rela- 
tive of  Claudius,3  that  most  excellent  and  venerated 
prince,  but  this,  because  it  has  been  stated  by  only 
one  of  the  Greek  writers,  we  shall  leave  undiscussed. 
This  one  thing  I  will  say,  however,  which  I  remember 
reading   in    the   journal,    namely,    that    Probus    was 
buried   by   a    sister   named   Claudia.4      As    a    youth 
Probus  became  so  famed  for  his  bodily  strength  that 
by  approval  of  Valerian    he  received   a  tribuneship 
almost  before  his  beard  was  grown.     There  is  still  in 
existence  a  letter  written  by  Valerian  to  Galliemis,  in 
which  he  praises  Probus,  then  still  a  youth,  and  holds 
him  up  for  all  to  imitate.      From  this  it  is  clear  that 
no  man  has  ever  in  his  maturity  attained  to  the  sum 
of  the  virtues  except  one  who,  trained  in  the  nobler 
nursery  of  the  virtues,  had  as  a  boy  given  some  sign 
of  distinction. 

IV.  Valerian's  letter : 

"  From  Valerian  the  father  to  Gallienus  the  son,  an 
Augustus  to  an  Augustus.  Following  out  the  opinion 
which  I  have  always  held  concerning  Probus  from  his 
early  youth,  as  well  as  that  held  by  all  good  men, 

341 


PROBUS 

eundem  sui  nominis  virum  dicunt,  tribunatum  in  eum 
contuli  datis  sex  cohortibus  Saracenis,  creditis  etiam 
auxiliaribus  Gallis  cum  ea  Persarum  manu  quam  nobis 

2  Artabassis  Syrus  mancipavit.     te  quaeso,  fill  carissime, 
ut  eum  iuvenem,  quern  imitari  pueris  omnibus  volo, 
in  tanto  habeas  honore  quantum  virtutes  eius  et  merita 
pro  debito  mentis  splendore  desiderant." 

3  Alia   epistula   de  eodem   ad   praefectum   praetorio 

cum  salario : 

"Valeriauus  Augustus  Mulvio  Gallicano  praefecto 
praetorio.  mireris  fortassis,  quod  ego  imberbem  tri- 
bunum  fecerim  contra  sententiam  l  divi  Hadriani,  sed 

4non  multum  miraberis,  si  Probum  cogitas  ;  est  adules- 
cens  vere  probus  ;  numquam  enim  aliud  mihi,  cum 
eum  cogito,  nisi  eius  nomen  occurrit,  quod  nisi  nomen 

Bhaberet,  potuit  habere  cognomen,  huic  igitur  dari 
iubebis,  quoniam  mediocris  fortunae  est,  ut  eius  digni- 
tas  incrementis  iuvetur,  tunicas  russulas  duas,  pallia 
Gallica  duo  fibulata,  interulas  paragaudias  duas,  pati- 
nam  argenteam  librarum  decem  specellatam,  aureos 
Antoninianos  centum,  argenteos  Aurelianos  mille, 

6  aereos  Philippeos  decem  milia  ;  item  in  salario  diurno, 
bubulae  pondo  .  .  .,  porcinae  pondo  sex,  caprinae 
pondo  decem,  gallinaceum  per  biduum,  olei  per 
biduum  sextarium  unum,  vini  veteris  diurnos  sextarios 

1  contra  sententiam  Gruter,  Peter  ;  constentiam  P  J. 


1  Unknown  ;  the  form  is  probably  an  error  for  the  Armenian 
name  Artavasdes  ;  cf.  VaL,  iii.  1. 

2  Otherwise  unknown.  8  See  Hadr.,  x.  6. 

4  Cf .  Tac.t  xvi.  6.  5  See  note  to  Claud.,  xvii.  6. 

6  See  Aur.,  ix.  7  and  note. 

34-2 


PROBUS  IV.  2-6 

who  say  that  he  is  a  man  worthy  of  his  name,  I  have 
appointed  him  to  a  tribuneship,  assigning  him  six 
cohorts  of  Saracens  and  entrusting  to  him,  besides, 
the  Gallic  irregulars  along  with  that  company  of 
Persians  which  Artabassis  1  the  Syrian  delivered  over 
to  us.  Now  I  beg  of  you,  my  dearest  son,  to  hold 
this  young  man,  whom  I  wish  all  the  lads  to  imitate, 
in  the  high  honour  that  his  virtues  and  his  services 
call  for  in  view  of  what  is  owed  him  by  reason  of  the 
brilliance  of  his  mind." 

Another  letter  about  him,  written  to  the  prefect  of 
the  guard  with  an  order  for  rations : 

"  From  Valerian  Augustus  to  Mulvius  Gallicanus,2 
prefect  of  the  guard.  You  may  perhaps  wonder  why 
it  is  that  contrary  to  the  ruling  of  the  Deified  Hadrian  3 
I  have  appointed  as  tribune  a  beardless  youth.  You 
will  not,  however,  wonder  much  if  you  consider 
Probus  ;  he  is  a  young  man  of  probity  indeed.4  For 
never,  when  I  consider  him  myself,  does  aught  suggest 
itself  to  me  but  his  name,  which,  were  it  not  his  name 
already,  he  might  well  receive  as  a  surname.  There- 
fore, since  his  fortune  is  but  a  modest  one,  that  his 
rank  may  be  enhanced  by  an  additional  remuneration, 
you  will  order  him  to  be  supplied  with  two  red  tunics, 
two  Gallic  cloaks  provided  with  clasps,  two  under- 
tunics  with  bands  of  embroidery,5  a  silver  platter, 
polished  to  reflect  the  light,  to  weigh  ten  pounds,  one 
hundred  aurei  of  Antoninus,6  one  thousand  silver  pieces 
of  Aurelian,  and  ten  thousand  copper  coins  of  Philip ; 
likewise  for  his  daily  rations,  .  .  .  pounds  of  beef, 
six  pounds  of  pork,  ten  pounds  of  goat's  meat,  one 
fowl  every  second  day,  one  pint  of  oil  every  second 
day,  ten  pints  of  old  wine  every  day,  and  a  sufficient 
quantity  of  bacon,  biscuit,  cheap  wine,  salt,  greens, 

343 


PROBUS 

decem  cum  larido,  bucellati,1  aceti,  salis,  holerum,  lig- 
7norum  quantum  sat  est.     hospitia  praeterea  eidem  ut 
tribunis  legionum  praeberi  iubebis." 

V.  Et  haec  quidem  epistulis  declaraiitur.  nunc 
quantum  ex  ephemeride  colligi  potuit :  cum  bello 
Sarmatico  iam  tribunus  transmisso  Danuvio  multa 
fortiter  fecisset,  publice  in  contione  donatus  est  hastis 
puris  quattuor,  coronis  vallaribus  duabus,  corona  civica 
una,  vexillis  puris  quattuor,  armillis  aureis  duabus, 
torque  aureo  uno,  patera  sacrificali  quinquelibri  una. 

2  quo  quidem  tempore  Valerium  Flaccinum,  adulescen- 
tem  nobilem,  parentem  Valeriani,  e  Quadorum  libe- 
ravit  manu.       unde  illi  Valerianus   coronam  civicam 

3  detulit.     verba  Valeriani  pro  contione  habita  :  "  Sus- 
cipe,  Probe,  praemia  pro  re  publica,  suscipe  coronam 

4  civicam  pro  parente."     quo  quidem  tempore  legionem 
tertiam  eidem  addidit,  sub  testimonio  huiusmodi. 

5  Epistula  de  legione  tertia  : 

"  Res  gestae  tuae,  Probe  carissime,  faciunt  ut  et 
serins  tradere  maiores  tibi  exercitus  videar  et  cito 

6  tamen  tradam.     recipe  in  fidem  tuam  legionem  tertiam 
Felicem,    quam    ego    adhuc    nulli    nisi    provecto    iam 
credidi ;  mihi  autem  eo  tempore  credita  est,  quo  et  me 

7  canosum    qui    credebat    cum   gratulatione    vidit.     sed 
ego    in    te    lion  exspecto  aetatem,   cum  et   virtutibus 

1  bucellati  aceti  Purser  (cf.  Av.  Cass.  v.  3);  bolulaci  P; 
pabnli  aceti  Peter,  Hohl. 


1  See  notes  to  Aur.,  xiii.  3.  2  See  note  to  Marc.,  xii.  8. 

3  See  note  to  Claud.,  xiii.  8.  4  Otherwise  unknown. 


PROBUS  IV.  7— V.  7 

and  firewood.  You  will  order,  furthermore,  that 
quarters  be  assigned  to  him  as  they  are  to  the  tribunes 
of  the  legions." 

V.  The  foregoing  details  are  attested  by  the  letters. 

Now  as  to  what  I  have  been  able  to  gather  from  the 

journal :    Whereas  during  the  Sarmatian  war,  while 

holding   the   rank   of  tribune,    he   had    crossed    the 

Danube  and  performed  many  brave  exploits,  he  was 

formally  presented  in  an  assembly  with  four  spears 

without  points,1  two  rampart-crowns,  one  civic  crown,2 

four  white  banners,  two  golden  arm-bands,3  one  golden 

collar,  one  sacrificial  saucer  weighing  five  pounds.     At 

this  same  time,  indeed,  he  delivered  out  of  the  hands 

of   the    Quadi   Valerius    Flaccinus,4  a  young  man  of 

noble  birth  and  a  kinsman  of  Valerian's,  and  it  was  for 

this  reason  that  Valerian  presented  him  with  the  civic 

crown.     The  words  of   Valerian  spoken   before    the 

assembly  were  :  "  Receive  these  rewards,  Probus,  from 

the    commonwealth,    receive    this    civic    crown    from 

a  kinsman."     At  this  time,  too,  he  added  the  Third 

Legion  to  his  command,  with  a  testimonial  as  follows. 

The  letter  concerning  the  Third  Legion  : 

"  Your  exploits,  my  dear  Probus,  are  causing  me  to 

appear  too  tardy  in  assigning  you  larger  forces,  and 

yet  I  will  assign  them  with  haste.     So  take  under 

your  faithful  care  the  Third  Legion,  the  Fortunate,5 

which  as  yet  I  have  not  entrusted  to  any  save  one 

well   advanced   in  years  ;    it   was  entrusted   to  me, 

moreover,  at  an  age  when  he  who  entrusted  it,  along 

with  congratulations,  beheld  my  grey  hairs.     In  your 

case,  however,  I  shall  not  wait  for  age,  for  your  virtues 

are    now    illustrious    and  your    character   is    strong. 

I  have  given  command  to  supply  you  with  three  sets 

•See  note  to  Aur.,  xi.  4. 

345 


PROBUS 

Sfulgeas,1  et  moribus  polleas.  vestes  tibi  tripliees  dari 
iussi,  salarium  duplex  feci,  vexillarium  deputavi." 

VI.  Longum  est,  si  per  res  gestas  tanti  percurram 
viri,  quae  ille  sub  Valeriano,  quae  sub  Gallieno,  quae 
sub  Aureliano  et  Claudio  privatus  fecerit,  quoties 
murum  conscenderit,  vallum  diripuerit,  hostem  corn- 
minus  interemerit,2  dona  principum  emeruerit,  rem 
publicam  in  antiquum  statum  sua  virtute  reddiderit. 

2docet  Gallieni  epistula  ad  tribunes  data  qui  fuerit 
Probus : 

"  Gallienus  Augustus  tribunis  exercituum  Illyrici- 
anorum.  etiamsi  patrem  meum  fatalis  belli  Persici 
necessitas  tenuit,  habeo  tamen  parentem  Aurelium 
Probum,  quo  laboraiite  possim  esse  securus.  qui  si 
adfuisset,  numquam  ille  ne  nominandus  quidem 

Styrannus  sibi  usurpasset  imperium.  quare  omnes  vos 
consiliis  eius  cupio  parere  3  qui  et  patris  iudicio  pro- 
batus  est  et  senatus." 

4  Non  magnum  fortassis  iudicium  Gallieni  esse  videatur, 
principis   mollioris,  sed,  quod    negari    non  potest,  lie 
dissolutus  quidem  quispiam  se  nisi  in  eius  fidem  tradit, 

5  cuius    sibi    virtutes    aestimat    profuturas.    sed    esto, 
Gallieni  epistula  sequestretur,  quid  Aureliani  iudicium  ? 
qui  Probo  decimanos,  fbrtissimos  exercitus  sui  et  cum 
quibus  ipse  ingentia  gesserat,  tradidit  sub  huius  modi 
testimonio : 

6  "  Aurelianus  Augustus  Probo  salutem  dicit.     ut  scias 

lfulgeas  27 ;  fulges  P.  2  interemerit  2 ;  interemit  P. 

9 parere  27 ;  parare  P. 


1  See  note  to  FaZ.,  i.  1. 
346 


PROBUS  V.  8— VI.  6 

of  garments,  I  have  ordered  you  double  rations,  and 
I  have  assigned  you  a  standard-bearer." 

VI.  It  would  be  a  lengthy  task,  were  I  to  enume- 
rate all  the  exploits  of  so  great  a  man,  which  he  per- 
formed as  a  commoner  under  Valerian,  under  Gallienus, 
under  Aurelian,  and  under  Claudius,  how  many  times 
he  scaled  a  wall,  tore  down  a  rampart,  slew  the  enemy 
in  a  hand-to-hand  fight,  won  the  gifts  of  emperors, 
and  by  his  valour  restored  the  commonwealth  to  its 
ancient  condition.  Gallienus'  letter,  addressed  to  the 
tribunes,  shows  what  manner  of  man  was  Probus  : 

"  From  Gallienus  Augustus  to  the  tribunes  of  the 
armies  in  Illyricum.  Even  if  the  destined  fate  of  the 
Persian  war  has  taken  away  my  father,1  I  have  still 
my  kinsman  Aurelius  Probus,  through  whose  efforts 
I  may  be  free  from  care.  Had  he  been  present, 
never  would  that  pretender,  whose  name  even  should 
not  be  mentioned,  have  dared  to  usurp  the  imperial 
power.  Wherefore,  it  is  my  wish  that  all  of  you 
should  obey  the  counsels  of  one  who  has  been  ap- 
proved by  the  judgement  both  of  my  father  and  of  the 
senate." 

It  may  seem  perhaps  that  the  judgement  of  Gal- 
lienus, so  weak  an  emperor,  is  not  worth  much,  but 
at  least  it  cannot  be  denied  that  no  one,  not  even 
a  weakling,  entrusts  himself  to  the  protection  of 
a  man  unless  he  believes  that  his  virtues  will  profit 
him.  But  be  it  so  !  Let  Gallienus'  letter  be  set 
aside.  What  will  you  say  to  the  judgement  of 
Aurelian?  For  he  handed  over  to  Probus  the  soldiers 
of  the  Tenth  Legion,  the  bravest  of  his  army,  with 
whom  he  himself  had  done  mighty  deeds,  giving  him 
the  following  testimonial : 

"  From  Aurelian  Augustus  to  Probus,  greetings.    In 

347 


PROBUS 

quanti  te  faciam,  decimanos  meos  sume,  quos  Claudius 
mihi  credidit.  isti  enim  sunt  qui  quadam  felicitatis 
praerogativa  praesules  nisi  futures  principes  habere  non 
norunt." 

7  Ex  quo  intellectum   est  Aurelianum  in  animo  hoc 
habuisse,  ut,  si  quid  sibi  scienti  prudentique  eveniret, 
Probura  principem  faceret. 

VII.  lam  Claudii,  iam  Taciti  iudicia  de  Probo  longum 
est  innectere,  quamvis  feratur  in  senatu  Tacitus  dixisse, 
cum  eidem  ofFerretur  imperium,  debere  Probum  prin- 
cipem fieri,  sed  ego  senatus  consultum  ipsum  non 
inveni. 

2  Ipse  autem  Tacitus  imperator  primam  talem  ad 
Probum  epistulam  dedit : 

8  "  Tacitus  Augustus  Probo.    me  quidem  senatus  prin- 
cipem fecit  de  prudentis  exercitus  voluntate.     attamen 
sciendum  tibi  est  tuis  nunc  umeris   magis   incubuisse 
rem    publicam.     qui   et    quantus  sis   omnes   novimus, 
scit  senatus.  adesto  igitur  nostris  necessitatibus,  tuae 

ifamiliae  adsere,  ut  soles,  rem  publicam.  nos  tibi 
decreto  totius  orientis  ducatu  salarium  quinquiplex 
fecimus,  ornamenta  militaria  geminavimus,  con- 
sulatum  in  annum  proximum  nobiscum  decrevimus  ;  te 
enim  manet  pro  virtutibus  tuis  Capitoliiia  palmata." 

6  Ferunt  quidam  Probo  id  pro  imperil  omine  luisse, 
quod  Tacitus  scripsit,  "  Te  manet  Capitolina  palmata." 


1  There  is  no  evidence  for  this,  and  it  is  evidently  only  an 
attempt  to  legitimatize  the  imperiuin  of  the  author's  hero. 
L  As  a  matter  ui  fact,  Probus  was  not  consul  until  277. 
3  See  Gord.,  iv.  4  and  notes. 

348 


PROBUS  VI.  7— VII.  5 

order  that  you  may  know  how  much  I  think  of  you, 
take  the  command  of  my  Tenth  Legion,  which  Claudius 
entrusted  to  me.  For  these  are  soldiers  who  know  as 
commanders  none  but  those  destined  to  be  emperors 
— an  assurance,  as  it  were,  of  favourable  fortune." 

From  this  it  was  seen  that  Aurelian  had  in  mind, 
in  case  anything  serious  befell  him,  which  he  we!1 
knew  to  be  such,  was  to  make  Probus  emperor. 

VII.  Now  the  judgement  of  Claudius  concerning 
Probus  and  that  of  Tacitus  also  it  would  be  too  long 
to  include  ;  but  it  is  reported  that  Tacitus  said  in  the 
senate,  when  offered  the  imperial  power,  that  Probus 
should  be  chosen  as  emperor,1  But  the  senate's  decree 
itself  I  have  not  been  able  to  find. 

Tacitus  himself,  moreover,  sent  to  Probus  his  first 
letter  as  emperor  in  the  following  vein : 

"  From  Tacitus  Augustus  to  Probus.  I,  it  is  true, 
have  been  made  emperor  by  the  senate  in  conformity 
with  the  wishes  of  our  sagacious  army.  You,  how- 
ever, must  know  that  it  is  on  your  shoulders  that  the 
burden  of  the  commonwealth  has  now  been  laid  more 
heavily.  What  sort  of  man  and  how  great  you  are 
we  all  have  learned,  and  the  senate  also  knows.  And 
so  aid  us  in  our  need  and,  as  is  your  custom,  look  upon 
the  commonwealth  as  a  part  of  your  own  household. 
We  have  voted  to  you  the  command  of  the  entire  East, 
we  have  granted  you  five-fold  rations,  we  have  doubled 
your  military  insignia,  we  have  appointed  you  consul  'J 
for  the  coming  year  as  colleague  to  ourselves  ;  for  by 
reason  of  your  virtues,  the  palm- embroidered  tunic 
from  the  Capitolium  3  awaits  you." 

Some  relate  that  Probus  regarded  it  as  an  omen  of 
imperial  power  that  Tacitus  should  have  written,  "  The 
palm-embroidered  tunic  from  the  CapitoLurn  awaits 

349 


PROBUS 

sed  in  hanc  sententiam    omnibus   semper   consulibug 
scribebatur. 

VIII.  Amor  militum  erga  Probum  ingens  semper 
fuit.  neque  enim  umquam  ille  passus  est  peccare 
militem.  ille  quin  etiam  Aurelianum  saepe  a  gravi 

2  crudelitate    deduxit.      ille    singulos    manipulos    adiit, 
vestes  et  calciamenta  perspexit,  si  quid  praedae  fuit, 
ita  divisit  ut  sibi  nihil  praeter  tela  et  arma  servaret. 

3  quin  etiam  cum  de  praedato,  sive l  ex  Alanis  sive  ex 
aliqua  alia  gente — incertum  est — repertus  esset  equus 
non    decorus    neque    ingens,    qui,    quantum    captivi 
loquebantur,  centum  ad  diem  milia  currere  diceretur, 
ita  ut  per  dies  octo  vel  decem  continuaret,  et  omnes 
crederent    Probum  tale  animal  sibimet   servaturum, 
iam  primum  dixit :   "  Fugitive  militi  potius  quam  forti 

4  hie    equus    convenit."      deinde    in    urnam    nomina 2 
milites    iussit    mittere,   ut   aliqui    eum  sorte  ductus 

5  acciperet.     et  cum  essent  in  exercitu  quidam  nomine 
Probi  alii  quattuor  milites,  casu  evenit  ut  qui  primum 
emergeret  ei3    Probo  nomen  exsisteret,    cum  ipsius 

6  Probi   ducis   nomen   missum   non   esset.     sed    cum 
quattuor  illi  milites  inter  se  contenderent  ac  sortem 
sibi  quisque  defenderet,  iussit  iterum  agitari  urnam. 
sed  et  iterum  Probi  nomen  emersit ;  cumque  tertio  et 

7  quarto  fecisset,  quarto  Probi  nomen  effusum  est.    tune 
omnis  exercitus  equum  ilium  Probo  duci  dicavit,  ipsis 
etiam  militibus,  quorum  nomina  exierant,  id  volenti- 
bus. 

1  hie  P.  2So  Walter ;  nomina  om.  in  P ;  nomen  suum  ins. 
after  iussit  by  Peter  and  Hohl.  3  So  Peter  and  Hohl ; 

emergeret  ei  om.  in  P. 


1  See  note  to  Pius,  v.  6. 
350 


PROBUS  VIII.  1-7 

you,"   but  as  a  matter  of   fact    this   expression  was 
always  used  in  writing  to  every  consul. 

VIII.  The  soldiers'  love  for  Probus  was  always  un- 
bounded.    Never,  indeed,  did  he  permit  any  of  them 
to  commit  a  wrong.     Moreover,  he  often  prevented 
Aurelian  from  some  act  of  great  cruelty.     He  visited 
each   maniple  and  inspected  its  clothing  and  boots, 
and  whenever  there  was  plunder  he  divided  it  so  as  to 
keep  naught    for   himself  but  weapons    and  armour. 
Once,  indeed,  when  a   horse  was  found  among  the 
booty  taken  from  the  Alani l  or  some  other  nation — 
for  this  is  uncertain — which,  though  not  handsome  or 
especially  large,  was  reputed,  according  to  the  talk  of 
the  captives,  to  be  able  to  run  one  hundred  miles  in  a 
day  and  to  continue  for  eight  or  ten  days,  all  sup- 
posed  that    Probus   would   keep    such   a   beast    for 
himself.     But   first   he   remarked,    "This    horse    is 
better  suited  to  a  soldier  who  flees  than  to  one  who 
fights,"  and  then  he  ordered   the  men  to  put   their 
names  into  an  urn,  that  the  one  drawn  by  lot  should 
receive  the  horse.     Then,  since  there  were  in  the  army 
four  other  soldiers  named  Probus,  it  so  chanced  that 
the  name  of  Probus  appeared  on  the  lot  that  first  came 
forth,  though  the  general's  name  had  not  been  put  into 
the  urn.     And  when  the  four  soldiers  strove  with  one 
another,    each   maintaining  that  the  lot  was  his,  he 
ordered  the  urn  to  be  shaken  a  second  time.     But  a 
second  time,  too,  the  name  of  Probus  came  forth ;  and 
when  it  was  done  for  the  third  and  the  fourth  time, 
on  the  fourth  time  also  there  leaped  forth  the  name 
of  Probus.    Then  the  entire  army  set  apart  that  horse 
for  Probus  their  general,  and  even  those  very  soldiers 
whose  names  had  come  forth  from  the  urn  desired  it 
thus. 

351 


PROBUS 

IX.  Pugnavit    et   contra    Marmaridas    in    Africa 
fortissime   eosdemque    vicit  atque  ex  Libya  Cartha- 
ginem  transiit  eandemque  a  rebellionibus  vindicavit. 

2pugnavit  et  singular!  certamiiie  contra  quendam 
Aradionem  in  Africa  eundemque  prostravit  et,  quia  for- 
tissimum  ac  pertinacissimum  virum  viderat,  sepulchro 
ingenti  honoravit,  quod  adhuc  exstat  tumulo  usque 
ad  ducentos  pedes  terra  elato1  per  milites,  quos 

Sotiosos  esse  numquara  est  passus.  exstant  apud 
Aegyptum  eius  opera,  quae  per  milites  struxit,  in 
plurimis  civitatibus.  in  Nilo  autem  tarn  multa  fecit 

4  ut    vectigal    frumentarium  solus    adiuverit.     pontes, 
templa,  porticus,  basilicas  labore  militum  struxit,  ora 
fluminum  multa  patefecit,  paludes  plerasque  siccavit 

5  atque   in  his  segetes  agrosque  constituit.     pugnavit 
etiam    contra    Palmyrenos    Odaenathi  et  Cleopatrae 
partibus    Aegyptum     defendentes,    primo    feliciter, 
postea  temere,  ut  paene  caperetur ;    sed    postea  re- 
fectis  viribus  Aegyptum  et  orientis  maximum  partem 
in  Aureliani  potestatem  redegit. 

X.  Cum  his  igitur  tot  ac 2  tantis  virtutibus  eniteret, 

1  terra  elato  P  com,  Salm. ;    terra  elatum  P1,  Peter,  Hohl. 
2oo  om.  in  P. 


i 


•  The  inhabitants  of  Marmarica,  the  district  between  Egypt 
and  Cyrenaica ;  they  had  been  conquered  by  P.  Sulpiciua 
Quiriuius  about  20  B.C. 

2  Unknown. 

8  This  may  have  been  in  connection  with  Aurelian's  policy 
of  using  the  revenues  from  Egypt  for  the  benefit  of  the  city  of 
Borne  (cf.  Aur.,  xlv.  1 ;  xlvii.  1-3),  but  perhaps  this  statement 
is  out  of  the  proper  order,  for  a  papyrus  dated  1  April,  278 
(Probus'  third  year  as  emperor)  contains  an  official  command 
for  building  dykes  and  cleaning  canals.  As  this  would  scarcely 

352 


PROBUS  IX.  1— X.  I 

IX.  He  also  fought  with  great  bravery  against  the 
Marmaridae  l  in  Africa  and  defeated  them  too,  and 
from  Libya  he  passed  over  to  Carthage  and  saved  it 
from  rebels.    And  he  fought  a  single  combat  in  Africa 
against  a  certain  Aradio2  and  overcame  him,  and  be- 
cause he  had  seen  that  he  was  a  valiant  and  resolute 
man,   he   honoured   him    with    a   mighty  tomb,  still 
standing  on  a  mound  of  earth  two  hundred  feet  high 
piled  up  by  the  soldiers,  whom  he  never  allowed  to 
be  idle.     There  are  still  to  be  seen  in  many  cities  in 
Egypt  public  works  of  his,  which  he  caused  to  be 
built  by  the  soldiers.     On  the  Nile,  moreover,  he  did 
so  much  that  his  sole  efforts  added  greatly  to  the 
tithes  of  grain.     He  constructed  bridges  and  temples, 
porticos  and  basilicas,  all  by  the  labour  of  the  soldiers, 
he  opened  up  many  river-mouths,  and  drained  many 
marshes,3   and   put   in    their   place  grain-fields  and 
farms.     He  fought  also  against  the  Palmyrenes  who 
held  Egypt  for  the  party  of  Odaenathus  and  Cleopatra,4 
fighting  at  first  with  success,  but  later  so  recklessly 
that  he  nearly  was  captured ;    later,  however,  when 
his  forces  were  strengthened,  he  brought  Egypt  5  and 
the  greater   part  of  the  Orient   under  the   sway  of 
Aurelian. 

X.  And  so,  resplendent  by  reason  of  these  many 

have  been  necessary  if  Probus  had  caused  it  to  be  done  as  here 
described,  it  would  seem  that  the  work  was  begun  in  278  and 
was  still  in  operation  in  280,  when  Probus  may  have  been  in 
Egypt  (c.  xvii.  2-3) ;  see  W.  L.  Westermann  in  Aegyptus,  i. 
p.  297  f. 

4  i.e.t  Zenobia.    This  campaign  is  described  in  Claud.,  xi. 
1-2,  where  the  Roman  general  i?  called  Probatus.    There  is  no 
reason  to  suppose  that  Probus  was  in  Egypt  under  Claudius. 

5  Between  March  and  September,  271;    see  note  to  Aur.t 
xxii.  3. 

353 


PROBUS 

Tacito    absumpto    fatal  iter    ac     Floriano    imperium 

arripiente  omnes  orientales  exercitus  eundem  im- 
2peratorem  fecerunt.  non  inepta1  neque  inelegans 

fabula  est  scire  queraadmodum  imperium  Probus 
Ssumpserit.  cum  ad  exercitus  nuntius  venisset,  turn 

primum   animus    militibus    fuit    praevenire     Italicos 

4  exercitus,  lie   iterum  senatus  principem  daret.     sed 
cum  inter  milites  sermo  esset  quis  fieri  deberet,  et 
manipulatim    in    campo    tribuni    eos    adloquerentur, 
dicentes  requirendum  esse  principem  aliquem  fortem, 
sanctum,  verecundum,  clementem,  probum,  idque  per 
multos  circulos,  ut  fieri  adsolet,  diceretur,  quasi  divino 
nutu  undique  ab  omnibus    adclamatum  est,  "  Probe 

5  Auguste,    di    te    servent ! "      deinde    concursus    et 
caespiticium  tribunal,  appellatusque  imperator,  ornatus 
etiam  pallio  purpureo,  quod  de  statua  templi  oblatum 
est,  atque  inde  ad  palatium  reductus,  invitus  et  re- 
tractans  et  saepe  dicens  :  "  Non  vobis  expedit,  milites, 
non  mecum  bene  agetis.    ego  enim  vobis  blandiri  non 
possum." 

6  Prima  eius  epistula,  data  ad  Capitonem  praefectum 
praetorio,  talis  fuit :   "  Imperium  numquam  optavi  et 
invitus  accepi.     deponere   mihi   rem    invidiosissimam 

7  non  licet,     agenda  est  persona  quam  mihi  miles  im- 
posuit.     te  quaeso,  Capito,  ita  mecum  salva  re  publica 

1  inepta  2;  inaegyptum  P. 


1  See  Tac.,  xiii.  5  and  note. 

2  As  there  are  Alexandrian  coins  of  Probus  minted  before 
29  Aug.,  276  (J.  Vogt,  die  Alex.  Miinzen,  p.  218),  he  was  made 
emperor  in  the  summer  of  276.     He  was  probably  acclaimed 
in  the  East  about  the  same  time  that  Florian  was  acclaimed 
in  the  West ;   see  note  to  Tac.,  xiv.  2.     Zosimus  (i.  64,  1)  and 
Zonaras  (xii.  29)   relate  that  he  was  acknowledged  in  Syria, 
Palestine,  and  Egypt,  while  Asia  Minor  and  Europe  supported 

3.54 


PROBUS  X.  2-7 

great  virtues,  when  Tacitus  had  been  removed l  by 
the  decree  of  Fate  and  Florian  was  seizing  the  rule, 
he  was  created  emperor  by  all  the  troops  of  the  East.2 
Nor  is  the  story  of  how  he  got  the  imperial  power  an 
idle  or  tiresome  tale.  When  the  news  came  to  the 
armies,  the  soldiers'  first  thought  was  how  to  forestall 
the  armies  of  Italy,  that  the  senate  might  not  a  second 
time  appoint  a  prince.  But  when  discussion  arose 
among  them  as  to  who  should  be  chosen  and  the 
tribunes  addressed  them  by  maniples  on  their  parade- 
ground,  saying  that  they  must  look  for  a  prince  who 
would  be  brave  and  revered,  modest  and  gentle  and  a 
man  of  probity,3  and  this  was  repeated,  as  is  wont  to 
be  done,  throughout  many  groups,  all  on  all  sides,  as 
though  by  divine  command,  shouted  out,  "  Probus 
Augustus,  may  the  gods  keep  you  ! '  Then  they  ran 
together,  a  tribunal  of  turf  was  erected,  and  Probus 
was  saluted  as  emperor,  being  even  decked  with  a 
purple  robe,  which  they  took  from  a  temple-statue  ; 
from  there  he  was  led  to  the  palace,4  against  his  will 
and  protesting  and  saying  again  and  again,  "  It  is  not 
to  your  own  interest,  soldiers,  with  me  you  will  not 
fare  well,  for  I  cannot  court  your  favour." 

His  first  letter,  addressed  to  Capito,5  prefect  of  the 
guard,  was  as  follows :  "  I  have  never  desired  the 
imperial  power  and  I  have  accepted  it  against  my 
will.  I  may  not  refuse  an  office  which  is  most  dis- 
tasteful to  me.  I  must  play  the  part  which  the 
soldiers  have  assigned  me.  I  beg  of  you,  Capito,  as 

Florian.  Probus'  proclamation  as  emperor  by  the  army  of  the 
East  seems  to  be  commemorated  by  coins  with  the  legend 
Exercitus  Pers(icus) ;  see  Cohen,  vi.2  p.  273,  no.  207. 

3  See  Tac.t  xvi.  6  and  note.  4See  note  to  Sev.t  xxii.  7. 

8  Otherwise  unknown. 

355 


PROBUS 

perfruaris,  annonam  et  corameatus  et  quicquid  neces- 
sariura  est  ubique  militi l  pares,  ego,  quantum  in  me 
est,  si  recte  omnia  gubernaveris,  praefectum  alterum 
iion  habebo." 

8  Cognito  itaque  quod  imperaret  Probus  milites  Floria- 
num,  qui  quasi  hereditarium  arripuerat  imperium,2  in- 
teremerunt,  scientes  neminem  dignius  posse  imperare 

9quam  Probum.  ita  ei  sine  ulla  molestia  totius  orbis 
imperium  et  militum  et  senatus  iudicio  delatum  est. 

XI.  Et  quoniam  mentionem  senatus  fecimus,  scien- 
dum  est  quid  ipse  ad  senatum  scripserit,  quid  item  ad 
eum  amplissimus  ordo  rescripserit : 

2      Oratio  Probi  prima  ad  senatum  : 

"  Recte  atque  ordine,  patres  conscripti,  proximo 
superiore  anno  factum  est  ut3  vestra  dementia  orbi 
terrarum  principem  daret,  et  quidem  de  vobis,  qui  et 
estis  mundi  principes  et  semper  fuistis  et  in  vestris 

Sposteris  eritis.  atque  utinam  id  etiam  Florianus  ex- 
spectare  voluisset  nee  velut  hereditarium  sibi  vin- 
dicasset  imperium,  vel  ilium  vel  alium  quempiam 

4  maiestas  vestra  fecisset.  nunc  quoniam  ille  imperium 
arripuit,  nobis  a  militibus  delatum  est  nomen  Augus- 
tum,  vindicatum  quin  etiam  in  ilium  a  prudentioribus 
militibus,  quod  fuerat  usurpatum.  quaeso  ut  de  meis 
meritis  iudicetis4  facturus  quicquid  iusserit  vestra 
dementia." 

1  militi  2;  milites  P.  •  arripuerat  imperium  27,  ins.  by 
Peter  and  Hohl;  om.  in  P.  sut£;  ad  P.  4  iudicetis 

ins.  by  Hohl  (Helm) ;  om.  in  P  and  by  Peter. 


1  Apparently  modelled  on  Cicero,  in  CatiL,  iv.  11. 

2  See  Tac.,  xiv.  2  and  note. 

356 


PRORUS  X.   8— XI.  4 

you  hope  to  enjoy  with  me  the  state  in  safety, l  to 
supply  the  soldiers  everywhere  with  grain  and  pro- 
visions and  all  necessities.  I  assure  you  that  in  so 
far  as  it  lies  in  me,  I  will  have  no  other  prefect  if  you 
administer  all  things  well." 

And  so,  when  it  was  known  that  Probus  was 
emperor,  the  soldiers  killed  Florian,2  who  had  seized 
the  imperial  power  as  though  an  inheritance,  for  they 
knew  well  that  no  one  could  rule  more  worthily  than 
Probus.  Accordingly,  without  any  effort  of  his,  the 
rule  of  the  whole  world  was  conferred  upon  him  by 
the  voice  of  both  army  and  senate. 

XI.  Now,  since  we  have  mentioned  the  senate,  it 
should  be  made  known  what  he  himself  wrote  to  the 
senate  and  likewise  what  reply  that  most  noble  body 
wrote  back  to  him : 

The  first  message  of  Probus  to  the  senate : 

"  Rightly  and  duly  did  you  act,  Conscript  Fathers, 
in  the  last  year  that  has  passed,  when  your  clemency 
gave  to  the  world  a  prince,3  and  one,  indeed,  from 
among  yourselves,  you  who  are  the  princes  of  the 
world,  as  you  have  ever  been  in  the  past  and  shall 
continue  to  be  in  the  days  of  your  descendants.  And 
I  would  that  Florian  also  had  been  content  to  wait 
for  this  and  had  not  claimed  the  imperial  power  as 
though  an  inheritance,  or  even  that  your  majesty  had 
made  him  or  some  other  man  your  prince.  But  now, 
since  he  has  seized  the  imperial  power,  we  have  been 
offered  the  name  of  Augustus  by  the  army,  while  he 
has  even  been  punished  by  the  wiser  soldiers  because 
he  usurped  it.  I  beg  you,  therefore,  to  judge  con- 
cerning my  merits,  for  I  am  ready  to  do  whatsoever 
your  clemency  shall  command." 

s  i.e.,  Tacitus ;  see  Tac.,  iii.-vi. 

357 


PROBUS 

6  Item  senatus  consultum  : 

Die  III  nonas  Feb.  in  Aede  Concordiae  inter  cetera 
Aelius  Scorpianus  consul  dixit :  "  Audistis,  patres  con- 
scripti,  litteras  Aurelii  Valerii  Probi ;  de  his  quid  vide- 
6tur?"  tune  adclamatum  est :  "  Probe  August,  di  te 
servent.  olim  dignus  et  fortis  et  iustus,  bonus  ductor, 
bonus  imperator,  exemplum  militiae,  exemplum  im- 

7  perii.     di  te  servent.     adsertor  rei  publicae  felix  im- 
peres,  magister  railitiae    felix  imperes,  te  cum   tuis 

8di  custodiant.  et  senatus  aiitea  te  delegit.  aetate 
Tacito  posterior,  ceteris  prior,  quod  imperium  suscep- 
isti  gratias  agimus  tuere  nos,  tuere  rem  publicam. 

9  bene  tibi  com  mittimus  quos  ante  servasti.  tu  Franci- 
cus,  tu  Gothicus,  tu  Sarmaticus,  tu  Parthicus,  tu  omnia. 
et  prius  fuisti  semper  dignus  imperio,  dignus  triumphis. 
felix  agas,  feliciter  imperes." 

XII.  Post  haec  Manlius  Statianus,  qui  primae  sen- 
tentiae  tune  erat,  ita  locutus  est :  "  Dis  inmortalibus 
gratias  et  prae  ceteris,  patres  conscripti,  lovi  Optimo, 
qui  nobis  principem  talem  qualem  semper  optabamus 

2dederunt.  si  recte  cogitemus,  non  nobis  Aurelianus, 
non  Alexander,  non  Antonini,  non  Traianus,  non 
Claudius  requirendi  sunt.  omnia  in  uno  principe  con- 
stituta  sunt,  rei  militaris  scientia,  animus  clemens,  vita 

1  On  such  "  senatus  consulta  "  and  acclamations,  see  notes  to 
Vol.,  v.  3  and  4. 

2  This  date  is  also  given  (incorrectly)  as  that  of  the  announce- 
ment in  Rome  of  Aurelian's  death;   see  Aur.,  xli.  3.     In  this 
•instance  it  is  also  incorrect,  since  Florian  was  killed   in   the 
summer  (probably  August)  of  276  ;    see  note  to  Tac.,  xiv.  2. 
There  is  no  record  of  any  consul  named  Scorpianus  in  276. 

3  See  note  to  Pert.,  iv.  9. 

4  See  note  to  c.  i.  3. 

5  Of  all  these  cognomina  only  Gothicus  was  ever  borne  by 
Probus  ;  see  note  to  c.  xiii.  5. 

358 


PROBUS  XI.  5— Xil.  2 

Likewise  the  decree  of  the  senate 1 : 

On  the  third  day  before  the  Nones  of  February,2 
in  the  Temple  of  Concord,3  Aelius  Scorpianus,  the 
consul,  said  during  his  speech :  "  Conscript  Fathers, 
you  have  listened  to  the  letter  of  Aurelius  Valerius  4 
Probus  ;  now  what  is  your  pleasure  concerning  it  ?  " 
Thereupon  they  shouted  out:  "Probus  Augustus, 
may  the  gods  keep  you  !  Long  since  worthy,  brave 
and  just,  a  good  leader,  a  good  commander,  an  ex- 
ample in  warfare,  an  example  in  command.  May  the 
gods  keep  you  !  Deliverer  of  the  commonwealth, 
may  you  be  happy  in  your  rule,  master  in  warfare, 
may  you  be  happy  in  your  rule  !  May  the  gods  guard 
you  and  yours  !  Even  before  this  the  senate  chose 
you.  In  years  inferior  to  Tacitus,  in  all  else  superior. 
For  having  accepted  the  imperial  power  we  give  you 
our  thanks.  Protect  us,  protect  the  commonwealth. 
Rightly  do  we  entrust  to  your  keeping  those  whom 
you  formerly  saved.  You  are  Francicus,  you  are 
Gothicus,  you  are  Sarmaticus,  you  are  Parthicus,5  you 
are  all  things.  In  former  years,  too,  you  were  ever 
worthy  of  command,  worthy  of  triumphs.  Happily 
may  you  live,  happily  rule  !  " 

XII.  Thereupon  Manlius  Statianus,8  whose  right  it 
then  was  to  give  his  opinion  first,  spoke  as  follows ; 
"  All  thanks  to  the  immortal  gods,  Conscript  Fathers, 
and  above  the  others  to  Jupiter  the  Best,  for  they 
have  given  us  such  an  emperor  as  we  always  desired. 
If  we  consider  the  matter  rightly  we  need  seek  no 
Aurelian,  no  Alexander,  no  Antonines,  no  Trajan,  no 
Claudius.  All  their  qualities  are  found  in  this  one 
prince,  knowledge  of  warfare,  a  merciful  spirit,  a 

6  Otherwise  unknown. 

359 


PROBUS 

venerabilis,  exemplar  agendae  rei  publicae  atque  om- 

3  nium  praerogativa  virtutum.     enimvero  quae  mumli 
pars  est,  quam  ille  non  vincendo  didicerit  ?  testes  sunt 
Marmaridae,  in  Africae  solo  victi,  testes  Franci,  in1 
inviis  strati  paludibus,  testes  Germani  et  Alamanni, 

4  longe  a  Rheni  summoti  litoribus.     iam  vero  quid  Sar- 
matas   loquor,  quid   Gothos,  quid   Parthos  ac  Persas 
atque  omnem  Ponticum  tractum  ?  ubique  vigent 2  Probi 

5  virtutis  insignia,     longum  est  dicere  quot  reges  mag- 
narum  gentium  fugarit,  quot  duces  manu  sua  occiderit, 

6  quantum  armorum  sit,  quae  ipse  cepit  privatus.    superi- 
ores  principes  quas  illi  gratias  egeriut,  testes  sunt  lit- 
terae  publicis  insertae  monumentis.     di  boni,  quotiens 
ille  donis  militaribus  est  donatus  !  quas  militum  laudes 
emeruit !  adulescens  tribunatus,  non  longe  post  adules- 

7  centiam  regendas  legiones  accepit.     luppiter  Optime 
Maxime,  luno  Pegina  tuque  virtutum  praesul  Minerva, 
tu  orbis  Concordia  et  tu  Romana  Victoria,  date  hoc 
senatui  populoque  Romano,  date  militibus,  date  sociis 
atque    exteris    nationibus 3 :    imperet    quemadmodum 

8  militavit !        decerno    igitur,    patres    conscripti,    votis 
omnium    conciiientibus  nomen  imperatorium,   nomen 
Caesareanum,    nomen    Augustum,    acldo   proconsulare 
imperium,    patris    patriae    reverentiam,    poiitificatum 
maximum,    ius    tcrtiae   relationis,    tribuniciam    potes- 
tatem."     post  haec  adclamatum  est,  "  Omnes,  omnes." 

1  in  om.  in  P.         ~uigent  2;  uigeant  P.        '^nationibus  E\ 
nationes  P. 


1  See  Marc.,  vi.  6  and  notes. 
360 


PROBUS  XII.   3-8 

revered  life,  a  pattern  for  conducting  the  common- 
wealth, and  the  assurance  of  every  virtue.     For  what 
part  of  the  world  is  there  which  he  has  not  learned 
to  know  by  conquering  it  ?     Witness  the  Marmaridae, 
conquered  on  African  soil,  witness  the  Franks,  over- 
thrown amid  pathless  marshes,  witness  the  Germans 
and  the  Alamanni,  driven  far  back  from  the  banks  of 
the   Rhine.      But  why  need  I  now  speak  of  Sarma- 
tians,  of  Goths,  of  Parthians  and  Persians,  and  all  the 
expanse  of  Pontus  ?     In  all  places  the  signs  of  Probus' 
valour  abound.     It  were  too  long  to  relate  how  many 
kings    of   mighty  nations  he  drove  into   flight,   how 
many  commanders  he  slew  with  his  own  hand,  how 
many  arms  he  captured   unaided  while  still  a  com- 
moner.    What  thanks  former  emperors  gave  him  their 
letters  attest,  now  placed  in  the  public  memorials. 
Ye  Gods,  how  many  times   he   has    been   presented 
with  military  gifts !     What  praise  he  has  won  from 
the  soldiers !     As  a  youth  he  received  a  tribuneship, 
not  long  after  his  youth  the  command  of  legions.     O 
Jupiter,   Best  and  Greatest,  thou,  Juno  our  Queen, 
thou,  Minerva,  patroness  of  the  virtues,  thou,  Concord 
of  the  world  and  thou,  Victory  of  Rome,  do  ye  all 
grant  this  to  the  senate  and    the  people  of  Rome, 
grant  this  to  our  soldiers,  grant  this  to  our  allies  and 
to  foriegn  nations  :   may  he  rule  even  as  he  has  served  1 
Therefore,  Conscript  Fathers,  in  accordance  with  the 
harmonious  wish  of  us  all  I  vote  him  the  name  of 
emperor,  the  name  of  Caesar,  the  name  of  Augustus  ; 
and  I  add  thereto  the  proconsular  command,  the  re- 
vered title  of  Father  of  his  Country,  the  chief  pontifi- 
cate, the  right  of  three  proposals  in  the  senate,1  and 
the    tribunician    power."     Thereupon    they   shouted 
out,  "So  say  we  all  of  us,  all  of  us." 

36 1 


PROBUS 

XIII.  Accepto  igitur  hoc  senatus  consulto  secunda 
oratione  permisit  patribus  ut  ex  magnorum  iudicum  ap- 
pellationibus  ipsi  cognoscerent,  proconsules  crearent, 
legates  proconsulibus l  darent,  ius  praetorium  prae- 
sidibus  darent,  leges  quas  Probus  ederet  senatus  con- 
sultis  propriis  consecrarent. 

2  Statim  deinde,  si  quidam  ex  interfectoribus  Aureliaiii 
superfuerant,  vario  genere  vindicavit,  mollius  tamen 
moderatiusque  quara  priiis  exercitus  et  postea  Tacitus 

3  vindicaverant.     deinde  animadvertit  etiam  in  eos  qui 
Tacito  insidias  fecerant.     Floriani  sociis  pepercit,  quod 
non  tyrannum  aliquem  videbantur  secuti,  sed  sui  prin- 

4  cipis  fratrera.     recepit  deinde  omnes  Europenses  ex- 
ercitus, qui    Florianum    et   imperatorem    fecerant  et 
occiderant. 

5  His  gestis  cum  ingenti  exercitu  Gallias  petiit,  quae 
omnes  occiso  Postumo   turbatae    fuerant,  interfecto 

6  Aureliano  a  Germanis  possessae.     tanta  autem  illic 
proelia  et  tarn  feliciter  gessit,  ut  a  barbaris  sexaginta 
per  Gallias  nobilissimas  reciperet  civitates,  praedam 
deinde  omnem,  qua  illi  praeter  divitias  etiam 2  effere- 

7baiitur  ad  gloriam.      et  cum  iam  in  nostra  ripa,  immo 
per  omnes  Gallias,  securi   vagarentur,  caesis   prope 

1  proconsulibus  Mommsen ;  considibus  P;  ex  consulibus 
Salm. ,  Peter.  *diuitias  etiam  Gas;  diuinas  tamen  P. 


1  See  note  to  Tac.,  xviii.  3. 

2  This  is  not  clear,  for  the  provincial  governors  had  always 
had  judicial  functions. 

3  See  Aur.,  xxxvii.  2  and  Tac.t  xiii.  1.     According  to  Zosi- 
mus,  i.  65,  he  resorted  to  the  ruse  of  inviting  them  to  a  banquet 
and  had  them  killed  there. 

4  See  Toe.,  xiv.  2  and  note. 

362 


PROBUS  XIII.  1-7 

XIII.  On  receiving  this  decree  of  the  senate,  then, 
Probus  in  a  second  message  granted  the  fathers  the 
right  to  decide  on  appeals  from  the  highest  judges,1 
to  appoint  the  proconsuls,  to  name  the  proconsuls' 
legates,  to  confer  on  the  governors  the  rights  of  a 
praetor,2  and  to  sanction  by  special  decree  of  the 
senate  all  the  laws  that  Probus  enacted. 

Immediately  thereafter  he  punished  in  various  ways 
all  the  slayers  of  Aurelian  who  still  survived,  but  he 
used  therein  more  mildness  and  leniency  than  the 
army  at  first  and  Tacitus  later  had  shown.3  Next  he 
punished  those  also  who  had  formed  a  plot  against 
Tacitus,  but  the  comrades  of  Florian  he  spared,  be- 
cause they  seemed  to  have  followed  no  mere  pre- 
tender but  the  brother  of  their  prince.  He  then 
received  the  submission  of  all  the  armies  of  Europe, 
who  had  made  Florian  emperor  and  then  had  killed 
him.4 

This  done,  he  set  out  with  a  huge  army  for  the 
provinces  of  Gaul,5  which  since  the  death  of  Postumus 
had  all  been  in  turmoil,  and  after  the  murder  of 
Aurelian  had  been  seized  by  the  Germans.6  There, 
moreover,  he  fought  battles  so  great  and  successful 
that  he  took  back  from  the  barbarians  sixty  most 
famous  communes  of  Gaul,  besides  all  the  booty,  by 
which  the  Germans,  even  apart  from  the  actual  wealth, 
were  puffed  up  with  glory.  And  whereas  they  were 
wandering  at  large  on  our  bank,  or  rather  through  all 
the  country  of  Gaul,  Probus,  after  slaying  about  four 

5  In  277.    In  the  autumn  of  276  he  probably  completed  the 
war  begun  by  Tacitus  and  Florian  against  the  Goths  in  Asia 
Minor,  since  in  an  inscription  of  277  he  bears  the  title  Gothicua ; 
see  C.I.L.,  xi.  1178  b. 

6  See  note  to  Aur.,  xxxv.  4. 

363 


PROBUS 

quadringeiitis  milibus,  qui  Romanum  occupaverant 
solum,  reliquos  l  ultra  Nicrum  fluvium  et  Albam  re- 

8  movit.     tantum  his  praedae  barbaricae  tulit  quantum 

ipsi    Romanis    abstulerant.     contra    urbes    Romanas 

castra  in  solo  barbarico  posuit  atque  illic  milites  col- 

XIV.  locavit.     agros  et  horrea  et  domos  et  annonam  Trans- 

rhenanis  omnibus  fecit,  iis  videlicet  quos  in  excubiis 

2conlocavit.  nee  cessatum  est  umquam  pugnari,  cum 
cottidie  ad  eum  barbarorum  capita  deferrentur,  iam 
ad  singulos  aureos  singula,  quamdiu  reguli  novem 
ex  diversis  gentibus  venirent  atque  ad  pedes  Probi 

3  iacerent.  quibus  ille  primum  obsides  imperavit,  qui 
statim  dati  suiit,  deinde  frumentum,  postremo  etiam 

4vaccas  atque  oves.  dicitur  iussisse  his  acrius  ut 
gladiis  non  uterentur,  Romanam  exspectaturi  defen- 

5  sionem,  si  essent  ab  aliquibus  vindicandi.  sed  visum 
est  id  non  posse  fieri,  nisi  si  limes  Romanus  exten- 

Gderetur  et  fieret  Germania  tota  provincia.  maxime 
tamen  ipsis  regibus  consentientibus  in  eos  vindicatum 

7  est  qui  praedam  fideliter  non  reddiderunt.     accepit 

1  reliqiios  2 ;  religuas  P. 


1  Greatly  exaggerated,  like  the  number  in  Claud.,  vi.  4. 

2  The  Swabian  Alb,  a  plateau  south  of  the  Neckar  and  east  of 
the  Black  Forest;  see  Pauly-Wissowa,   Realenci/cL,  i.    1299. 
According  to  the  much  fuller  account  in  Zosimus,  i.   67-68, 
Probus  conducted  this  campaign   (against  the  Alamanni)  in 
person,  while  his  generals  fought  against  the  Franks  further 
north.     Zosimus'  narrative  is  embellished  with  picturesque  de- 
tails such   as  a  miraculous  rain,  which  saved  Probus'  army 
from  starvation,  and  the  capture  of  a  German  chieftain  of  the 
Loudones  (Lugii)  named  Semnon.     A  second  campaign,  against 
the  Burgundians  and  Vandals,  which  Zosimus  records,  is  omitted 

364 


PROBUS  XIII.  8— XIV.  7 

hundred  thousand 1  who  had  seized  upon  Roman  soil, 
drove  all  the  rest  back  beyond  the  river  Neckar  and 
the  district  of  Alba,2  getting  from  them  as  much  bar- 
barian booty  as  they  themselves  had  seized  from  the 
Romans.  Opposite  the  Roman  cities,  moreover,  he 
built  camps  on  barbarian  soil 3  and  in  these  he 
stationed  troops.  XIV.  He  also  provided  farms  and 
store-houses,  homes  and  rations  of  grain  for  all  beyond 
the  Rhine,  for  those  only,  that  is,  whom  he  placed 
in  the  garrisons  there.  All  the  while  the  heads  of 
barbarians  were  brought  in  to  him  daily,  now  at  the 
price  of  an  aureus  apiece,  and  he  never  ceased  fight- 
ing until  nine  princes  of  different  tribes  came  before 
him  and  prostrated  themselves  at  his  feet.  From  these 
he  demanded,  first  hostages,  which  they  gave  him  at 
once,  then  grain,  and  last  of  all  their  cows  and  their 
sheep.  It  is  said,  moreover,  that  he  sharply  ordered 
them  not  to  use  swords,  since  now  they  might  count 
on  protection  from  Rome  in  case  they  must  be  de- 
fended against  any  foe.  It  appeared,  however,  that 
this  could  not  be  accomplished,  unless  the  Roman 
frontier  were  advanced  and  the  whole  of  Germany 
turned  into  a  province.  Nevertheless,  with  the 
princes'  consent,  he  punished  severely  those  who  did 
not  faithfully  give  back  the  booty.  He  took,  besides, 
sixteen  thousand  recruits,  all  of  whom  he  scattered 

by  the  biographer,  unless  we  are  to  suppose  with  Dannhauser 
(Untersuch.  z.  Gesch.  d.  Kaisers  Probus,  p.  56  f.)  that  this  battle 
took  place  when  Probus  was  in  Raetia;  see  c.  xvi.  1.  In  cele- 
bration of  his  success  he  assumed  the  title  Germanicus  Maxi- 
mus  and  issued  coins  with  the  legend  Victwia  Germ(m/.ica); 
see  Cohen,  vi2.  p.  328  f.,  nos.  754-776. 

3  i.e.,  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Rhine,  which  he  hoped  to 
make  the  frontier  instead  of  the  old  limes  (on  which  see  note  to 
Hadr.,  xii.  6). 

365 


PROBUS 

praeterea  sedecim  milia  tironum,  quos  omnes  per  di- 
versas  provincias  sparsit,  ita  ut  numeris  vel  limitaneis 
militibus  quinquagenos  et  sexagenos  intersereret, 
dicens  sentiendum  esse  non  videndum  cum  auxiliari- 
bus  barbaris  Romanus  iuvatur. 

XV.  Compositis  igitur  rebus  in  Gallia  tales  ad  sena- 
tum  litteras  dedit :  "  Ago  dis  inmortalibus  gratias, 
patres  conscript!,  quia  vestra  in  me  iudicia  compro- 
2barunt.  subacta  est  omnis  qua  tenditur  late  Ger- 
mania,  novem  reges  gentium  diversarum  ad  meos 
pedes,  immo  ad  vestros,  supplices  stratique  iacuerunt. 
omnes  iam  barbari  vobis  arant,  vobis  iam  serunt1  et 

3  contra    interiores    gentes    militant.       supplication es 
igitur  vestro   more   decernite.     nam  et  quadrigenta 
milia  hostium  caesa  sunt,  et  sedecim  milia  armatorum 
nobis  oblata,  et  septuaginta  urbes  nobilissimae  a  cap- 
tivitate  hostium  vindicatae,  et  omnes  penitus  Galliae 

4  liberatae.     coronas,  quas  mihi  obtulerunt  omnes  Gal- 
liae civitates  aureas,  vestrae,  patres  conscripti  clemen- 
tiae  dedicavi.     eas  lovi  Optimo  Maximo  ceterisque  dis 
deabusque  inmortalibus  vestris  manibus  consecrate. 

5  praeda  omnis  recepta  est,  capta  etiam  alia,  et  quidem 

6  maior  quam  fuerat  ante  direpta.     arantur  Gallicana 
rura  barbaris  bubus  et  iuga  German ica  captiva  prae- 
bent  nostris  colla  cultoribus,  pascuntur  ad  nostrorum 
alimoiiiam  gentium  pecora  diversarum,  equinum  pecus 
nostro  iam  fecundatur  equitatui,  frumento  barbarico 
plena  sunt  horrea.     quid  plura  ?  illis  sola  relinquimus 

1  serunt  Salm.,  Peter ;  seruiunt  P,  27,  Hohl. 


1  According  to  Zosimus,  i.  68,  3,  he  settled  some  of  the  cap- 
tured Germans  in  Britain. 

366 


PROBUS  XV.  1-6 

through  the  various  provinces,1  incorporating  bodies 
of  fifty  or  sixty  in  the  detachments  or  among  the 
soldiers  along  the  frontier  ;  for  he  said  that  the  aid 
that  Romans  received  from  barbarian  auxiliaries  must 
be  felt  but  not  seen. 

XV.  And  so,  the  affairs  in  Gaul  being  settled, 
he  sent  to  the  senate  the  following  letter :  "  I  give 
thanks,  Conscript  Fathers,  to  the  immortal  gods  that 
they  have  confirmed  your  judgment  of  me.  For  all  of 
Germany,  throughout  its  whole  extent,  has  now  been 
subdued,  and  nine  princes  of  different  tribes  have  lain 
suppliant  and  prostrate  at  my  feet,  or,  I  should  say,  at 
yours.  Now  all  the  barbarians  plough  for  you,  plant 
for  you,  and  serve  against  the  more,  distant  tribes. 
Therefore  do  you,  in  accord  with  your  custom,  decree 
thanksgivings.  For  four  hundred  thousand  of  our  foes 
have  been  slain,  sixteen  thousand  armed  men  are  at 
our  disposal,  seventy  most  famous  cities  have  been 
rescued  from  the  enemy's  possession,  and  all  the  Gallic 
provinces  have  been  made  entirely  free.  The  crowns  of 
gold  which  all  the  communes  of  Gaul  have  bestowed 
upon  me  I  have  dedicated  to  your  clemency,  Conscript 
Fathers.  Do  you,  with  your  own  hands,  now  con- 
secrate them  to  Jupiter  Best  and  Greatest  and  to  the 
other  immortal  gods  and  goddesses.  All  booty  has 
been  regained,  other  booty  too  has  been  captured, 
greater,  indeed,  than  that  which  was  previously 
taken.  The  barbarians'  oxen  now  plough  the  farms 
of  Gaul,  the  Germans'  yoked  cattle,  now  captive, 
submit  their  necks  to  our  husbandmen,  the  flocks  of 
divers  tribes  are  fed  for  the  nourishing  of  our  troops, 
their  herds  of  horses  are  now  bred  for  the  use  of  our 
cavalry,  and  the  grain  of  the  barbarians  fills  our 
granaries.  Why  say  more  ?  We  have  left  them  solely 

367 


PROBUS 

7  sola,1  nos  eorum  omnia  possidemus.  volueramus, 
patres  conscript!,  Germaniae  novum  praesidem  facere, 
sed  hoc  ad  pleniora  vota  distulimus.  quod  quidem 
credimus  conferre,  cum  divina  providentia  nostros 
uberius  secundarit  exercitus." 

XVI.  Post  haec  Illyricum  petiit.     priusquam  veni- 
ret,  Raetias  sic  pacatas  reliquit  ut  illic  ne  suspicionem 

2  quidem  ullius  terroris  relinqueret.    in  Illyrico  Sarmatos 
ceterasque   gentes  ita  contudit  ut  prope  sine  bello 

3  cuncta  reciperet  quae  illi  diripuerant.     tetendit  deinde 
iter  per  Thracias  atque  omnes  Geticos  populos  fama 
rerum  territos  et  antiqui  nominis  potentia  pressos  aut 
in  deditionem  aut  in  amicitiam  recepit. 

4  His  gestis  orientem  petiit  atque  itinere2  potentis- 
simo   quodam    latrone    Palfuerio   capto   et  interfecto 
omnem     Isauriam    liberavit,     populis    atque    urbibus 

6  Romanis  legibus  restitutis.  barbarorum,  qui  apud 
Isauros  sunt,  vel  per  terrorem  vel  urbanitatem  loca 
ingressus  est.  quae  cum  peragrasset,  hoc  dixit, 
"  Facilius  est  ab  istis  locis  latrones  arceri  quam  tolli." 

6  veteranis  omnia  ilia  quae  anguste  adeuntur  loca 
privata  donavit,  addens  ut  eorum  filii  ab  anno  octavo 

1  sola  S ;  so/o  P.  a  So  P,  Leasing ;  in  itinere  S,  Peter, 

Hohl. 


1  Probably  in  279.     His  benefits  to  this  region  were  com- 
memorated by  coins  minted  at  Siscia  (mod.  Sissek)  with  the 
legend  Restit(utor)  Illyrici ;  see  Cohen,  vi2.  p.  304,  no.  505. 

2  In  Thrace,  on  both  banks  of  the  lower  Danube.     Probably 
those  tribes  who  inhabited  the  northern  bank,  despite  Aurelian's 
evacuation  of  the  country  in  their  favour  (see  Aur.,  xxxix.  7), 
had  crossed  over  to  plunder  Roman  territory,  or  perhaps  they 
had  been  driven  over  by  the  Gotlis  dwelling  further  north. 

368 


PROBUS  XV.  7— XVI.  6 

their  soil,  and  all  their  goods  we  now  possess.  It  had 
been  our  wish,  Conscript  Fathers,  to  appoint  a  new 
governor  for  Germany,  but  this  we  have  postponed  for 
the  completer  fulfilment  of  our  prayers.  This  indeed 
we  believe  will  come  to  pass  when  divine  providence 
shall  more  richly  have  prospered  our  armies." 

XVI.  After  this  he  set  out  for  Illyricum,  but  before 
going  thither  he  left  Raetia  in  so  peaceful  a  state  that 
there  remained  therein  not  even  any  suspicion  of  fear. 
In  Illyricum l  he  so  crushed  the  Sarmatians  and  other 
tribes  that  almost  without  any  war  at  all  he  got  back 
all  they  had  ravaged.  He  then  directed  his  march 
through  Thrace,  and  received  in  either  surrender  or 
friendship  all  the  tribes  of  the  Getae,2  frightened  by 
the  repute  of  his  deeds  and  brought  to  submission  by 
the  power  of  his  ancient  fame. 

This  done,  he  set  out  for  the  East,3  and  while  on  his 
march  he  captured  and  killed  a  most  powerful  brigand, 
named  Palfuerius,  and  so  set  free  the  whole  of  Isauria 
and  restored  the  laws  of  Rome  to  the  tribes  and  the 
cities.  By  fear  or  favour  he  entered  the  places  held 
by  the  barbarians  living  among  the  Isaurians,  and 
when  he  had  gone  through  them  all  he  remarked  :  "  It  is 
easier  far  to  keep  brigands  out  of  these  places  than  to 
expel  them."  And  so  all  those  places  which  were 
difficult  of  access  he  gave  to  his  veterans  as  their  own 
private  holdings,  attaching  thereto  the  condition  that 
their  children,  that  is,  the  males  only,  should  be  sent 

3  In  280.  Zosimus  (i.  69-70)  tells  a  romantic  story  of  an 
Isaurian  brigand  named  Lydius  (perhaps  the  same  man  as 
Palfuerius  here  mentioned),  who,  after  ravaging  Pamphylia  and 
Lycia,  seized  the  strongly  fortified  colony  Cremna  (in  Pisidia) 
and  there  resisted  the  Romans  until  he  was  killed  by  the 
treachery  of  one  of  his  men. 

369 


PROBUS 

decimo,  mares  dumtaxat,  ad  militiam  mitterentur,  ne 
latrocinare  umquam  discerent. 

XVII.  Pacatis  denique  omnibus  Pamphyliae  parti- 
bus  ceterarumque   provinciarum,  quae   sunt   Isauriae 

2vicinae,  ad  orientem  iter  flexit.  Blemmyas  etiam 
subegit,  quorum  captives  Romam  transmisit  qui  mira- 
bilem  sui  visum  stupente  populo  Romano  praebuerunt. 

3  Copten  praeterea  et  Ptolemaidem  urbis  ereptas  bar- 

4barico  servitio  Romano  reddidit  iuri.  ex  quo  tantum 
profecit  ut  Parthi  legates  ad  eum  mitterent  confitentes 
timorem  pacemque  poscentes,  quos  ille  superbius 

Sacceptos  magis  timentes  domum  remisit.  fertur 
etiam  epistula  illius  repudiatis  donis,  quae  rex  mi- 
serat,  ad  Narseum  talis  iuisse  :  "  Miror  te  de  omnibus 
quae  nostra  futura  sunt  tarn  pauca  misisse.  habeto 
interim  omnia  ilia  quibus  gaudes.  quae  si  nos  habere 
cupiamus,  scimus  quemadmodum  possidere  debeamus." 

6  his  acceptis  litteris  Narseus  maxime  territus,  et  eo 
praecipue  quod  Copten  et  Ptolemaidem  comperit 
a  Blemmyis,  qui  eas  teuuerant,  vindicatas  caesosque 
ad  internecionem  eos  qui  gentibus  fuerant  ante  terrori. 

XVIII.  Facta  igitur  pace  cum   Persis  ad  Thracias 
rediit  et  centum  milia  Bastarnarum  in  solo  Romano 


1  For  a  similar  policy,  see  Alex.,  Iviii.  4. 

2  From  Nubia ;  see  note  to  Anr.,  xxxiii.  4.     Undaunted  by  the 
defeat  administered  under  Auielian  they  had  broken  foith  again 
and  had  overrun  all  Upper  Egypt.     According  to  Zosimus,  i. 
71,1,  they  were  now  defeated  by  Probus'  generals ;  because  of  this 
statement  it  has  been  questioned  whether  Probus  himself  was 
in  Egypt  at  all. 

3  i.e.,  the  Persians,  against  whom  the  present  eastern  expedi- 
tion was  directed  in  resumption  of  the  war  which  had  been  cut 
short  by  the  murder  of  Aurelian  ;  see  Aur.,  xxxv.  4-5. 

370 


PROBUS  XV11.   1— XVIII.  1 

to  the  army *  at  the  age  of  eighteen,  in  order  that  they 
never  might  learn  to  be  brigands. 

XVII.  Having  finally  established  peace  in  all  parts 
of  Pamphylia  and   the   other   provinces   adjacent   to 
Isauria,  he  turned  his  course  to  the  East.     He  also 
subdued  the  Blemmyae,2  and  the  captives  taken  from 
them  he  sent  back  to  Rome  and  thereby  created  a 
wondrous  impression  upon  the  amazed  Roman  people. 
Besides  this,  he  rescued  from  servitude  to  the  bar- 
barians the  cities  of  Coptos  and  Ptolemais  and  restored 
them  to  Roman  laws.      By  this  he  achieved  such  fame 
that  the  Parthians3  sent  envoys   to  him,   confessing 
their  fear  and  suing  for  peace,  but  these  he  received 
with  much  arrogance  and  then   sent   back   to  their 
homes  in  greater  fear  than  before.     The  letter,  more- 
over, which  he  wrote  to  Narseus,4  rejecting  the  gifts 
which  the  king  had  sent,  is  said  to  have  been  as 
follows :  "I  marvel  that  you  have  sent  us  so  few  of 
the  riches  all  of  which  will  shortly  be  ours.     For  the 
time  being,  keep  all  those  things  in  which  you  take 
such  pleasure.     If  ever  we  wish  to  have  them,  we 
know  how  we  ought  to  get  them."     On  the  receipt  of 
this  letter  Narseus  was  greatly  frightened,  the  more 
so  because  he  had  learned  that  Coptos  and  Ptolemais 
had  been  set  free  from  the  Blemmyae,  who  had  previ- 
ously held  them,  and  that  they,  who  had  once  been 
the  terror  of  nations,  had  been  put  to  the  sword. 

XVIII.  Having  made  peace,  then,  with  the  Persians,5 
he  returned  to  Thrace,  and  here  he  settled  one  hundred 

4  Clearly  a  fabrication,  for  Narses  was  king  of  the  Persians  in 
293-302 ;  the  king  at  this  time  was  Bahrain  II. 

5  It  is  probable  that  he  was  ready  to  patch  up  a  peace  because 
of  the  revolts  of  the  pretenders  in  the  West;   see  §  5.     He 
evidently  regarded  it  as  a  temporary  measure,  for  in  282  he  set 
forth  on  another  war ;  see  c.  xx.  1. 

371 


PROBUS 

2constituit,  qui  omnes  fidem  servartmt  sed  cum  et  ex 
aliis  gentibus  plerosque  pariter  transtulisset,  id  est  ex 
Gepedis,  Greuthungis  et  Vandalis,  illi  omnes  fidem 
fregeruiit  et  occupato  bellis  tyrannicis  Probo  per 
totum  paene  orbem  pedibus  et  navigando  vagati  sunt 
nee  parum  molestiae  Romanae  gloriae  intulerunt. 

3quos  quidem  ille  diversis  vicibus  variisque  victoriis 
oppressit,  paucis  domum  cum  gloria  redeuntibus,  quod 
Probi  evasissent  manus.  haec  Probus  cum  barbaris 
gessit. 

4  Sed  habuit  etiam  non  leves  tyrannicos  motus.  iiam 
et  Saturninum,  qui  orientis  imperium  arripuerat,  variis 
proeliorum  generibus  et  nota  virtute  superavit.  quo 
victo  tanta  in  oriente  quies  fuit,  ut,  quemadmodum 
vulgo  loquebantur,  mures  rebelles  nullus  audiret. 

Sdeinde  cum  Proculus  et  Bonosus  apud  Agrippinam 
in  Gallia  imperium  arripuissent  omnesque  sibi  iam 
Britannias,  Hispanias  et  bracatae  Galliae  provincias 
vindicarent,  barbaris  semet  iuvantibus  vicit. 

6  Ac  ne  requiras  plura  vel  de  Saturnino  vel  de 
Proculo  vel  de  Bonoso,  suo  eosdem  inseram  libro, 


1  North  of  the  mouth  of  the  Danube.     Like  the  Getae,  they 
may  have  been  driven  southward  by  the  pressure  of  the  Goths, 
and  now  they  were  admitted  to  Roman  territory. 

2  Both  Gothic  tribes ;  see  Claud.,  vi.  2  and  note.     Nothing  is 
known  of  any  of  these  settlers,  but  Zosimus  (i.  71,  2)  tells  of  a 
colony  of  Franks  settled  by  Probus  near  the  mouth  of  the 
Danube,  who,  as  soon  as  the  Emperor  had  left  the  region,  built 
ships  and,  after  plundering  the  coasts  of  Greece,  Sicily  and 
northern  Africa,  sailed  off  to  their  home,  near  the  mouth  of  the 
Rhine.     The  biographer  may  have  generalised  this  incident. 

3  See  Firm.,  vii.-xi.  *  See  Firm.,  xii.-xiii. 
5  See  Firm.,  xiv-xv, 

372 


PROBUS  XVIII.  2-6 

thousand  Bastarnae1  on  Roman  soil,  all  of  whom  re- 
mained loyal.  But  when  he  had  likewise  brought  over 
many  from  other  tribes,  that  is,  Gepedes,  Greuthungi  2 
and  Vandals,  they  all  broke  faith,  and  when  Probus 
was  busied  with  wars  against  the  pretenders  they 
roved  over  well  nigh  the  entire  world  on  foot  or  in 
ships  and  did  no  little  damage  to  the  glory  of  Rome. 
He  crushed  them,  however,  at  divers  times  and  by 
various  victories,  and  only  a  few  returned  to  their 
homes,  enjoying  glory  because  they  had  made  their 
escape  from  the  hands  of  Probus.  Such  were  Probus' 
exploits  among  the  barbarians. 

He  also  had  to  cope  with  revolts  of  pretenders,  and 
they  were  serious  indeed.  For  Saturninus,3  who  had 
seized  the  rule  of  the  East,  he  overcame  only  by 
battles  of  various  kinds  and  by  his  well-known  valour. 
But  when  Saturninus  was  crushed,  such  quiet  prevailed 
in  the  East  that,  as  the  common  saying  is,  not  even 
a  rebel  mouse  was  heard.  Then  Proculus 4  and 
Bonosus  5  seized  the  rule  at  Agrippina  in  Gaul,  and 
proceeded  to  claim  all  of  Britain  6  and  Spain  and  the 
provinces,  also,  of  Farther  Gaul,7  but  these  men  he 
defeated  with  the  aid  of  barbarians. 

But  in  order  that  you  may  not  ask  for  more  informa- 
tion now  about  either  Saturninus,  or  Proculus,  or 

6  The  revolt  in  Britain  had  no  connection  with  the  rising 
either  of  Proculus  or  of  Bonosus,  but  was  the  act  of  the  governor 
stationed  there.     It  was  quelled  by  Victorinus,  who  treacherously 
killed  the  revolting  governor ;  see  Zonaras,  xii.  29. 

7  Literally    "  trousered,"    a    term    derived     from     bracae 
("breeches"),  the  native  costume  of  the  northern  barbarians; 
see  note  to  Alex.,  xl.  11.     The  name  Gall  a  Bracata  was  often 
used  to  designate  the  three  provinces  of  Farther  Gaul,  viz.  Gallia 
Lugdunensis,  Gallia  Belgica,  and  Aquitania,  as  contrasted  with 
Gallia  Togata,  i.e.t  Gallia  Narbonensis. 

373 


PROBUS 

pauca  de  iisdem,  ut l  decet,  immo  ut  poscit  necessitas, 

7  locuturus.     unum  sane  sciendum  est,  quod  German! 

omnes,  cum  ad  auxilium  essent  rogati  a  Proculo,  Probo 

servire  maluerunt  quam  cum  Bonoso  et  Proculo  im- 

Sperare.2       Gallis    omnibus   et    Hispanis    ac    Britannis 

hinc  permisit,  ut  vites  haberent  vinumque  conficerent. 

ipse  Almam  montem  in  Illyrico  circa  Sirmium  militari 

manu  fossum  lecta  vite  conseruit. 

XIX.   Dedit  Romanis  etiam  voluptates,  et  quideir 

2insignes,  delatis    etiam    congiariis.       triumphavit    de 

Germanis    et    Blemmyis,    omnium   gentium    drungos 

usque    ad    quinquagenos    homines    ante    triumphum 

duxit.     venationem  in  Circo  amplissimam  dedit,  ita  ut 

3  populus  cuncta  diriperet.     genus  autem  spectaculi  fuit 
tale :  arbores  validae  per  milites  radicitus  vulsae  con- 
exis  late  longeque  trabibus  adfixae  sunt,  terra  deinde 
superiecta  totusque  Circus  ad  silvae  consitus  speciem 

4  gratia  novi  viroris  effronduit.     missi  deinde  per  omnes 

1  ut  om.  in  P.  2  imperare  ins.  by  Peter  ;  om.  in  P. 


JThis  measure  is  mentioned  also  by  Aur.  Victor,  Caes.,  37,  2 
and  Eutropius,  ix.  17,  2.  It  does  not  imply  that  there  had  been 
a  general  prohibition,  but  meant  the  rescinding  of  an  order  of 
Domitian  (Suetonius,  Dow.,  vii.  2),  which  attempted  to  provide, 
both  for  the  increase  in  the  production  of  grain  and  for  the  pro- 
tection of  Italian  vine-growers,  that  no  new  vineyards  should  be 
planted  in  Italy  and  that  half  of  those  in  the  provinces  should 
be  cut  down.  This  order  seems  never  to  have  been  enforced  in 
Asia  Minor  or  southern  Gaul  or  Spain,  and  even  in  the  Danube 
provinces  vines  were  planted  before  the  time  of  Probus.  An 
attempt  had  been  made  by  Aurelian  to  promote  viticulture  in 
Italy  (see  Aur.,  xlviii.  2),  but  apparently  without  much  success, 
and  the  attempt  was  now  extended  to  the  northern  provinces, 
with  the  result  that  the  prosperity  of  Gaul,  at  least,  was  revived ; 

374 


PROBUS  XVIII.  7— XIX.  4 

Bonosus,  I  will  put  them  all  in  a  special  book,  relating 
a  little  concerning  them,  as  seems  fitting,  or  rather, 
as  need  demands.  One  fact,  indeed,  must  be  known, 
namely,  that  all  the  Germans,  when  Proculus  asked 
for  their  aid,  preferred  to  serve  Probus  rather  than 
rule  with  Bonosus  and  Proculus.  Hence  he  granted 
permission  to  all  the  Gauls  and  the  Spaniards  and 
Britons  to  cultivate  vineyards  and  make  wines,1  and 
he  himself  planted  chosen  vines  on  Mount  Alma  2  near 
Sirmium  in  Illyricum,  after  having  had  the  ground  dug 
up  by  the  hands  of  the  soldiers. 

XIX.  He  also  gave  the  Romans  their  pleasures, 
and  noted  ones,  too,  and  he  bestowed  largesses  also. 
He  celebrated  a  triumph  3  over  the  Germans  and  the 
Blemmyae,  and  caused  companies  from  all  nations, 
each  of  them  containing  up  to  fifty  men,  to  be  led 
before  his  triumphal  procession.  He  gave  in  the 
Circus  a  most  magnificent  wild-beast  hunt,  at  which 
all  things  were  to  be  the  spoils  of  the  people.  Now 
the  manner  of  this  spectacle  was  as  follows :  great 
trees,  torn  up  with  the  roots  by  the  soldiers,  were  set 
up  on  a  platform  of  beams  of  wide  extent,  on  which 
earth  was  then  thrown,  and  in  this  way  the  whole 
Circus,  planted  to  look  like  a  forest,  seemed,  thanks  to 
this  new  verdure,  to  be  putting  forth  leaves.  Then 
through  all  the  entrances  were  brought  in  one  thousand 


see  Rostovtzeff,  Soc.  and  Econ.  Hist,  of  tJie  Rom.  Empire,  pp. 
189,  545,  621. 

2  Probably  the  Fruska-Gora  range,  north  of  Mitrovitz,  still 
rich  in  vineyards. 

3  In  2S1,  according  to  the  coins  of  his  fourth  consulship,  on 
which  he  is  represented  in  a  quadriga  and  crowned  by  a  Victory 
(Cohen,  vi.2,  p.  300,  no.  465)  or  similarly  on  a  six-horse  chariot 
with  the  legend  Gloria  Orbis  (ibid.,  p.  279,  no.  269). 

375 


PROBUS 

aditus  struthioiies  mille,  mille  cervi,  mille  apri ;  iam 
damae,  ibices,  oves  ferae  et  cetera  herbatica  animal ia 
quanta  vel  ali  potuerunt  vel  inveniri.  inmissi  deinde 

Spopulares,  rapuit  quisque  quod  voluit.  edidit  alia  die 
in  Amphitheatre  una  missione  centum  iubatos  leoiies, 

6qui  rugitibus  suis  tonitrus  excitabant.  qui  omnes  e  1 
posticis  interempti  suiit,  non  magnum  praebentes 
spectaculum,  quo  occidebantur.  neque  enim  erat 
bestiarum  impetus  ille  qui  esse  e  caveis  egredientibus 
solet ;  occisi  suiit  praeterea  multi,  qui  dirigere  nole- 

7  bant,  sagittis.     editi  deinde  centum  leopardi  Libyci, 
centum  deinde  Syri  ;  editae  centum  leaenae  et  ursi 
simul  trecenti ;    quarum  omnium    ferarum    magnum 
magis    constat    spectaculum     fuisse    quam    gratum. 

8  edita  praeterea  gladiatorum  paria  trecenta  Blemmyis 
plerisque    pugnantibus,    qui     per    triumphum    eraiit 
ducti,    plerisque    Germanis     et    Sarmatis,    nonnullis 
etiam  latronibus  Isauris. 

XX.  Quibus  peractis  bellum  Persicum  parans,  cum 
per  Illyricum  iter  faceret,  a  militibus  suis  per  insidias 

2  interemptus  est.  causae  occidendi  eius  haec  fuerunt : 
primum  quod  numquam  militem  otiosum  esse  per- 
pessus  est,  si  quidem  multa  opera  militari  manu  per- 
fecit,  dicens  annonam  gratuitam  militem  comedere 

311011  debere.  his  addidit  dictum  eis  grave,  si  umquam 
eveniat,  salutare  rei  publicae,  brevi  milites  iiecessarios 

4  non    futures,      quid    ille    conceperat   animo  qui   hoc 

1  e  ins.  by  Salm.,  who  explains  posticis  ;  om.  in  P. 


1  315  had  been  presented  by  Pompey  and  400  by  Julius 
Caesar ;  see  Pliny,  Nat.  Hist.,  viii.  53. 

376 


PROBUS  XIX.  5-  XX.  4 

ostriches,  one  thousand  stags  and  one  thousand  wild- 
boars,  then  deer,  ibexes,  wild  sheep,  and  other  grass- 
eating  beasts,  as  many  as  could  be  reared  or  captured. 
The  populace  was  then  let  in,  and  each  man  seized 
what  he  wished.  Another  day  he  brought  out  in  the 
Amphitheatre  at  a  single  performance  one  hundred 
maned  lions/  which  woke  the  thunder  with  their  roar- 
ing. All  of  these  were  slaughtered  as  they  came  out  of 
the  doors  of  their  dens,  and  being  killed  in  this  way 
they  afforded  no  great  spectacle.  For  there  was  none 
of  that  rush  on  the  part  of  the  beasts  which  takes  place 
when  they  are  let  loose  from  cages.  Besides,  many,  un- 
willing to  charge,  were  despatched  with  arrows.  Then 
he  brought  out  one  hundred  leopards  from  Libya,  then 
one  hundred  from  Syria,  then  one  hundred  lionesses 
and  at  the  same  time  three  hundred  bears  ;  all  of 
which  beasts,  it  is  clear,  made  a  spectacle  more  vast 
than  enjoyable.  He  presented,  besides,  three  hundred 
pairs  of  gladiators,  among  whom  fought  many  of  the 
Blemmyae,  who  had  been  led  in  his  triumph,  besides 
many  Germans  and  Sarmatians  also  and  even  some 
Isaurian  brigands. 

XX.  These  spectacles  finished,  he  made  ready  for 
war  with  Persia,2  but  while  on  the  march  through 
Iliyricum  ha  was  treacherously  killed  by  his  soldiers. 
The  causes  of  his  murder  were  these :  first  of  all,  he 
never  permitted  a  soldier  to  be  idle,  for  he  built  many 
works  by  means  of  their  labour,  saying  that  a  soldier 
should  eat  no  bread  that  was  not  earned.  To  this  he 
added  another  remark,  hard  for  them,  should  it  ever 
come  true,  but  beneficial  to  the  commonwealth, 
namely,  that  soon  there  would  be  no  need  of 
soldiers.  What  had  he  in  his  mind  when  he  made 

a  Temporarily  abandoned  in  280  ;   see  c.  xviii.  1. 

377 


PROBUS 

dicebat?     nonne  omnes  barbaras  gentes  subegerat1 
pedibus  totumque  2  mundum  fecerat  iam   Romanum  ? 

6  "  Brevi/'  inquit,  "  milites  necessaries  non  habebimus." 
quid  est  aliud  dicere :  Romanus  iam  miles  erit  nullus  ? 
ubique  regnabit,  omnia  possidebit 3  secura  res  publica. 

6orbis  terrarum  non  arma  fabricabitur,  non  annonam 
praebebit,  boves  4  habebuntur  aratro,  equus  nascetur 
ad  pacem,  nulla  erimt  bella,  nulla  captivitas,  ubique 
pax,  ubique  Romanae  leges,  ubique  iudices  nostri. 

XXI.  Longius  amore  imperatoris  optimi  progredior 
quam  pedestris  sermo  desiderat.  quare  addam  illud 
quod  praecipue  tanto  viro  fatalem  properavit  necessi- 

2tatem.  nam  cum  Sirmium  venisset  ac  solum  patrium 
effecundari  cuperet  et  dilatari,  ad  siccandam  quandam 
paludem  multa  simul  milia  militum  posuit,  ingentem 
parans  fossam,  qua  deiectis  in  Savum  5  naribus  loca 

3  Sirmiensibus  profutura  siccaret.  hoc  permoti 6  milites 
confugientem  eum  in  turrem  ferratam,  quam  ipse 
speculae  causa  elatissimam  exaedificaverat,  intere- 

4merunt  anno  imperii  sui  quinto.  postea  tamen  ingens 
ei  sepulchrum  elatis  aggeribus  omnes  pariter  milites 

1  subegerat  Editor  (cf.  c.  xv.  2  ;  xvii.  2) ;  subierat  P  ;  subie- 
cerat  27,  Peter,  Hohl.  2 pedibus  totumque  27,  Peter1  ;  pedi- 
busque  totum  P;  penitusgue  totnm  Kellerbauer,  Peter2,  Hohl. 
*  possidebit  Salm.,  Peter  ;  possidebimus  P,  27.  4  b^ues  Salm. ; 
uobis  P.  6  Sauum  Gloss,  Peter ;  saltum  P.  6  so  27, 

Petschenig,  Hohl;  hoc  permoti  P  ;  hac  re  moti  Salm.,  Peter. 


1  The  same  account  of  his  death  is  given  in  Aur.  Victor,  Caes., 
37,  4  and  Eutropius,  ix.  17,2  ;  on  the  other  hand,  Zosimus  (i.7i, 
4-5)  and  Zonaras  (xii.  29)  relate  that  after  the  departure  of  Probus 
the  armies  of  Raetia  and  Noricum  forced  their  commander, 
Carus,  to  assume  the  purple.  The  troops  sent  by  Probus  to 
quell  the  uprising  joined  the  revolt,  and  when  the  remainder  of 
Probus'  force  learned  of  this  they  killed  the  Emperor.  This 

378 


PROBUS  XX.  5— XXI.  4 

this  remark  ?  Had  he  not  put  down  all  barbarian 
nations  under  his  feet  and  made  the  whole  universe 
Roman?  "Soon,"  he  said,  "we  shall  have  no  need 
of  soldiers."  What  else  is  this  than  saying:  "Soon 
there  will  not  be  a  Roman  soldier  ?  Everywhere  the 
commonwealth  will  reign  and  will  rule  all  in  safety. 
The  entire  world  will  forge  no  arms  and  will  furnish 
no  rations,  the  ox  will  be  kept  for  the  plough  and  the 
horse  be  bred  for  peace,  there  will  be  no  wars  and  no 
captivity,  in  all  places  peace  will  reign,  in  all  places 
the  laws  of  Rome,  and  in  all  places  our  judges." 

XXI.  But  in  my  love  for  a  most  excellent  emperor 
I  am  proceeding  further  than  a  prosaic  style  requires. 
Wherefore,  I  will  add  only  that  which,  most  of  all, 
hastened  on  for  this  great  man  his  destined  doom. 
When  he  had  come  to  Sirmium,  desiring  to  enrich 
and  enlarge  his  native  place,  he  set  many  thousand 
soldiers  together  to  draining  a  certain  marsh,  plan- 
ning a  great  canal  with  outlets  flowing  into  the  Save, 
and  thus  draining  a  region  for  the  use  of  the  people 
of  Sirmium.  At  this  the  soldiers  rebelled,  and  pur- 
suing him  as  lie  fled  to  an  iron-clad  tower,  which  he 
himself  had  reared  to  a  very  great  height  to  serve  as 
a  look-out,  they  slew  him  there  in  the  fifth  year  of 
his  reign.1  Afterwards,  however,  all  the  soldiers 
together  built  him  a  mighty  tomb  on  a  lofty  mound, 

version,  simpler  and  free  from  the  laudatory  tendencies  of  the 
account  given  in  the  vita,  seems  more  credible  an  attempt  to 
absolve  Cams  from  the  charge  of  treachery  is  made  in  Car., 
vi.  1.  Probus'  death  took  place  after  29  Aug.,  282,  since  there 
are  Alexandrian  coins  of  his  eighth  year,  which  began  on  that 
day.  As  he  began  to  rule  in  the  summer  of  276,  the  five-year 
reign  allotted  to  him  here  is  evidently  too  short ;  the  period  of 
six  years  and  four  months  given  by  Zosimus  is  more  nearly 
correct. 

379 


PROBUS 

fecerunt  cum  titulo  huius  modi  inciso  marmori :  "  Hie 
Probus  imperator  et  vere  probus  situs  est,  victor 
omnium  gentium  barbararum,  victor  etiam  tyran- 
norum." 

XXII.  Conferenti  mihi  cum  aliis  imperatoribus  prin- 
cipem  Probum  omnibus  prope  Romanis  ducibus,  qua 
fortes,  qua l  clementes,  qua  prudentes,  qua  mirabiles  ex- 
stiterunt,  intellego  hunc  virum  aut  parem  fuisse  aut,  si 
2non  repugnat  invidia  furiosa,  meliorem.  quinquennio 
enim  imperil  sui  per  totum  orbem  terrarum  tot  bella 
gessit,  et  quidem  per  se,  ut  mirabile  sit  quemadmodum 

3  omnibus  occurrerit  proeliis.     multa  manu  sua   fecit, 
duces  praeclarissimos  instituit.     nam  ex  eius  disciplina 
Cams,  Diocletianus,  Constantius,  Asclepiodotus,  Han- 
nibalianus,    Leonides,  Cecropius,  Pisonianus,   Heren- 
nianus, Gaudiosus,  Ursinianus  et  ceteri,  quos  patres 
nostri  m;rati  sunt  et  de  quibus  nonnulli  boni  principes 

4  exstiterunt.     conferat  mine,  cui  placet,  viginti  Traiani 
Hadrianique    annos,    conferat    prope    totidem    Anto- 
ninorum.     nam  quid  de  Augusto  loquar,  cuius  imperil 
annis 2   vix   potest    advivi?      malos   autem   principes 
taceo.     ipsa  vox  Probi  clarissima  indicat  quid  se  facere 
potuisse  speraret,  qui  dixit  brevi  necessarios  milites 

XXIII.  non    futures.      ille    vero    coiiscius   sui    non    barbaros 

2timuit,    non   tyrannos.       quae    deinde    felicitas    emi- 

cuisset,  si  sub  illo  principe  milites  non  fuissent?     an- 

1  qua  om.  in  P  and  by  Hohl.         2  anni  P. 


1Iulius  Asclepiodotus  (see  also  Aur.,  xliv.  2)  and  Afranius 
Hannibalianus  were  consuls  in  292  and  prefects  of  the  guard  in 
296 ;  the  former  aided  Constantius  to  suppress  the  revolt  of 
Allectus,  and  the  latter  was  city-prefect  in  297.  Herennianus 
is  perhaps  Verconnius  Herennianus,  Diocletian's  prefect, 

380 


PROBUS  XXII.   1— XXIII.  2 

with  an  inscription  carved  on  marble  as  follows : 
"  Here  lies  Probus,  the  Emperor,  a  man  of  probity 
indeed,  the  conqueror  of  all  barbarian  nations,  the 
conqueror,  too,  of  pretenders." 

XXII.  As  for  myself,  when  I  compare  Probus  as 
a  ruler  with  other  emperors,  in  whatever  way  almost 
all  Roman  leaders  have  stood  out  as  courageous,  as 
merciful,  as  wise,  or  as  admirable,  I  perceive  that  he 
was  the  equal  of  any,  or  indeed,  if  no  insane  jealousy 
stands  in  the  way,  better  than  all.  For  during  his 
five  years'  rule  he  waged  so  many  wars  through  the 
whole  of  earth's  circle,  all  of  them,  too,  unaided,  that 
we  can  only  marvel  how  he  faced  all  the  battles.  He 
did  many  deeds  with  his  own  hand  and  trained  most 
illustrious  generals.  For  from  his  training  came 
Cams,  Diocletian,  Constantius,  Asclepiodotus,1  Han- 
iiibalianus,  Leonides,  Cecropius,  Pisonianus,  Hereii- 
nianus,  Gaudiosus,  Ursinianus,  and  all  the  others 
whom  our  fathers  admired  and  from  whom  many 
good  princes  arose.  Let  him  now,  who  will,  compare 
the  twenty  years  of  Trajan  or  Hadrian,  let  him  com- 
pare the  years  of  the  Antonines,  nearly  equal  in 
number.  For  why  should  I  mention  Augustus,  the 
years  of  whose  reign  all  but  exceeded  the  life  of 
a  man  ?  Of  the  evil  princes,  moreover,  I  will  keep 
silent.  That  most  famous  remark  of  Probus  itself 
reveals  what  he  hoped  to  have  brought  about,  for  he 
said  that  soon  there  would  be  no  need  of  soldiers. 
XXIII.  He,  truly  conscious  of  his  powers,  stood  in 
fear  of  neither  barbarian  nor  pretender.  What  great 
bliss  would  then  have  shone  forth,  if  under  his  ride 
there  had  ceased  to  be  soldiers  !  No  rations  would 

mentioned  in  Aur.,  xliv.  2.     Leonides  and  those  who  follow  are 
unknown. 


PROBUS 

nonam  provincialis  claret  nullus,  stipendia  de  largitioni- 
bus  nulla  erogarentur,  aeternos  thesauros  haberet 
Romana  res  publica,  nihil  expenderetur  a  principe, 
nihil  a  possessore  redderetur  ;  aureum  profecto  saecu- 

3  lum  promittebat.     nulla  futura  erant  castra,  nusquam 
lituus  audiendus,  arma  non  erant  fabricanda.     populus 
iste  militantium,  qui  nunc  bellis  civilibus  rem  publicam 
vexat,  araret,  studiis  incumberet,  erudiretur  artibus, 
navigaret.      adde  quod  nullus  occideretur  in  bello. 

4  di  boni,  quid  tantuni  vos  offendit  Romana  res  publica, 
5cui  talem  principem  sustulistis?     eant  nunc,  qui  ad 

civilia  bella  milites  parant,  in  germanorura  necera 
arment  dexteras  fratrum,  hortentur  in  patrum  vulnera 
liberos  et  divinitatem  Probo  derogent,  quam  impe- 
ratores  nostri  prudenter  et  consecrandam  vultibus  et 
ornandam  templis  et1  celebrandam  ludis  circensibus 
iudicarunt. 

XXIV.   Posteri  Probi  vel  odio  vel  invidiae  timore 

Romanam  rem  fugerunt  et  in  Italia  circa  Veronam  ac 

Benacum   et   Larium  atque  in   his   regionibus   larem 

2locaverunt.      sane   quod    praeterire   non   potui,   cum 

imago  Probi  in  Veroneiisi  sita  fulmine  icta2  esset  ita 

1  et  27 ;  om.  in  P.        2  iecta  P. 


1  He  was  eventually  deified ;  for  he  is  called  Divus  Probus 
in  the  Panegyric  addressed  to  Constantius,  c.  18,  and  in  the  list 
of  the  emperor's  birthdays  (C.I.L.,  i.2  p.  255). 

2  See  note  to  Tyr.  Trig.,  xiv.  3.     The  Acta  Sanctorum  and 
the  chronicler  Nicephorus  (i.  p.  773)  list,  the  former  Probus' 
son  Dometius,  the  latter  his  brother  Dometius  and  two  nephews, 
among  the  Patriarchs  of  Const  mtinople ;  but  the  correctness 
of  such  statements  is  very  doubtful.     The  prominence  in  the 
fourth  century  of  a  family  which  supplied  four  consuls,  Petron- 
ius  Probianus  (cos.  322),  Petronius  Probinus  (cos.  341),  Sex. 
Petronius  Probus  (cos.  371),  and  Anicius  Probinus  (cos.  395), 

382 


PROBUS  XXIII.  3— XXIV.  2 

now  be  furnished  by  any  provincial,  no  pay  for  the 
troops  taken  out  of  the  public  largesses,  the  common- 
wealth of  Rome  would  keep  its  treasures  forever,  no 
payments  would  be  made  by  the  prince,  no  tax  re- 
quired of  the  holder  of  land  ;  it  was  in  very  truth 
a  golden  age  that  he  promised.  There  would  be  no 
camps,  nowhere  should  we  have  to  hear  the  blast  of 
the  trumpet,  nowhere  fashion  arms.  That  throng  of 
fighting-men,  which  now  harries  the  commonwealth 
with  civil  wars,  would  be  at  the  plough,  would  be 
busy  with  study,  or  learning  the  arts,  or  sailing  the 
seas.  Add  to  this,  too,  that  none  would  be  slain  in 
war.  O  ye  gracious  gods,  what  mighty  offence  in 
your  eyes  has  the  Roman  commonwealth  committed, 
that  ye  should  have  taken  from  it  so  noble  a  prince  ? 
Now  away  with  those  who  make  ready  soldiers  for 
civil  strife,  who  arm  the  hands  of  brothers  to  slay 
their  brothers,  who  cah1  on  sons  to  wound  their  fathers, 
and  who  deny  to  Probus  the  divinity l  which  our 
emperors  have  wisely  deemed  should  be  immortalised 
by  likenesses,  honoured  by  temples,  and  celebrated  by 
spectacles  in  the  circus  ! 

XXIV.  The  descendants  of  Probus,2  moved  either 
by  hate  or  by  fear  of  jealousy,  fled  from  the  region  of 
Rome,  and  established  their  household  gods  in  Italy 
near  Verona  and  the  Lakes  Benacus  and  Larius  3  and 
in  all  that  district.  I  cannot  indeed  leave  unmen- 
tioned  that  when  a  portrait  of  Probus  in  the  region  of 
Verona  was  struck  by  lightning  in  such  a  fashion  that 

suggested  to  Dessau  that  the  present  chapter  was  written  in 
their  honour  at  the  end  of  that  century  (see  Vol.  ii.  Intro., 
p.  ix.),  but  as  Dannhauser  (op.  cit.,  p.  90)  has  pointed  out,  this 
seems  to  be  refuted  by  the  statement  in  §  3. 
8  Lakes  Garda  and  Como. 

383 


PROBUS 

ut  eius  praetexta  colores  mutaret,  haruspices  respon- 
derunt  huius  familiae  posteros  tantae  in  senatu  claritu- 
dinis  fore  ut  omnes  summis  honoribus  fungerentur. 
3sed  adhuc  neminem  vidimus,  posteri  autem  aeterni- 
tatem  videntur  habere  non  modum. 

4  Senatus  mortem  Probi  gravissime  accepit,  aeque  po- 
pulus.       et    cum   esset    nuntiatum    Carum  imperare, 
virum  bonum  quidem  sed  longe  a  moribus  Probi,  Carini 
causa  filii  eius,  qui  semper  pessime  vixerat,  tarn  senatus 

5  quam  populus  inhorruit.     metuebant  enim  unusquis- 
que  tristiorem  principem,  sed  magis  improbum  metue- 
bant heredem. 

6  Haec  sunt,   quae   de   Pro  bo   cognovimus   vel   quae 
7digna  memoratu  aestimavimus.     nunc  in  alio  libro,  et 

quidem  brevi,  de  Firmo  et  Saturnino  et  Bonoso  et 
8  Proculo  dicemus.  non  enim  dignum  fuit  ut  quadrigae 
tyrannorum  bono  principi  miscerentur.  post  deinde 
si  vita  suppetit,  Carum  incipiemus  propagare  cum 
liberis. 


1  Of.  Tac.t  xv.  1-2.  3  Of.  Car.,  iii.  8. 


PROBUS  XXIV.  3-8 

the  colour  of  its  bordered  toga  was  altered,  the  sooth- 
sayers responded  that  future  generations  of  his  family 
would  rise  to  such  distinction  in  the  senate  that  they 
all  would  hold  the  highest  posts.1  As  yet,  however, 
we  have  seen  none,  and  moreover  it  would  seem  that 
the  "  future  generations  "  are  unlimited  in  time  and 
not  a  definite  number. 

The  senate  mourned  greatly  at  the  death  of  Probus, 
and  likewise  the  people  also.  But  when  they  were 
told  that  Carus  was  emperor,  a  good  man,2  to  be  sure, 
but  far  removed  from  the  virtues  of  Probus,  remem- 
bering his  son  Carinus,  who  had  always  lived  a  most 
evil  life,  both  the  senate  and  people  shuddered.  For 
while  each  one  feared  a  sterner  prince,  they  dreaded 
still  more  a  wicked  successor. 

This  is  all  we  have  learned  of  Probus,  or  rather  all 
we  have  deemed  worthy  of  mention.  Now  in  another 
book,  and  that  a  short  one,  we  will  tell  of  Firmus  and 
Saturninus,  Bonosus  and  Proeulus.  For  it  has  not 
seemed  suitable  to  combine  a  four-span  of  pretenders 
with  a  righteous  prince.  Then  next,  if  the  length  of 
our  life  suffice,  we  will  proceed  to  hand  down  to 
memory  Carus  and  his  sons. 


385 


FIRMUS  SATURNINUS 
PROCULUS  ET  BONOSUS 

FLAVII  VOPISCI  SYRACUSII 

I.  Minuscules  tyrannos  scio  plerosque  tacuisse  aut 
breviter  praeterisse.  nam  et  Suetonius  Tranquillus, 
emendatissimus  et  candidissimus  scriptor,  Antonium 
Vindicemque l  tacuit,  contentus  eo  quod  eos  cursim 
perstrinxerat,  et  Marius  Maximus  *  Avidium  Marci 
temporibus,  Albinum  et  Nigrum  Severi  non  suis  pro- 

2priis  libris  sed  alienis  innexuit.  et  de  Suetonio  non 
miramur,  cui  familiare  fuit  amare  brevitatem.  quid 
Marius  Maximus,  homo  omnium  verbosissimus,  qui  et 
mythistoricis  se  voluminibus  implicavit,  num  ad  istam 

8  descriptionem  curamque  descendit?  atque  contra 
Trebellius  Pollio  ea  fuit  diJigentia,  ea  cura  in  edendis 
bonis  malisque  principibus  ut  etiam  triginta  tyrannos 
uno  breviter  libro  coiicluderet,  qui  Valeriani  et  Gal- 
lieni  nee  multo  superiorum  aut  inferiorum  principum 

1  que  ins.  by  Peter ;  om.  in  P  and  by  Hohl.  2  So  Peter ; 
Maximus  qui  P,  def.  by  Hohl. 


1  See  notes  to  Peso.  Nig.,  ix.  2. 
*  See  Vol.  I.,  Intro.,  p.  xvii.  f. 


386 


FIRMUS,   SATURNINUS, 
PROCULUS,  AND  BONOSUS 

BY 

FLAVIUS  VOPISCUS  OF  SYRACUSE 

I.  The  minor  pretenders,  I  am  well  aware,  have 
either  been  wholly  omitted  by  most  of  the  writers  or 
else  passed  over  briefly.  For  Suetonius  Tranquillus, 
a  most  accurate  and  truthful  author,  has  said  nothing 
of  Antonius l  or  Vindex,  content  with  having  touched 
on  them  in  passing,  and  Marius  Maximus  -  treated  of 
Avidius  in  the  time  of  Marcus  and  of  Albinus  and 
Niger  under  Severus  in  no  special  books  of  their  own 
but  merely  joined  them  to  the  lives  of  others.  Now 
in  regard  to  Suetonius  we  feel  no  wonder,  for  he  was 
naturally  a  lover  of  brevity.  But  what  of  Marius 
Maximus,  the  wordiest  man  of  all,  who  involved  him- 
self in  pseudo-historical  works  ?  Did  he  descend  to 
such  accuracy  of  detail?  But,  on  the  other  hand, 
Trebellius  Pollio,  in  writing  of  the  emperors,  both 
good  and  bad,  showed  such  industry  and  care  that 
he  also  included,  though  briefly  and  in  a  single  book, 
the  thirty  pretenders  of  the  time  of  Valerian  and 
Gallienus  and  the  emperors  who  lived  shortly  before 

387 


FIRMUS,  SATURNINUS,  PROCULUS, 

4fuere  temporibus.  quare  nobis1  quoque,  etiamsi  non 
tanta  2  non  tamen  minima  fuerit  cura,  ut,  dictis  Aure- 
liano,  Tacito  et  Floriano,  Probo  etiam,  magno  ac 
singulari  principe,  cum  dicendi  essent  Cams,  Carinus 
et  Numerianus,  de  Saturnine,  Bonoso  et  Proculo  et 
Firmo,  qui  sub  Aureliano  fuerat,  non  taceremus. 

II.  Scis  enim,  mi  Basse,  quanta  nobis  contentio 
proxime  fuerit  cum  amatore  historiarum  Marco 
Fonteio,  cum  ille  diceret  Firmum,  qui  Aureliani 
temporibus  Aegyptum  occupaverat,  latrunculum 
fuisse  non  principem,  contra  ego  mecumque  Rufius 
Celsus  et  Ceionius  lulianus  et  Fabius  Sossianus  con- 
tenderent,  dicentes  ilium  et  purpura  usum  et  percussa 
moneta  Augustum  esse  vocitatum,  cum  etiam  nummos 
eius  Severus  Archontius  protulit,  de  Graecis  autem 
Aegyptiisque  libris  convicit  ilium  avroKparopa  in 

2edictis  suis  esse  vocatum.  et  illi  quidem  adversum  nos 
contendenti  haec  sola  ratio  fuit,  quod  dicebat  Aureli- 
anum  in  edicto  suo  non  scripsisse  quod  tyrannuin 
occidisset,  sed  quod  latrunculum  quendam  a  re  publica 
removisset ;  proiii  Je 3  quasi  digne  tanti  princeps 
nominis  debuerit  tyrannum  appellare  hominem  tene- 
brarium,  aut  non  semper  latrones  vocitaverint  magni 
principes  eos  quos  invadentes  purpuras  necaverunt. 

3ipse  ego  in  Aureliani  vita,  priusquam  de  Firrno  cuncta 
cognosccrem,  Firmum  non  inter  purpuratos  habui  sed 

1  nobis  Edit.  Princ. ;  etiam  P ;  left  as  corrupt  by  Peter. 
a  non  tanta  ins.  by  Lenze  and  Thornell ;  om.  in  P.  *proinde 
P,  Z",  Hobl ;  perinde  Peter. 


1  See  note  to  Tyr.  Trig.,  i.  1.  2See  Aur.,  xxxii.,  2-3. 

'Unknown;  see  note  to  Prob.,  i.  3. 

4  All  these  are  otherwise  unknown,  and,  like  the  whole  con- 


388 


AND  BONOSUS  I.  4—11.  3 

or  after  them.1  Wherefore  we  also,  even  though  we 
may  show  no  such  diligence  as  his,  will  yet  make  it 
by  no  means  our  smallest  care,  after  telling  of  Aurelian, 
Tacitus  and  Florian,  and  Probus,  too,  that  great  and 
peerless  prince,  and  having  further  to  tell  of  Carus, 
Carinus  and  Numerian,  to  see  to  it  that  Saturninus 
and  Bonosus  and  Proculus  and  Firmus,  who  revolted 
under  Aurelian,^  be  not  passed  over  in  silence. 

II.  For  you  know,  my  dear  Bassus,3  how  great  an 
argument  we  had  but  recently  with  Marcus  Fonteius,* 
that  lover  of  history,  when  he  asserted  that  Firmus, 
who  had  seized  Egypt  in  the  time  of  Aurelian,  was 
not  an  emperor  but  merely  a  brigand,  while  I,  and 
together  with  me  Rufius  Celsus  and  Ceionius  Julianus 
and  Fabius  Sossianus,  argued  against  him,  maintaining 
that  Firmus  had  both  worn  the  purple  and  called 
himself  Augustus  on  the  coins  that  he  struck,  and 
Archontius  Severus  even  brought  out  certain  coins  of 
his  and  proved,  moreover,  from  Greek  and  Egyptian 
books  that  in  his  edicts  he  had  called  himself 
emperor.  Fonteius,  on  the  other  hand,  in  his  con- 
tention against  us,  had  only  the  argument  that 
Aurelian  wrote  in  one  of  his  edicts,  not  that  he  had 
slain  a  pretender,  but  that  he  had  rid  the  state  of  a 
brigand — just  as  though  a  prince  of  such  renown  could 
properly  have  called  so  obscure  a  fellow  by  the  name 
of  pretender,  or  as  though  mighty  emperors  did  not 
always  use  the  term  of  brigand  in  speaking  of  those 
whom  they  slew  when  attempting  to  seize  the  purple  1 
I  myself,  indeed,  in  my  Life  of  Aurelian,5  before  I 
learned  the  whole  story  of  Firmus,  thought  of  him, 

versation  and  that  reported  in  Aur.,  i.  1-8,  probably  fictitious. 
No  coins  of  Firmus  are  known ;  see  note  to  Tyr.  Trig.,  xxvi.  3. 
6  Aur.,  xxxii.  2. 

389 


FIRMUS,  SATURNINUS,  PROCULUS, 

quasi  quendam  latronem ;    quod  idcirco  dixi  ne  quis 
4  me  oblitum  aestiraaret  mei.     sed  ne  volumini,  quod 
brevissimum    promisi,  multa  conectam,  veniamus  ad 
Firmum. 

III.  Firmo  patria  Seleucia  fuit,  tametsi  plerique 
Graecorum  alteram  tradunt,  ignari  eo  tempore  ipso 
tres  fuisse  Firmos,  quorum  unus  praefectus  A  eg}  pti, 
alter  dux  limitis  African!  idemque  pro  consule,  tertius 
iste  Zenobiae  amicus  ac  socius,  qui  Alexandriam 
Aegyptiorum  incitatus  furore  pervasit,  et  quern  Aure- 
lianus  solita  virtutum  suarum  felicitate  contrivit. 

2  De  huius  divitiis  multa  dicuntur.     nam  et  vitreis 
quadraturis    bitumine  aliisque  medicamentis  insertis 
domum    instruxisse  1  perhibetur  et  tantum  habuisse 
de  chartis  ut  publice  saepe  diceret  exercitum  se  alere 

3  posse    papyro    et   glutine.     idem  et  cum  Blemmyis 
societatem  maximam  tenuit  et  cum  Saracenis.    naves 

4quoque  ad  Indos  negotiatorias  saepe  misit.  ipse 
quoque  dicitur  habuisse  duos  dentes  elephanti  pedum 
denum,  e  quibus  Aurelianus  sellam  constituerat  facere 
additis  aliis  duobus,  in  qua  luppiter  aureus  et  gem- 
matus  sederet  cum  specie  praetextae,  ponendus  in 

1  instruxisse  Ursinus,  Peter ;  introduxisse  P,  S. 


1His  revolt  is  attested  by  Zosimus,  i.  61,  1,  though  without 
mention  of  his  name.  The  account  given  briefly  in  Aur., 
xxxii.  2-3  is  more  correct  than  this  "  vita,"1'  for  Firmus  seems 
to  have  made  no  claim  to  the  imperial  power  (cf.  c.  v.  1),  but 
merely  to  have  attempted  (probably  in  the  summer  of  272)  to 
restore  the  supremacy  of  the  Palmyrenes  in  Alevandria. 
Aurelian,  after  destroying  Palmyra,  marched  to  Alexandria  and 
promptly  quelled  the  revolt. 

390 


AND  BONOSUS  II.  4—111.  4 

not  as  one  who  had  worn  the  purple,  but  only  as  a 
sort  of  brigand ;  and  this  I  have  stated  here  that  no 
one  may  think  that  I  am  inconsistent.  Lest  I  add  too 
much,  however,  to  a  book  which  I  promised  to  make 
very  short,  we  shall  now  proceed  to  Firmus. 

III.  Now  Firmus l  was  a  native  of  Seleucia,2  though 
many  of  the  Greeks  write  otherwise,  not  knowing  that 
at  that  same  time  there  were  three  men  called  Firmus, 
one  of  them  prefect  of  Egypt,  another  commander  of 
the  African  frontier  and  also  proconsul,3  and  the  third 
this  friend  and  ally  of  Zenobia's,  who,  incited  by  the 
madness  of  the  Egyptians,  seized  Alexandria  and  was 
crushed  by  Aurelian  with  the  good  fortune  that  was 
wont  to  attend  his  valour. 

Concerning  the  wealth  of  this  last-named  Firmus 
much  is  related.  For  example,  it  is  said  that  he  fitted 
his  house  with  square  panes  of  glass  set  in  with  pitch 
and  other  such  substances  and  that  he  owned  so  many 
books  that  he  used  often  to  say  in  public  that  he  could 
support  an  army  on  the  paper  and  glue.  He  kept  up, 
moreover,the  closest  relations  with  the  Blemmyae4  and 
Saracens,  and  he  often  sent  merchant-vessels  to  the 
Indians  also.  He  even  owned,  it  is  said,  two  elephant- 
tusks,  ten  feet  in  length,  to  which  Aurelian  planned 
to  add  two  more  and  make  of  them  a  throne  on  which 
he  would  place  a  statue  of  Jupiter,  made  of  gold  and 
decked  with  jewels  and  clad  in  a  sort  of  bordered 

2  Which  of  the  many  cities  of  this  name  is  meant  is  not 
clear. 

6  Neither  of  these  is  known  ;  an  attempt  has  been  made  by 
P.  Meyer  in  Hermes,  xxxiii.,  p.  268  f.  to  identify  the  latter  with 
the  hero  of  this  vita. 

4  See  note  to  Aur.,  xxxiii.  4  and  Prob.,  xvii.  2  L 

391 


FIRMUS,  SATURNINUS,  PROCULUS, 

Templo    Soils,    Appenninis    sortibus    aditis,1    quern 
appellari  voluerat  lovem  Consulem  vel  Consulentem. 

5sed  eosdem  dentes  postea  Carinus  mulieri  cuidam 
dono  dedit,  quae  lectum  ex  iis  fecisse  narratur. 
quam,2  quia  et  nunc  scitur  et  sciri  apud  posteros  nihil 

6proderit,  taceo.  ita  donum  Indicum,  lovi  Optimo 
Maximo  consecratum,  per  deterrimum  principem  et 
ministerium  libidinis  factum  videtur  et  3  pretium. 

IV.  Fuit  tamen  Firmus  statura  ingenti,  oculis  foris 
emiiientibus,  capillo  crispo,  fronte  vulnerata,  vultu 
nigriore,  reliqua  parte  corporis  candidus  sed  pilosus 
atque  hispidus,  ita  ut  eum  plerique  Cyclopem  voca- 

2  rent,     carne  multa  vescebatur,  struthionem  ad  diem 
comedisse    fertur.      vini    non    multum    bibit,    aquae 
plurimum.    mente  firmissimus,  nervis  robustissimus, 
ita    ut    Tritannum    vinceret,    cuius    Varro   meminit. 

3  nam  et  incudem  superpositam  pectori  constanter  aliis 
tundentibus  pertulit,  cum  ipse  reclinis  ac  resupinus 
et  curvatus  in  manus  penderet  potius  quam  iaceret. 
fuit    tamen   ei  coiitentio  cum  Aureliani   ducibus  ad 

4  bibendum,  si  quando  eum  4  temptare  voluissent.    nam 
quidam  Burburus  nomine  de  numero  vexillariorum, 
notissimus  potator,  cum  ad  bibendum  eundem  pro- 
vocasset,  situlas  duas  plenas  mero  duxit  et  toto  postea 

1  aditis  Ellis,  Walter,  Hohl ;  additis  P,  27;  adductus  Peter. 
9  quam  ins.  by  Haupt  and  Peter  ;  om.  in  P.  *et  om.  in  P. 

4  eum  27 ;  eius  P. 


1  See  Atir.,  xxxv.  3  and  note. 

2Cf.  Alex.,  iv.  6  and  Claud.,  x.  4.  No  such  Jupiter  is 
known. 

3  The  name  of  two  famous  strong  men,  father  and  son,  the 
former  a  gladiator,  the  latter  a  soJdier  of  Pompey's,  whose 

39% 


AND  BONOSUS  III.  5— IV.  4 

toga,  to  be  set  up  in  the  Temple  of  the  Sun  l ;  and, 
after  asking  advice  of  the  oracle  in  the  Apennines,2 
he  purposed  to  call  him  Jupiter  the  Consul  or  the 
Consulting.  These  tusks,  however,  were  later  pre- 
sented by  Carinus  to  a  certain  woman,  who  is  said 
to  have  made  them  into  a  couch ;  her  name,  both 
because  it  is  known  now  and  because  future  genera- 
tions will  have  no  profit  from  knowing  it,  I  will  leave 
unmentioned.  So  under  a  most  evil  prince  the  gift 
of  the  Indians,  consecrated  to  Jupiter  Best  and 
Greatest,  seems  to  have  become  both  the  instrument 
and  the  reward  of  lust. 

IV.  But  as  for  Firmus  himself,  he  was  of  huge 
size,  his  eyes  very  prominent,  his  hair  curly,  his  brow 
scarred,  his  face  rather  swarthy,  while  the  rest  of  his 
body  was  white,  though  rough  and  covered  with  hair, 
so  that  many  called  him  a  Cyclops.  He  would  eat 
great  amounts  of  meat  and  he  even,  so  it  is  said,  con- 
sumed an  ostrich  in  a  single  day.  He  drank  little 
wine  but  very  much  water.  He  was  most  resolute 
in  spirit,  and  in  sinews  most  strong,  so  that  he  sur- 
passed even  Tritannus,3  of  whom  Varro  makes 
mention.  For  he  would  hold  out  resolutely  when 
an  anvil  was  placed  on  his  chest  and  men  struck  it, 
while  he,  leaning  backward  face  up,  supporting  his 
weight  on  his  hands,  seemed  to  be  suspended  rather 
than  to  be  lying  down.  In  drinking,  moreover,  he 
would  compete  with  Aurelian's  generals  whenever 
they  wished  to  test  him.  For  example,  when  a 
certain  fellow  named  Burburus,  one  of  the  standard- 
bearers  and  a  notable  drinker,  challenged  him  to  a 
contest  in  drinking,  he  drained  two  buckets  full  of 

muscles  and  feats  of  strength  are  described  by  Pliny  (Nat. 
Hist. ,  vii.  81)  on  the  authority  of  Varro. 

393 


FIRMUS,  SATURNINUS,  PROCULUS, 

convivio  sobrius  fuit ;  et  cum  ei  Bui-bums  diceret, 
"  Quare  non  faeces  bibisti?"  respondit  ille,  "  Stulte, 
terra  non  bibitur."  levia  persequimur,  cum  maiora 
dicenda  sint. 

V.  Hie  ergo  contra  Aurelianum  sumpsit  imperium 
ad    defendendas   partes   quae    supererant    Zenobiae. 
sed    Aureliano    de   Thraciis  redeunte  superatus  est. 

2multi  dicunt  laqueo  eum  vitam  finisse ;  aliud  edictis 
suis  ostendit  Aurelianus 1 ;  namque  cum  eum  vicisset 
tale  edictum  Romae  proponi  iussit : 

3  "Amantissimo  sui  populo  Romano  Aurelianus 
Augustus  salutem  dicit.  Pacato  undique  gentium 
toto  qua  late  patet  orbe  terrarum,  Firmum  etiam 
latronem  Aegyptium,  barbaricis  motibus  aestuantem 
et  feminei  propudiireliquias  colligentem,  ne  plurimum 
loquar,  fugavimus,  obsedimus,  cruciavimus  et  occidi- 

4mus.  nihil  est,  Romulei  Quirites,  quod  timere  possitis. 
canon  Aegypti,  qui  suspensus  per  latronem  improbum 

5  fuerat,  integer  veiiiet.    sit  vobis  cum  senatu  coiicordia, 
cum    equestri    ordine  amicitia,  cum  praetorianis  ad- 
fectio.     ego  efficiam  ne  sit  aliqua  sollicitudo  Romana. 

6  vacate  ludis,  vacate  circeiisibus.     nos  pubiicae  neces- 
sitates   teneant,     vos    occupent    voluptates.      qua  re 
sanctissimi  Quirites,"  et  reliqua. 

VI.  Haec  nos  de  Firmo  cognovisse  scire  debuisti, 

1  om.  in  P. 
394 


AND  BONOSUS  V.  l—  VI.  1 

wine  and  yet  remained  sober  throughout  the  whole 
banquet ;  and  when  Burburus  asked,  "  Why  did  you 
not  drink  up  the  dregs?"  he  replied,  "You  fool,  one 
does  not  drink  earth."  But  we  are  narrating  mere 
trifles  when  we  should  be  telling  what  is  of  greater 
importance. 

V.  He,  then,  seized  the  imperial  power  in  opposi- 
tion to  Aurelian  with  the  purpose  of  defending  the 
remainder  of  Zenobia's  party.      Aurelian,   however, 
returning  from  Thrace  defeated  him.     Many  relate 
that   he   put  an  end  to   his   life  by  strangling,  but 
Aurelian  himself  in  his  proclamations  says  otherwise  ; 
for  when  he  had  conquered  him  he  gave  orders  to 
issue  the  following  proclamation  in  Rome  : 

"  From  Aurelian  Augustus  to  his  most  devoted 
Roman  people,  greeting.  We  have  established  peace 
everywhere  throughout  the  whole  world  in  its  widest 
extent,  and  also  Firmus,  that  brigand  in  Egypt,  who 
rose  in  revolt  with  barbarians  and  gathered  together 
the  remaining  adherents  of  a  shameless  woman — not 
to  speak  at  too  great  length — we  have  routed  and 
seized  and  tortured  and  slain.  There  is  nothing  now, 
fellow-citizens,  sons  of  Romulus,  which  you  need  fear. 
The  grain-supply  from  Egypt,  which  has  been  inter- 
rupted by  that  evil  brigand,  will  now  arrive  undimin- 
ished.  Do  you  only  maintain  harmony  with  the 
senate,  friendship  with  the  equestrian  order,  and 
good  will  toward  the  praetorian  guard.  I  will  see  to 
it  that  there  is  no  anxiety  in  Rome.  Do  you  devote 
your  leisure  to  games  and  to  races  in  the  circus.  Let 
me  be  concerned  with  the  needs  of  the  state,  and  do 
you  busy  yourselves  with  your  pleasures.  Wherefore, 
most  revered  fellow- citizens,"  and  so  forth. 

VI.  This  is  what  you  should  know  that  we  have 

395 


FIRMUS,  SATURNINUS,  PROCULUS, 

2sed  digna  memoratu.  nam  ea  quae  de  illo  Aurelius 
Festivus,  libertus  Aureliani,  singillatim  rettulit  si  vis 
cognoscere,  eundem  oportet  legas,  maxime  cum  dicat 
Firmum  eundem  inter  crocodillos,  unctum  crocodil- 
lorum  adipibus,  natasse  et  elephantum  rexisse  et 
hippopotamo  sedisse  et  sedentem  ingentibus  struthi- 

3  onibus  vectum  esse  et  quasi  volitasse.     sed  haec  scire 
quid  prodest  ?     cum  et  Livius  et  Sallustius  taceant 

4  res  leves  de  iis  quorum  vitas  l  arripuerunt.    non  enim 
scimus  quales  mulos  Clodius  habuerit  aut  mulas  Titus 
Annius  Milo,  aut  utrum  Tusco  equo  sederit  Catilina 
an  Sardo,  vel  quali  in  2  chlamyde  Pompeius  usus  fuerit 

5  purpura.    quare  finem  de  Firmo  faciemus  venientes  ad 
Saturninum,  qui  contra  Probum  imperium  sibimet  in 
orientis  partibus  vindicavit. 

VII.    Saturninus    oriundo    fuit    Gallus,    ex    gente 

hominum  inquietissima  et  avida  semper  vel  faciendi 

2principis  vel  imperii.     huic  inter  ceteros  duces,  quod 

vere    summus    vir  esse 3  certe   videretur,    Aurelianus 

1uitas  Cod.  Chigianus,  Hohl;  uita  P;  uitam  Salm.,  Peter. 
2  in  ins.  by  Klein  and  Hohl ;  om.  in  P  and  by  Peter.  suerisset 
P ;  uir  esset  Peter,  Hohl. 


1  Nothing  is  known  of  him  or  of  any  work  by  him. 

2  P.  Clodius  Pulcher,  the  tribune  of  58  B.C.,  who  was  instru- 
mental in  bringing  about  the  banishment  of  Cicero.     He  was 
killed  in  52  B.C.  in  a  brawl  with  his  enemy,  T.  Annius  Milo, 
who  was  then  defended  by  Cicero,  in  the  speech  pro  Milone. 

8  Tulius  Saturninus  Augustus,  according  to  a  coin  issued  by 
him  in  Egypt ;  see  Rev.  Numlsm.,  xiv.  (1896),  p.  133  f.  The 
account  of  Zosinius  (i.  (36  1),  which  is  probably  more  correct 
than  this  vita,  represents  him  as  a  Moor  by  birth  (cf.  c.  x.  4),  and 
relates  that  he  was  a  friend  of  Probus'  and  was  appointed  by 

396 


AND  BONOSUS  VI.  2— VII.  2 

found  out  concerning  Firmus,  all,  however,  that  is 
worthy  of  mention.  For  as  to  what  Aurelius  Festivus,1 
Aurelian'sfreedman,hasreportedabouthimindetail,if 
you  wish  to  learn  it,  you  should  read  him  yourself,  most 
of  all  the  passage  which  tells  how  this  same  Firmus 
went  swimming  among  the  crocodiles  when  rubbed 
with  crocodiles'  fat,  how  he  drove  an  elephant  and 
mounted  a  hippopotamus  and  rode  about  sitting  upon 
huge  ostriches,  so  that  he  seemed  to  be  flying.  But 
what  avails  it  to  know  all  this,  especially  as  both  Livy 
and  Sallust  are  silent  in  regard  to  trivial  matters  con- 
cerning those  men  on  whose  biographies  they  have 
laid  hold?  For  instance,  we  do  not  know  of  what 
breed  were  the  mules  of  Clodius  "2  or  the  she-mules  of 
Titus  Annius  Milo,  or  whether  the  horse  that  Catiline 
rode  was  a  Tuscan  or  a  Sardinian,  or  what  kind  of 
purple  Pompey  used  for  his  cloak.  Therefore  we 
will  make  an  end  of  Firmus  and  pass  on  to  Satur- 
ninus,  who  seized  the  imperial  power  in  the  regions  of 
the  East  in  opposition  to  Probus. 

VII.  Saturninus3  was  a  Gaul  by  birth,  one  of  a 
nation  that  is  ever  most  restless  and  always  desirous 
of  creating  either  an  emperor  or  an  empire.4  To  this 
man,  above  all  the  other  generals,  because  it  seemed 
certain  that  he  was  truly  the  greatest,  Aurelian  had 

him  governor  of  Syria.  He  seems  to  have  been  declared  em- 
peror at  Antioch  (cf.  c.  ix.  2-3),  and,  while  he  was  recognised  in 
Egypt,  as  the  coin  bearing  his  name  shows,  there  is  no  reason  to 
connect  that  country  with  his  revolt ;  his  attempt  to  rule  is  cor- 
rectly enough  described  in  Pro6.,  xviii.  4  as  orientis  imperium 
arnpnerot.  The  order  of  events  in  Zosimus  places  the  revolt 
early  in  Probus'  reign.  If  it  was  crushed  by  Probus  in  person, 
this  must  have  been  in  280,  when  Probus  was  in  the  East. 
«  Cf.  Tyr.  Trig.,  iii.  7. 

397 


FIRMUS,  SATURNINUS,  PROCULUS, 

limitis  orientalis  ducatum  dedit,  sapienter  praecipiens 

3ne     umquam     Aegyptum    videret.    cogitabat    enim, 

quantum  videmus,  vir    prudentissimus  Gallorum    na- 

turam   et   verebatur    ne,    si    perturbidam    civitatem 

vidisset,  quo  eum  natura  ducebat,  eo  societate  quoque 

4hominum    duceretur.     sunt   enim   Aegyptii,   ut    satis 

nosti,  viri l  ventosi,  furibundi,  iactantes,  iniuriosi,  atque 

adeo  vani,  liberi,  novarum  rerum  usque  ad  cantilenas 

publicas     cupientes,     versificatores,     epigrammatarii, 

5  mathematici,  haruspices,  medici.     nam  in  eis2  Chris- 
tiani,  Samaritae,  et  quibus  praesentia  semper  tempora 

6  cum  enormi  libertate    displiceant.     ac  ne    quis    mihi 
Aegyptiorum  irascatur  et  meum  esse  credat  quod  in 
litteras    rettuli,    Hadriani    epistulam  ponam  ex  libris 
Phlegontis    liberti    eius    proditam,     ex    qua    penitus 
Aegyptiorum  vita  detegitur : 

VIII.  "  Hadrianus  Augustus  Serviano  consuli  salu- 
tem.  Aegyptum,  quam  mihi  laudabas,  Serviane  caris- 
sime,  totam  didici  levem,  pendulam  et  ad  omnia  famae 

2  momenta  volitantem.  illic  3  qui  Serapem  colunt  Chris- 
tiani  sunt,  et  devoti  sunt  Serapi  qui  se  Christi  episco- 

3pos  dicunt.  nemo  illic  archisynagogus  ludaeorum, 
nemo  Samarites,  nemo  Christianorum  presbyter  non 

4  mathematicus,  non  haruspex,  non  aliptes.  ipse  ille 
patriarcha  cum  Aegyptum  venerit,  ab  aliis  Serapidem 

1  uiri  2,  editors  ;  uenti  P ;  inuenti  Walter,  Hohl.  2  in  eis 
Petschenig,  Hohl ;  eis  P  ;  sunt  Peter.  3  illic  Cas ;  ilia  P ; 

illi  E. 


1  See  note  to  Tyr.  Trig.,  xxii.  10. 

8  A  similar  characterisation  is  given  in  Tyr.  Trig.,  xxii.  1-2. 

8  See  Hadr.,  xvi.  1 ;  Sev.t  xx.  1. 


398 


AND  BONOSUS  VII.  3— VIII.  4 

given  the  command  of  the  Eastern  frontier,  wisely 
charging  him  never  to  visit  Egypt.1  For,  as  we  see, 
this  far-sighted  man  was  well  acquainted  with  the 
Gallic  character  and  feared  that  if  Saturninus  visited 
this  turbulent  land  he  might  be  drawn  by  association 
with  the  inhabitants  to  a  course  toward  which  he  was 
by  nature  inclined.  For  the  Egyptians,  as  you  know 
well  enough,  are  puffed  up,  madmen,2  boastful,  doers 
of  injury,  and,  in  fact,  liars  and  without  restraint, 
always  craving  something  new,  even  in  their  popular 
songs,  writers  of  verse,  makers  of  epigrams,  astro- 
logers, soothsayers,  quacksalvers.  Among  them,  in- 
deed, are  Christians  and  Samaritans  and  those  who 
are  always  ill-pleased  with  the  present,  though  en- 
joying unbounded  liberty.  But,  lest  any  Egyptian 
be  angry  with  me,  thinking  that  what  I  have  set 
forth  in  writing  is  solely  my  own,  I  will  cite  one  of 
Hadrian's  letters,  taken  from  the  works  of  his  freed- 
man  Phlegon,3  which  fully  reveals  the  character  of 
the  Egyptians. 

VIII.  From  Hadrian  Augustus  to  Servianus  4  the 
consul,  greeting.  The  land  of  Egypt,  the  praises  of 
which  you  have  been  recounting  to  me,  my  dear 
Servianus,  I  have  found  to  be  wholly  light-minded, 
unstable,  and  blown  about  by  every  breath  of  rumour. 
There  those  who  worship  Serapis  are,  in  fact,  Chris- 
tians, and  those  who  call  themselves  bishops  of  Christ 
are,  in  fact,  devotees  of  Serapis.  There  is  no  chief 
of  the  Jewish  synagogue,  no  Samaritan,  no  Christian 
presbyter,  who  is  not  an  astrologer,  a  soothsayer,  or 
an  aiiointer.  Even  the  Patriarch  himself,  when  he 
comes  to  Egypt,  is  forced  by  some  to  worship  Serapis, 

4  Hadrian's  brother-in-law  (see  Eadr.,i.  2)  whom  Hadrian 
compelled  to  commit  suicide  in  136  ;  see  Hadr.,  xv.  8  ;  xxiii.  8. 

399 


F1RMUS,  SATURNINUS,  PROCULUS, 

Sadorare,  ab  aliis  cogitur  Christum,  genus  hominum 
seditiosissimum,  vanissimum,  iniuriosissimum ;  civitas 
opulenta,  dives,  fecunda,  in  qua  nemo  vivat  otiosus. 

6  alii  vitrum  conflant,  aliis  charta  conficitur,  omnes  certe 
linyphiones  aut1  cuiuscumque  artis  esse  2  videntur  ;  et 
habent  podagrosi  quod  agant,  habent  praecisi  3  quod 
agant,  habent  caeci  quod  faciant,  ne  chiragrici  quidem 
apud  eos  otiosi  vivunt.     unus  illis  deus  nummus4  est. 

7  hunc  Christiani,  hunc  ludaei,  hunc  omnes  venerantur 
et  gentes.     et   utinam    melius    esset  morata   civitas, 
digna  profecto  quae  pro  sui  fecunditate,  quae  pro  sui 

8  magnitudine  totius  Aegypti  teneat  principatum.     huic 
ego  cuncta   concessi,  vetera  privilegia  reddidi,   nova 
sic  addidi  ut  praesenti  gratias  agerent.      denique  ut 
primum  inde  discessi,  et  in  filium  meum  Verum  multa 
dixerunt,  et  de  Antinoo  quae  dixerint  comperisse  te 

9  credo,     nihil  illis  opto,  nisi  ut  suis  pullis  alantur,  quos 
10  quemadmodum  fecundant,  pudet  dicere.     calices  tibi 

allassontes  versicolores  transmisi,  quos  mihi  sacerdos 
templi  obtulit,  tibi  et  sorori  meae  specialiter  dedicates  ; 
quos  tu  velim  festis  diebus  conviviis  adhibeas.     caveas 
tamen  ne  his  Africanus  noster  indulgenter  utatur." 
IX.   Haec  ergo  cogitans  de  Aegyptiis  Aurelianus 

1  aut  ins.  by  Hohl ;  om.  in  P ;  <Y77ii>  linifiones,  omnes  certe 
Salm. ,  Peter.  zesse  Editor;  etP;  et  uidentur  et  habentur. 
Peter.  a praecisi  Hohl;  cesiP;  cesi  .  .  .  habent  del.  by 
Salm.  and  Peter.  *nummua  Vossius,  Peter;  nulhisP. 


irThe  three  most  famous  products  of  Egypt ;  see  Aur.t  xlv.  1 

2  i.e.,  L.  Aelius  Caesar,  whom  Hadrian  adopted  in  136 ;   see 

Hadr.,  xxiii.  11.     As  Hadrian  was  in  Alexandria  in  130  (see  note 

to  Hadr.,  xiv.  4),  and  as  his  sister  Paulina,  the  wife  of  Servianus 

(§  10),  died  about  130,  this  letter  is  clearly  not  genuine. 

400 


AND  BONOSUS  VIII.  5— IX.  1 

by  others  to  worship  Christ.  They  are  a  folk  most 
seditious,  most  deceitful,  most  given  to  injury  ;  but 
their  city  is  prosperous,  rich,  and  fruitful,  and  in  it  no 
one  is  idle.  Some  are  blowers  of  glass,  others  makers 
of  paper,  all  are  at  least  weavers  of  linen l  or  seem  to 
belong  to  one  craft  or  another ;  the  lame  have  their 
occupations,  the  eunuchs  have  theirs,  the  blind  have 
theirs,  and  not  even  those  whose  hands  are  crippled 
are  idle.  Their  only  god  is  money,  and  this  the 
Christians,  the  Jews,  and,  in  fact,  all  nations  adore. 
And  would  that  this  city  had  a  better  character,  for 
indeed  it  is  worthy  by  reason  of  its  richness  and  by 
reason  of  its  size  to  hold  the  chief  place  in  the  whole 
of  Egypt.  I  granted  it  every  favour,  I  restored  to  it 
all  its  ancient  rights  and  bestowed  on  it  new  ones 
besides,  so  that  the  people  gave  thanks  to  me  while 
I  was  present  among  them.  Then,  no  sooner  had  I 
departed  thence  than  they  said  many  things  against 
my  son  Verus,2  and  what  they  said  about  Antinous  3 
I  believe  you  have  learned.  1  can  only  wish  for 
them  that  they  may  live  on  their  own  chickens,  which 
they  breed  in  a  fashion  I  am  ashamed  to  describe.4 
I  am  sending  you  over  some  cups,  changing  colour  6 
and  variegated,  presented  to  me  by  the  priest  of  a 
temple  and  now  dedicated  particularly  to  you  and 
my  sister.  I  should  like  you  to  use  them  at  banquets 
on  feast-days.  Take  good  care,  however,  that  our 
dear  Africanus  6  does  not  use  them  too  freely." 

IX.    So  then,  holding  such  an  opinion  about  the 

3  See  Hadr.,  xiv.  5-6  and  notes. 

4  According  to  Aristotle,  Hist.  Anim.t  vi.  2,  they  hatched  the 
eggs  by  burying  them  in  dung-heaps. 

6  I.e.,  a.\\d(TO'OVT€S. 

9  Unknown  and  probably  fictitious. 

40  i 


FIRMUS,  SATURNINUS,  PROCULUS, 

iusserat  lie  Saturninus  Aegyptum  videret,  et  mente 
quidem  divina.  nam  ut  primum  Aegyptii  magnam 
potestatem  ad  se  venisse  viderunt,  statim  clamarunt, 

2  "  Saturnine  Auguste,  di  te  servant !  "  et  ille  quidem, 
quod  negari  non  potest,  vir  sapiens  de  Alexandrina 

3  civitate  mox  fugit  atque  ad  Palaestinam  rediit.     ibi 
tamen  cum  cogitare  coepisset  tutum  sibi  non  esse,  si 
privatus  viveret,  deposita  purpura  ex  simulacro  Vene- 
ris  cyclade  uxoria  militibus  circumstantibus  amictus 

4  et  adoratus  est.     avum  meum  saepe  dicentem  audivi 

5  se  inter fuisse,  cum  ille  adoraretur.      "  Flebat  "  inquit 
e '  et  dicebat,  '  Necessarium,  si  non  adroganter  dicam, 
res  publica  virum  perdidit.     ego  certe  instauravi  Gal- 
lias,  ego    a    Mauris    possessam  Africam   reddidi,  ego 
Hispanias    pacavi.      sed  quid    prodest?     omnia    haec 
adfectato  semel  honore  perierunt.' 

X.  Et  cum  eum  animarent  vel  ad  vitam  vel  ad  im- 
perium,  qui  amicuerunt  purpuram,  in  haec  verba  dis- 

2seruit:  "  Nescitis,  amici,  quid  mali  sit  imperare. 
gladii  saeta  pendentes  cervicibus  inminent,  hastae  un- 
dique,  undique  spicula.  ipsi  custodes  timentur,  ipsi 
comites  formidantur.  non  cibus  pro  voluptate,  non 
iter  pro  auctoritate,  non  be) la  pro  iudicio,  noil  arma 

3  pro  studio,     adde  quod  omnis  aetas  in  imperio  repre- 


1  See  note  to  Tyr.  Trig.,  xxv.  3. 

2  Au  allusion  to  the  well-known  story  of  Dionysius  of  Syra- 
cuse and  his  courtier  Damocles ;  see  Cicero,  Tusc.  Disp.,  v.  61- 
62. 


AND  BONOSUS  IX.  2— X.  S 

Egyptians  Aurelian  forbade  Saturninus  to  visit  Egypt, 
showing  a  wisdom  that  was  truly  divine.  For  as  soon 
as  the  Egyptians  saw  that  one  of  high  rank  had  ar- 
rived among  them,  they  straightway  shouted  aloud, 
"  Saturninus  Augustus,  may  the  gods  keep  you  1 " 
But  he,  like  a  prudent  man,  as  one  cannot  deny,  fled 
at  once  from  the  city  of  Alexandria  and  returned  to 
Palestine.  There,  however,  when  he  had  begun  to 
reflect  that  it  would  not  be  safe  for  him  to  remain 
a  commoner,  he  took  down  a  purple  robe  from  a  statue 
of  Venus  and,  with  the  soldiers  standing  about,  he 
arrayed  himself  in  a  woman's  mantle  and  then  re- 
ceived their  adoration.  I  have  often  heard  my 
grandfather1  tell  that  he  was  present  when  Satur- 
ninus thus  received  adoration  ;  "  He  began  to  weep," 
he  would  tell  us,  "  and  to  say,  '  The  commonwealth 
has  lost  an  indispensable  man,  if  I  may  say  so  with- 
out undue  pride.  I  have  certainly  restored  the  pro- 
vinces of  Gaul,  I  have  recovered  Africa,  seized  by  the 
Moors,  I  have  brought  peace  to  the  provinces  of  Spain. 
But  what  does  it  all  avail  ?  For  all  these  services 
go  for  nothing  when  once  I  have  claimed  imperial 
honours.' 

X.  Then,  when  those  who  had  clothed  him  with 
the  purple  began  to  hearten  him,  some  to  defend  his 
life  and  others  his  power,  he  delivered  the  following 
speech  :  "  My  friends,  you  do  not  know  what  an  evil 
thing  it  is  to  rule.  A  sword  suspended  by  a  hair 
hangs  over  your  head,2  on  all  sides  there  are  spears, 
on  all  sides  arrows.  You  fear  your  very  guards,  you 
dread  your  very  attendants.  Your  food  brings  you 
no  pleasure,  your  journeys  no  honour,  your  wars  do 
not  meet  with  approval,  your  arms  call  forth  no  en- 
thusiasm. Remember,  moreover,  that  they  find  fault 

403 


FIRM  US,  SATURN1NUS,  PROCULUS, 

henditur.  senex  est  quispiam  ?  inhabilis  videtur : 
adulescens  ? 1  additur  his  et  furere.2  iam  quid  ama- 
bilem  omnibus  Probum  dico  ?  cui  cum  3  me  aemulum 
esse  cupitis,  cui  iibens  cedo  et  cuius  esse  dux  cupio, 
in  necessitatem  mortis  me  trahitis.  habeo  solacium 
4  mortis  :  solus  perire  non  potero."  Marcus  Salvidienus 
hanc  ipsius  orationem  vere  fuisse  dicit,  et  fuit  re  vera 
non  parum  litteratus.  nam  et  in  Africa  rhetori  operam 
dederat,  Romae  frequentaverat  pergulas  magistrales.4 
XI.  Et  ne  longius  progrediar,  dicendum  est,  quod 
praecipue  ad  hunc  pertinet,  errare  quosdam  et  putare 
hunc  esse  Saturuinum  qui  Gallieni  temporibus  im- 
perium  occupavit,  cum  is  longe  alius  sit  et  Probo 

2  poenam  5  nolente  sit  occisus.     fertur  autem  Probus  et 
clementes  ad  eum  litteras  saepe  misisse  et  veniam  esse 
pollicitum,  sed  milites,  qui  cum  eo  fuerant,  non  credi- 

3  disse.     obsessum  denique  in  castro  quodam  ab  iis  quos 
Probus  miserat  invito  Probo  esse  iugulatum. 

4  Longum  est  frivola  quaeque  conectere,  odiosum  di- 
cere  quali  statura  fuerit,  quo  corpore,  quo  decore,  quid 
biberit,  quid  comederit.     ab  aliis  ista  dicantur  quae 
prope  ad  exemplum  nihil  prosunt.     nos  ad  ea  quae 
sunt  dicenda  redeamus. 


1  adulescens  ins.  by  Peter  ;   om.  in  P  and  27.  2  So  Ellis  ; 

additur  his  et  furore  P;  est  furiosus  Peter.  9cum  ins.  by 

Salm.         4 magistrales  2  Peter;   ministrales  P.  5 poenam 
Editor ;  poene  P  ;  paene  editors. 


1  Unknown. 

•See  Tyr.  Trig.,  xxiii.  and  note. 

8  The  statement  of  Probus'  reluctance  is  probably  due  to  the 
general  tendency  of  the  author  to  praise  him  in  all  respects. 

404* 


ANJ)   BONOSUS  X.  4— XL  4 

with  a  man  of  any  age  as  ruler.  Is  he  an  old  man  ? 
He  is  deemed  incapable.  Is  he  young?  They  go  on 
to  say  that  he  is  mad  as  well.  Why  should  I  now  tell 
you  that  Probus  is  beloved  by  all  ?  In  wishing  me 
to  be  a  rival  of  his,  to  whom  I  would  gladly  yield 
place  and  whose  general  I  desire  to  be,  you  do  but 
force  me  to  an  unavoidable  death.  One  solace  I  have 
for  my  death  :  I  shall  not  be  able  to  die  alone." 
This  speech,  according  to  Marcus  Salvidienus,1  was 
really  his  own,  and,  in  fact,  he  was  not  unlettered, 
for  he  had  even  studied  under  a  rhetorician  in  Africa 
and  attended  the  schools  of  the  teachers  at  Rome. 

XI.  Now,  not  to  proceed  at  too  great  length,  1 
must  say  one  thing  which  particularly  concerns  this 
man,  namely,  that  many  wrongly  believe  that  he  was 
the  Saturninus 2  who  seized  the  imperial  power  in 
the  time  of  Gallienus,  whereas,  in  fact,  he  was  alto- 
gether a  different  man,  for  he  was  put  to  death  under 
Probus  who  did  not  desire  his  punishment.  It  is 
said,  moreover,  that  Probus  often  sent  him  a  letter 
offering  him  mercy  and  promised  him  pardon,  but  the 
soldiers  who  were  with  him  refused  to  believe  it.  So 
at  last  he  was  seized  in  a  certain  stronghold  and 
stabbed  by  those  whom  Probus  had  sent,  though  it 
was  not  at  Probus'  desire.3 

It  would  be  too  long  to  include  every  trivial  thing 
and  tiresome  to  tell  of  his  stature,  his  person,  and  his 
comeliness,  or  how  much  he  could  eat  and  drink. 
Let  others  describe  these  things,  which  have  almost 
no  value  as  an  example,  and  let  us  return  to  what  we 
should  tell. 


According  to  the  version  given  by   Zosimus,  Satuminus  was 
killed  by  his  own  soldiers. 

405 


FIRMUS,  SATURNINUS,  PROCULUS, 

XII.  Proculo  patria  Albingauni  fuere,  positi  in 
Alpibus  Maritimis.  domi  nobilis  sed  maioribus  latro- 
cinantibus  atque  adeo  pecore  ac  servis  et  iis  rebus  quas 

2abduxerant  satis  dives.,  fertur  denique  eo  tempore 
quo  sumpsit  imperium  duo  milia  servorum  suorum  ar- 

3  masse,  huic  uxor  virago,  quae  ilium  in  hanc  prae- 
cipitavit  dementiam,  nomine  Samso,  quod  ei  postea 

4inditum  est,  nam  antea  Vituriga  nominata  est.  filius 
Herennianus,  quern  et  ipsum,  si  quinquennium  imples- 

6  set,  ita  enim  loquebatur,  dicasset  imperio.     homo,  quod 
iiegari    non    potest,    .    .   .    idemque   fortissimus,  ipse 
quoque  latrociniis  adsuetus,  qui  tamen  armatam  sem- 
per egerit  vitam.     nam  et  multis  legionibus  tribunus 

6praefuit  et  fortia  edidit  facta.  et  quoniam  minima 
quaeque  iucunda  sunt  atque  habent  aliquid  gratiae  cum 
leguntur,  tacendum  non  est  quod  et  ipse  gloriatur  in 
quadam  sua  epistula,  quam  ipsam  melius  est  ponere 
quam  de  ea  plurimum  dicere  : 

7  "  Proculus  Maeciano  adfini  salutem  dicit.     centum 
ex  Sarmatia  virgines  cepi,     ex  his  una  nocte  decem 
inivi ;  omnes  tamen,  quod  in  me  erat,  mulieres  intra 
dies  quindecim  reddidi." 

8  Gloriatur,  ut  vides,  rem  ineptam  et  satis  libidino- 


1His  revolt  is  mentioued  also  in  Prob.,  xviii.  5;  Eutropius, 
ix.  17,  1 ;  Epit.,  37,  2,  but  no  details  are  given.  In  all  these 
passages  it  is  said  to  have  taken  place  at  Agrippina  (Cologne), 
whereas  in  c.  xiii.  1  we  are  told  that  it  was  at  Lugdunum 
(Lyons).  If  the  statement  in  c.  xiii.  4  and  Prob.,  xviii.  7  that 
be  attempted  to  combine  forces  with  the  Franks  be  correct,  it 
may  be  that  he  began  the  revolt  in  Gaul  but  was  forced  to 
retreat  to  northern  Germany,  where  he  was  finally  defeated. 
The  date  was  probably  280  ;  see  note  to  Prob.,  xviii.  1. 

406 


AND  BONOSUS  XII.   1-8 

XII.  Proculus 1  was  a  native  of  Albingauni,2  situated 
in  the  Maritime  Alps.  He  was  a  nobleman  in  his 
native  place,  but  his  ancestors  had  been  brigands, 
and  thus  he  was  very  rich  in  cattle  and  slaves  and 
all  that  they  had  carried  away.  In  fact,  it  is  said 
that  at  the  time  when  he  seized  the  imperial  power 
he  armed  two  thousand  slaves  of  his  own.  His  wife, 
who  drove  him  to  this  act  of  madness,  was  a  masculine 
woman  called  Samso — though  this  name  was  given 
her  in  her  later  years,  for  originally  she  was  called 
Vituriga.  His  son  was  Herennianus,  whom  also  he 
would  have  dedicated  to  the  imperial  office — for  that 
was  his  way  of  speaking — had  he  but  completed  his 
fifth  year.  The  man  himself,  it  cannot  be  denied, 
was  .  .  .  and  at  the  same  time  most  valiant ;  though 
accustomed  also  to  brigandage,  he  yet  lived  his  whole 
life  in  arms,  for  he  commanded  many  legions  as  tri- 
bune and  did  courageous  deeds.  And  now,  since  all 
the  most  trivial  things  are  interesting  and  bring  some 
pleasure  when  they  are  read,  I  must  not  fail  to  men- 
tion an  incident  of  which  he  himself  boasts  in  one  of 
his  letters,  deeming  it  better  to  quote  the  letter  itself 
rather  than  to  speaK  about  it  at  length. 

"  From  Proculus  to  his  kinsman  Maecianus,3  greet- 
ing. I  have  taken  one  hundred  maidens  from  Sar- 
matia.  Of  these  I  mated  with  ten  in  a  single  night ; 
all  of  them,  however,  I  made  into  women,  as  far  as 
was  in  my  power,  in  the  space  of  fifteen  days." 

He  boasts,  as  you  see,  of  a  foolish  and  a  very  licen- 
tious deed,  thinking  that  he  would  be  held  a  brave 

2  Mod.  Albenga,  on  the  Riviera  di  Ponente,  about  50  m.  S.  W. 
of  Genoa. 
8  Unknown. 

407 


FIRMUS,  SATURNINUS,  PROCULUS, 

sam  atque  inter  fortes  se  haberi  credit,  si  criminum 
densitate  concallescat.1 

XIII.  Hie  tamen  cum  etiam  post  honores  militares 
se  2  improbe,  libidinose,  tamen  fortiter  gereret,3  hor- 
tantibus  Lugdunensibus,  qui  et  ab  Aureliano  graviter 
contusi  videbantur  et  Probum  vehementissime  perti- 
mescebant,  in  imperium  vocitatus  est,  ludo  paene  ac 
ioco,  ut  Onesimus  dicit,  quod  quidem  apud  nullum 

2  alium  repperisse  me  scio.     nam  cum  in  quodam  con- 
vivio  ad  latrunculos  luderetur,  atque  ipse  decies  im- 
perator  exisset,  quidam  non  ignobilis  scurra  "  Ave " 
inquit   "  Auguste,"  adlataque    lana    purpurea   umeris 
eius  vinxit  eumque  adoravit ;    timor  hide  consciorum 

3  atque  inde  iam  exercitus  temptatio  et  imperii.     non 
iiihilum  tamen  Gallis  profuit.     nam  Alamannos,  qui 
tune   adhuc    Germani    dicebantur,   non    sine  gloriae 
splendore   contrivit,    numquam    aliter   quam   latroci- 

4nandi  pugnans  modo.  hunc  tamen  Probus  fugatum 
usque  ad  ultimas  terras  et  cupientem  in  Francorum 
auxilium  venire,  a  quibus  originem  se  trahere  ipse  dice- 
bat,  ipsis  prodentibus  Francis,  quibus  f'amiliare  est 

5  ridendo  fidem  frangere,  vicit  et  interemit.  posteri 
eius  etiam  nunc  apud  Albingaunos  agunt,  qui  ioco 

1  concallescat  Damstd,  Hohl ;  coalescat  P,  Peter.  2cum  se 
P.  :!  gereret  Baehrens,  Peter2  ;  regeret  P. 


1  Perhaps  during  his  stay  in    Gaul   in   274-275 ;   see  Aur., 
xxxv.  4. 

2  Cited  in  c.  xiv.  4  as  the  author  of  a  life  of  Probus,  and  also 
in  Car.,  iv.  2 ;   vii.  3  ;   xvi.  1  ;   xvii.  6.     He  is  perhaps  to  be 
identified  with  an  "  Onasimos  "  listed   by  Suidas  (s.v.)  as  an 
IffropiK^s  /cat  o-o<t>i(TTT)s  and  writer  of  encomia,  who  lived  under 
Constantino. 

3  A  game  resembling  chess,  but  apparently  with  thirty  pieces 

408 


AND  BONOSUS  XIII.   1-5 

man  if  he  grew  callous  through  repeated  acts  of 
crime. 

XIII.  And  yet  this  man,  who,  even  after  his  mili- 
tary honours  conducted  himself  with  depravity  and 
lustfulness  but,  nevertheless,  with  courage,  at  the 
bidding  of  the  people  of  Lugdunum,  who  seemed  to 
have  been  harshly  put  down  by  Aurelian l  and  were 
in  the  greatest  fear  of  Probus,  was  called  to  take  the 
imperial  power.  This  came  about  through  what 
was  almost  a  game  and  a  jest,  as  Onesimus  2  tells, 
though  I  know  that  I  have  not  found  it  in  any  other 
writer.  For  when  once  at  a  banquet  they  were  play- 
ing a  game  of  "  Brigands  "  3  and  Proculus  had  ten 
times  come  out  as  "  King,"  a  certain  well-known  wit 
cried  out,  "Hail,  Augustus,"  and  bringing  in  a  gar- 
ment of  purple  wool  he  clasped  it  about  Proculus' 
shoulders  and  then  bowed  in  adoration.  Then  fear 
fell  upon  all  who  had  had  a  part  in  the  deed,  and  so  an 
attempt  was  then  made  to  gain  both  the  army  and 
the  imperial  power.  He  was,  nevertheless,  of  some 
benefit  to  the  Gauls,  for  he  crushed  the  Alamanni — 
who  then  were  still  called  Germans — and  not  without 
illustrious  glory,  though  he  never  fought  save  in 
brigand-fashion.  He  was  forced  by  Probus,  however, 
to  flee  to  distant  lands,  and  when  he  attempted  to 
bring  aid  to  the  Franks,  from  whom  he  said  he  de- 
rived his  origin,  Probus  conquered  and  slew  him  ;  for 
the  Franks  themselves  betrayed  him,  whose  custom 
it  is  to  break  faith  with  a  laugh.  His  descendants4 
still  live  at  Albingauni,  and  they  are  wont  to  say  in 

on  each  side.  It  is  frequently  alluded  to  by  ancient  authors, 
and  an  elaborate  account  of  it  is  given  in  the  anonymous  poem 
Laus  Pisonis,  11.  192-208. 

4  See  note  to  Tyr.  Trig.,  xiv.  3. 

409 


FIRMUS,  SATURNINUS,  PROCULUS, 

solent  dicere  sibi  non  placere  esse  vel  principes  vel 
latrones. 

6  Haec  digna  memoratu  de  Proculo  didicisse  me 
memini.  veniaraus  ad  Bonosum,  de  quo  raulto  minora 
condidi. 

XIV.  Bonosus  domo  Hispaniensi  fuit,  origine  Bri- 
tannus,  Galla  tamen  raatre,  ut  ipse  dicebat,  rhetoris 
films,  ut  ab  aliis  comperi,  paedagogi  litterarii.  par- 
vulus  patrem  amisit  atque  a  matre  fortissima  educatus 

2litterarum  nihil  didicit.  militavit  primum  inter  ordi- 
iiarios,  deinde  inter  equites  ;  duxit  ordines,  tribunatus 
egitj  dux  limitis  l  Raetici  fuit,  bibit  quantum  hominum 

3 nemo,  de  hoc  Aurelianus  saepe  dicebat,  "Non  ut 
vivat  natus  est,  sed  ut  bibat,"  quern  quidem  diu  in 

4honore  habuit  causa  militiae.  nam  si  quando  legati 
barbarorum  undecumque  gentium  venissent,  ipsi  pro- 
pinabantur,  ut  eos  inebriaret  atque  ab  iis  per  vinum 
cuncta  cognosceret.  ipse  quantumlibet  bibisset,  sem- 
per securus  et  sobrius  et,  ut  Onesimus  dicit,  scriptor 

Svitae  Probi,  adhuc  in  vino  prudentior.  habuit  prae- 
terea  rem  mirabilem,  ut  quantum  bibisset  tantum 

1  militis  P. 


1  His  revolt  is  mentioned  briefly  in  Prob.,  xviii.  5 ;  Aur. 
Victor,  Goes.,  37,  3  ;  Epit.,  37,  2  ;  Eutropius,  ix.  17,  1,  and 
attested  by  coins  struck  by  him  with  the  legend  Pax  Augnsti ; 
see  Cohen,  vi2.  p.  349.  All  authors  agree  that  it  took  place  at 
Agrippina  (Cologne).  The  date  was  probably  280  ;  see  note  to 
Prob.,  xviii.  1.  It  would  appear  from  §  2  and  c.  xv.  1  that  he 
had  been  left  in  charge  of  the  Rhine-frontier  by  Probus  when 
after  his  victories  over  the  Germans  he  set  out  for  Illyricum 
and  the  East  in  279  ;  see  Prob.,  xiii.  7-8  and  xvi.  1  and  notes. 

410 


AND  BONOSUS  XIII.  6— XIV.  5 

jest  that  they  do  not  desire  to  be  either  princes  or 
brigands. 

This  is  all  that  I  remember  having  learned  about 
Proculus  that  is  worthy  of  mention.  Let  us  now  pass 
on  to  Bonosus,  concerning  whom  I  have  written  much 
less. 

XIV.  Bonosus  l  was  a  Spaniard  by  birth,  but  in 
descent  a  Briton,  though  he  had  a  Gallic  mother. 
His  father,  so  he  himself  used  to  say,  was  a  rhetori- 
cian, but  I  have  learned  from  others  that  he 
was  only  a  teacher  of  letters.  He  lost  his  father 
when  a  child,  and  being  reared  by  his  mother,  a  very 
brave  woman,  he  learned  nothing  of  literature.  He 
served  in  the  beginning  as  a  legionary  centurion,2 
and  next  in  the  cavalry ;  he  commanded  in  the  ranks,3 
he  held  tribuneships,  he  was  general  in  charge  of  the 
Raetian  frontier,  and  he  drank  as  no  man  had  ever 
drunk.  In  fact,  Aurelian  used  often  to  say  of  him, 
"  He  was  born,  not  to  live,  but  to  drink,"  and  yet, 
because  of  his  prowess  in  war,  he  long  held  him  in 
honour.  Indeed,  whenever  the  envoys  of  barbarian 
nations  came  from  any  place,  they  were  plied 
with  wine  in  order  that  he  might  make  them 
drunken,  and  when  they  were  in  wine  learn  from 
them  all  their  secrets.  But  however  much  he  drank 
himself,  he  always  remained  calm  and  sober,  and,  as 
Onesimus,4  the  author  of  a  Life  of  Probus,  says,  when 
in  wine  he  was  all  the  wiser.  He  possessed,  further- 
more, a  marvellous  quality,  namely,  that  he  could 
always  discharge  all  he  had  drunk,  so  that  neither  his 


a  See  note  to  CL  Alb.,  xi.  6. 

•See  note  to  Av.  Ca-ss.,  i.  1.  4  See  note  to  c.  xiii.  1. 


411 


FIRMUS,  SATURNINUS,  PROCULUS, 

mingeret,  neque  umquam  eius  aut  pectus  aut  venter 
aut  vesica  gravaretur. 

XV.  Hie  idem,  cum  quodam  tempore  in  Rheno 
Romanas  lusorias  Germani  incendissent,  timore  ne 
poenas  daret  sumpsit  imperium,  idque  diutius  tenuit 
gquam  merebatur.  nam  longo  gravique  certamine  a 
Probo  superatus  laqueo  vitam  finivit,  cum  quidem 
iocus  exstitit,  amphoram  pendere,  non  hominem. 

3  Filios  duos  reliquit,  quibus  ambobus  Probus  peper- 
cit,  uxore  quoque  eius  in  honore  habita  et  usque  ad 

4  mortem  salario  praestito.     fuisse  enim  dicitur,  ut  et 
avus  meus  dicebat,  femina  singularis  exempli  et  fa- 
miliae  iiobilis,  gentis  tamen  Gothicae  ;  quam  illi  Au- 
relianus  uxorem  idcirco  dederat  ut  per  eum  a  Gothis 

5  cuncta  cognosceret.      erat  enim  ilia  virgo  regalis.     ex- 
stant  litterae  ad  legatum  Thraciarum  scriptae  de  his 
nuptiis  et  donis,  quae  Aurelianus  Bonoso  dari  nuptia- 
rum  causa  iussit,  quas  ego  inserui : 

6  "Aurelianus     Augustus    Gallonio     Avito    salutem. 
Superioribus  litteris  scrips eram,  ut  optimates  Gothi- 
cas  apud  Perinthum  conlocares,  decretis  salariis,  non 
ut  singulae  acciperent,  sed  ut  septem  simul  unum  con- 
vivium  haberent.     cum  enim  divisae  accipiunt,  et  illae 

7  parum  sumunt  et  res  publica  plurimum  perdit.     nunc 
tamen,  quoiiiam  placuit  Bonoso  Hunilam  dari,  dabis  ei 
iuxta  brevem  infra  scriptum  omnia  quae  praecipimus  ; 
sumptu  etiam  publico  nuptias  celebrabis." 


1  See  note  to  Tyr.  Trig.,  xxv.  3. 

2  Or  Heraclea,  now  Eski  Eregli,  on  the  north  shore  of  the 
Sea  of  Marmora. 

412 


AND  BONOSUS  XV.   1-7 

stomach  nor  his  abdomen  nor  his  bladder  ever  felt  any 
discomfort. 

XV.  He,  then,  at  the  time  when  the  Roman  galleys 
on  the  Rhine  were  burned  by  the  Germans,  fearing 
that  he  might  have  to  suffer  punishment,  seized  the 
imperial  power.  This  he  held  longer  than  he  deserved, 
for  he  was  finally  defeated  by  Probus  only  after 
a  lengthy  and  difficult  struggle,  and  he  then  put  an 
end  to  his  life  by  the  noose,  which  gave  rise  to  the 
jest  that  it  was  not  a  man  that  was  being  hanged  but 
a  wine -jug. 

He  left  two  sons,  both  of  whom  were  spared  by 
Probus,  and  his  wife,  too,  was  treated  with  honour 
and  given  an  allowance  as  long  as  she  lived.  She  was 
in  fact,  as  my  grandfather  also  used  to  declare,1 
a  woman  of  unequalled  excellence  and  also  of  noble 
family,  though  by  race  a  Goth  ;  for  Aurelian  had  given 
her  to  him  as  wife  in  order  that  through  his  help  lie 
might  learn  all  the  plans  of  the  Goths,  for  she  was 
a  maiden  of  royal  blood.  There  is  still  in  existence 
a  letter  addressed  to  the  governor  of  Thrace  concern- 
ing this  marriage  and  the  gifts  which  Aurelian  wished 
Bonosus  to  receive  on  the  occasion  of  his  wedding, 
and  this  letter  I  have  inserted  : 

"  From  Aurelian  Augustus  to  Gallonius  Avitus, 
greeting.  In  a  previous  letter  I  wrote  you  to  establish 
the  Gothic  noblewomen  at  Perinthus,2  and  I  assigned 
them  rations,  which  they  were  not  to  receive  singly, 
but  seven  of  them  together  sharing  one  meal.  For 
when  they  receive  them  singly,  they  get  too  little  and 
the  state  loses  too  much.  Now,  however,  since  it  is  our 
wish  that  Bonosus  take  Hunila  to  wife,  you  will  give  her 
all  we  have  ordered  in  the  subjoined  list,  and  you  will 
celebrate  the  marriage  at  the  expense  of  the  state." 

4-13 


FIRMUS,  SATURNINUS,  PROCULUS, 

8  Brevis  munerum  fuit :  "  Tunicas  palliolatas  ianthinas 
subsericas,  tunicam  auro  clavatam  subsericam  librilem 
unam,  interulas  dilores  duas,  et  reliqua  quae  matronae 
conveniimt.     ipsi  dabis  aureos  Philippeos  centum,  ar- 
gentos  Antoninianos  mille,  aeris  sestertium  decies." 

9  Haec  me  legisse  teneo  de  Bonoso.     et  potui  quidem 
horum  vitam  praeterire  quos  nemo  quaerebat,  attamen, 
ne  quid  fidei  deesset,  etiam  de  his  quae  didiceram  inti- 

10  man  da  curavi.  supersunt  mihi  Car  us,  Carinus  et  Nu- 
merianus,  nam  Diocletianus  et  qui  sequuntur  stilo 
maiore  dicendi  sunt. 


1  See  Claud. ,  xiv.  3  and  Aur.,  ix.  7  and  notes. 


414 


AND  BONOSUS  XV.  8-10 

The  list  of  gifts  was  as  follows  :  "  Violet  tunics  of 
part-silk  provided  with  hoods,  one  tunic  of  part-silk 
with  a  golden  stripe,  to  weigh  a  pound,  two  double- 
striped  under-tunics,  and  all  the  other  things  that  are 
befitting  a  matron.  To  Bonosus  himself  you  will  give 
one  hundred  Philips  of  gold,  one  thousand  silver 
Antonines,  and  ten  thousand  bronze  sesterces."  l 

This  is  what  I  remember  having  read  about  Bonosus. 
I  might,  indeed,  have  omitted  the  lives  of  these  men, 
concerning  whom  no  one  has  ever  inquired,  but,  in 
order  that  there  may  be  no  lack  of  accuracy,  I  have 
taken  care  to  make  known  what  I  have  learned  about 
these  also.  There  still  remain  for  me  Carus,  Carinus 
and  Numerian  ;  for  Diocletian  and  those  who  came 
after  him  must  be  described  in  a  grander  style. 


415 


CARDS  ET  CARINUS 
ET  NUMERIANUS 

FLAVII  VOPISCI  SYRACUSII 

I.  Fato  rem  publicam  regi  eamque  nunc  ad  sum- 
mum  evehi,  nunc  ad  minima  retrahi  Probi  mors  satis 

2prodidit.  nam  cum  ducta  per  tempora  variis  vel 
erecta  motibus  vel  adflicta,  nunc  tempestate  aliqua 
nunc  felicitate  variata  omnia  prope  passa  esset  quae 
patitur  in  homine  uno  mortaLtas,  videbatur  post  diver- 
sitatem  malorum  iam  secura  continuata  felicitate  man- 
sura  post  Aurelianum  vehementem  principem  Probo 
ex  sententia  senatus  ac  populi1  leges  et  gubernacula 

3  temperante.  sed  ruina  ingens  vel  naufragii  modo  vel 
incendii  accensis  fataliter  militibus  sublato  e  medio 
tali  principe  in  earn  desperationem  votum  publicum 
redegit  ut  timerent  omnes  Domitianos,  Vitellios  et 

1  senatus  acpopulo  after  gnbe  macula  in  P. 


1  On  the  tendency  of  the  author  of  this  group  of  biographers 
to  eulogise  Probus  see  note  to  Prob. ,  i.  3. 

416 


CARUS,     CARINUS 
AND     NUMERIAN 

BY 

FLAVIUS  VOPISCUS  OF  SYRACUSE 

I.  That  it  is  Fate  which  governs  the  commonwealth, 
now  exalting  it  to  the  heights  and  again  thrusting  it 
down  to  the  depths,  was  made  very  clear  by  the  death 
of  Probus.  For  the  state,  in  its  course  through  the 
ages,  was  by  turns  raised  up  and  dashed  down  by 
divers  commotions,  and,  in  the  changes  wrought  now 
by  some  tempest  and  again  by  a  time  of  prosperity,  it 
suffered  well  nigh  all  the  ills  that  human  life  may 
suffer  in  the  case  of  a  single  man  ;  but  at  last,  after  a 
diversity  of  evils,  it  seemed  about  to  abide  in  assured 
and  unbroken  felicity,  when,  after  the  reign  of 
Aurelian,  a  vigorous  prince,  both  the  laws  and  the 
helm  of  the  state  were  directed  by  Probus  in  accord- 
ance with  the  wish  of  the  senate  and  people.1 
Nevertheless,  a  mighty  disaster,  coming  like  a  ship- 
wreck or  a  conflagration,  when  the  soldiers  had  been 
fired  with  a  fated  madness  and  this  great  prince  had 
been  removed  from  our  midst,  reduced  the  hopes  of 
the  state  to  such  despair  that  all  feared  a  Domitian, 

417 


CARUS,  CARINUS  AND  NUMERIAN 

4  Nerones.     plus  enim  timetur  de  incertis  moribus  prin- 
cipis  quam  speratur,  maxime  in  ea  re  publica  quae 
recentibus  confossa  vulneribus  Valerian!  captivitatem, 
Gallieni  luxuriam,  triginta  etiam  prope   tyraniiorum 
caesa  civium  l  membra  sibimet  vindicantium  imperia  2 
perpessa  maeruerit. 

II.  Nam  si  velimus  ab  ortu  urbis  repetere  quas 
varietates  sit  passa  Romana  res  publica,  inveniemus 
nullam  magis  vel  bonis  floruisse  vel  malis  laborasse. 

2et,  ut  a  Romulo  incipiam,  vero  patre  ac  parente  rei 
publicae,  quae  illius  felicitas  3  fuit,  qui  fundavit,  coii- 
stituit  roboravitque  rem  publicam  atque  uiius  omnium 

8  conditorum  perfectam  urbem  reliquit !  quid  deinde 
Numam  loquar,  qui  frementem  bellis  et  gravidam 

4triumphis  civitatem  religione  munivit?  viguit  igitur 
usque  ad  Tarquinii  Superbi  tempora  nostra  res  publica, 
sed  passa  tempestatem  de  moribus  regiis  non  sine 

5  gravi  exitio  semet  ulta  est.     adolevit  deinde  usque  ad 
tempora  Gallicani  belli,  sed  quasi  quodam  mersa  nau- 
fragio  capta  praeter  arcem  urbe  plus  prope  mali  sens  it 

6  quam  tumebat  bonis.4    reddidit  se  deinde  in  integrum, 
sed   eo    usque   gravata    est   Punicis   bellis   ac   terrore 
Pyrrhi    ut    mortal  itatis    mala    praecordiorum    timore 

III.  sentiret.     crevit  deinde  victa  Carthagine  trans  maria 
missis  imperiis,  sed  socialibus  adfecta  discordiis  exte- 


1  ciuium  Editor;  ciuiliitm  P,  editors.  2 imperia  ins.  by 

Walter ;  orn.  in  P ;  coluuionem  ins.  after  tyrannorum  by 
Bichter,  foil,  by  Peter.  8  Here  follows  in  P  a  misplaced 

portion,  consisting  of  c.  xiii.,  1  Augustum  to  c.  xv.  5  fuisse  ; 
see  Intro,  to  Vol.  I.,  p.  xxxiii.  f.  4So  Editor;  tuniebat  boni 
P ;  habuerat  boni  Peter ;  timebant  boni  Hohl  (from  Z1). 

"8 


CARUS,  CARINUS,  NUMERIAN  I.  4— III.  1 

or  a  Vitellius,  or  a  Nero.  For  they  felt  more  fear 
than  hope  from  the  ways  of  a  prince  yet  unknown, 
especially  since  the  commonwealth,  stricken  by  recent 
wounds,  was  still  in  a  state  of  sorrow  from  having 
endured  the  capture  of  Valerian,  the  excesses  of 
Gallienus,  and  also  the  power  of  well  nigh  thirty 
pretenders,  who  could  lay  claim  to  naught  but  the 
mangled  limbs  of  their  fellow-citizens. 

II.  Now  if  we  should  wish,  beginning  with  the 
origin  of  the  city,  to  review  all  the  changes  that  the 
Roman  commonwealth  endured,  we  shall  find  that  no 
state  abounded  more  in  blessings  or  suffered  more 
from  evils.  For,  to  begin  with  Romulus,  the  true 
father  and  founder  of  the  commonwealth,  what 
felicity  was  his,  who  founded,  established  and 
strengthened  this  state,  and  alone  among  founders 
left  a  completed  city  !  Why  should  I  speak  of  Numa, 
the  next  in  order,  who  by  means  of  religious  observ- 
ances safeguarded  a  state  which  resounded  with  wars 
and  was  swollen  with  triumphs  ?  From  then  on, 
therefore,  our  commonwealth  prospered  until  the 
time  of  Tarquinius  Superbus,  when  it  endured  a 
tempest  arising  from  the  evil  ways  of  the  monarch 
and  avenged  itself  only  at  the  cost  of  grave  disaster. 
Then  it  increased  in  strength  until  the  time  of  the 
Gallic  war,  when  it  was  overwhelmed,  as  it  were,  by 
shipwreck,  the  city,  save  only  the  citadel,  being  cap- 
tured, and  it  suffered  evils  greater,  indeed,  than  the 
prosperity  with  which  it  was  swollen.  Again  it  re- 
turned to  its  former  strength,  but  was  brought  so  low 
by  the  Punic  Wars  and  the  terror  caused  by  Pyrrhus 
that  in  the  fear  of  its  heart  it  came  to  know  all  the 
ills  of  human  life.  III.  Next,  having  conquered 
Carthage  and  extended  its  empire  over  the  seas,  it 

419 


CARUS,  CARINUS  AND  NUMERIAN 

nuato  felicitatis  sensu  usque  ad  Augustum  bellis  civili- 
bus  adfecta  consenuit.  per  Augustum  deinde  reparata, 

2  si  reparata  dici  potest  libertate  deposita.  tamen  ut- 
cumque,  etiamsi  domi  tristis  f'uit,  apud  exteras  gentes 
effloruit.  passa  deinceps  tot  Nerones  per  Vespasianum 

Sextulit  caput.  nee  omni  Titi  felicitate  laetata,  Domi- 
tiani  vulnerata  inmanitate,  per  Nervam  atque  Traia- 
num  usque  ad  Marcum  solito  melior,  Commodi  vecordia 

4et  crudelitate  lacerata  est.  nihil  post  haec  praeter 
Severi  lUligentiam  usque  ad  Alexandrum  Mamaeae 

5  sensit  bonum.     longum  est  quae  sequuntur  universa 
conectere ;  uti  enim  principe  Valeriano  non  potuit  et 

6  Gallienum   per  annos  quindecim  passa  est.      invidit 
Claudio  longinquitatem  imperil  amans  varietatum  et 

7  prope  l  semper  inimica  fortuna  iustitiae.    sic  enim  Au- 
relianus  occisus  est,  sic  Tacitus  absumptus,  sic  Probus 
caesus,  ut  appareat  nihil  tarn  gratum  esse  fortunae, 
quam  ut  ea  quae  sunt  in  publicis  actibus  eventuum 

8  varietate  mutentur.     sed  quorsum  talibus  querelis  et 
temporum  casibus  detinemur  ?     veniamus  ad  Carum, 
medium,  ut  ita  dixerim,  virum  et  inter  bonos  magis 
quam   inter  malos  principes   conlocandum   et    longe 
meliorem,  si  Carinum  non  reliquisset  lieredem. 

IV.  Cari  patria  sic  ambigue  a  plerisque  proditur,  ut 
prae  summa  varietate  2  dicere  nequeam  quae  ilia  vera 

1  So  Lenze  and  Tiduer  ;  prope  et  semper  P,  Hohl ;  xemper  et 
prope  Peter.  2  So  Obrecht  foil,  by  Peter  ;    praesumptae 

grauitate  P. 


1  i.e.,  the  Julio  Claudian  emperors. 

2  See  Tac.y  xiii.,  5  and  note. 

3  M.  Aurelius  Carus  Augustus  (282-283). 

420 


CARUS,  CARINUS,  Nt-MERIAN  III.  2— IV.  1 

waxed  great,  but  afflicted  by  strife  with  allies  it  lost 
all  sense  of  happiness,  and  crushed  by  civil  wars  it 
wasted  away  in  weakness  until  the  time  of  Augustus. 
He  then  restored  it  once  more,  if  indeed  we  may  say 
that  it  was  restored  when  it  gave  up  its  freedom. 
Nevertheless,  in  some  way  or  other,  though  mourning 
at  home,  it  enjoyed  great  fame  among  nations  abroad. 
Next,  after  enduring  so  many  of  the  house  of  Nero,1 
it  reared  its  head  again  under  Vespasian,  and  though 
having  no  joy  from  all  the  good  fortune  of  Titus  and 
bleeding  from  Domitian's  brutality,  it  was  happier 
than  had  been  its  wont  under  Nerva  and  Trajan  and 
his  successors  as  far  as  Marcus,  but  was  sorely  stricken 
by  the  madness  and  cruelty  of  Commodus.  There- 
after, save  for  the  diligent  care  of  Severus,  it  knew 
naught  that  was  good  until  Alexander,  the  son  of 
Mamaea.  All  that  ensued  thereafter  is  too  long  to 
relate  ;  for  it  was  not  permitted  to  enjoy  the  rule  of 
Valerian  and  it  endured  Gallienus  for  fifteen  years. 
Then  Claudius  was  begrudged  a  long-lasting  rule  by 
Fortune,  which  loves  a  change  and  is  almost  always 
a  foe  to  justice.  For  in  such  wise  was  Aurelian  slain 
and  Tacitus  carried  off  by  disease2  and  Probus  put 
to  death,  that  it  became  clear  that  Fortune  takes 
pleasure  in  nothing  so  much  as  in  changing,  by  means 
of  a  varied  succession  of  events,  all  that  pertains  to 
the  public  business.  To  what  end,  however,  do  we 
dwell  on  such  lamentations  and  the  misfortunes  of 
the  times  ?  Let  us,  rather,  pass  on  to  Carus,3  a 
mediocre  man,  so  to  speak,  but  one  to  be  ranked  with 
the  good  rather  than  the  evil  princes,  yet  a  better 
ruler  by  far,  had  he  not  left  Carinus  to  be  his  heir. 

IV.   In  regard   to  Cams'  birthplace   there   is  such 
divergence  of  statement  among  the  various  writers 

4-3*1 


CARUS,  CARINUS  AND  NUMERIAN 

2  sit.  Onesimus  enim,  qui  diligentisslme  vitam  Probi 
scripsit,  Romae  ilium  et  natum  et  eruditum  sed 

Slllyricianis  parentibus  fuisse  contendit.  sed  Fabius 
Ceryllianus,  qui  tempora  Cari,  Carini  et  Numeriani 
sollertissime  persecutus  est,  neque  Romae  sed  in 
Illyrico  genitum,  neque  Pannoniis  sed  Poenis  parenti- 

4 bus  adserit  natum.  in  ephemeride  quadam  legisse 
me  1  memini  Carum  Mediolanensem  fuisse,  sed  albo 

Scuriae  2  Aquileiensis  civitatis  insertum.  ipse  se,  quod 
negari  non  potest,  ut  epistula  eius  indicat,  quam  pro 
consule  ad  legatum  suum  scripsit,  cum  eum  ad  bona 
hortaretur  officia,  Romanum  vult  videri. 

8      Epistula  Cari : 

"  Marcus  Aurelius  Carus  pro  consule  Ciliciae  lunio 
legato  suo.  maiores  nostri,  Romani  illi  principes,  in 
legatis  creandis  hac  usi  sunt  consuetudine,  ut  morum 
suorum  specimen  per  eos  ostenderent  quibus  rem 

7 publicam  delegabant.  ego  vero,  si  ita  non  esset, 
aliter  non  fecissem  ;  nee  feci  aliter,  si3  te  iuvante  non 
fallar.  fac  igitur,  ut  maioribus  nostris,  id  est  Romanis 
non  discrepemus  viris." 

8      Vides   tota   epistula   maiores  suos   Romanes   ilium 

V.  velle   intellegi.     indicat   et   oratio   eius   ad    senatum 

data  istam  generis  praerogativam.     nam  cum  primum 

1  me  ins.  by  Lessing  and  Hohl ;  om.  in  P  and  by  Peter. 
8  albo  curiae  Madvig,  Hohl ;  auo  iuria  P ;  auo  iuri  Peter. 
*  So  Bitschoisky  ;  feci  alii  si  P,  Z\  specialiter  Peter. 


1  See  note  to  Firm.,  xiii.  1. 

a  Unknown. 

3  At  Narbona  (more  correctly  Narona),  now  the  ruins  of  Vid 
in  Dalmatia,  near  the  mouth  of  the  river  Naretva,  according  to 
Epit.i  3S,  1,  probably  the  most  correct  version  (see  note  to  Aur., 
iii.  1). 

422 


CARDS,  CARINUS,  NUMERIAN  IV.  2— V.  1 

that  by  reason  of  the  very  great  difference  among 
them  I  am  unable  to  tell  what  it  really  was.  For 
Onesimus,1  who  wrote  with  great  diligence  a  Life  of 
Probus,  maintains  that,  whereas  Cams'  parents  were 
Illyrians,  he  himself  was  both  born  and  educated  at 
Rome.  Fabius  Ceryllianus,2  however,  who  has  described 
with  the  greatest  skill  the  period  of  Carus,  Carinus 
and  Numerian,  declares  that  he  was  born,  not  in 
Rome,  but  in  Illyricum,3  and  that  his  parents  were  not 
Pannonians  but  Carthaginians.  I  myself  remember 
having  read  in  a  certain  journal 4  that  Car  us  was  born 
at  Milan  but  enrolled  in  the  official  list  of  the  council 
of  the  city  of  Aquileia.  Carus  himself,  it  cannot  be 
denied,  wished  to  appear  a  Roman,  for  this  is  shown 
by  a  letter  of  his,  which  he  wrote  when  proconsul  to 
his  legate,  urging  him  to  a  faithful  performance  of 
duty. 

The  letter  of  Carus  : 

"  From  Marcus  Aurelius  Carus  proconsul  of  Cilicia  5  to 
Junius  his  legate.  Our  forefathers,  those  great  men 
of  Rome,  in  choosing  their  legates  observed  the  follow- 
ing principle,  namely,  to  display  a  sample  of  their  own 
characters  in  those  to  whom  they  delegated  the  conduct 
of  public  affairs.  And  even  if  this  were  not  so,  I  my- 
self should  not  do  otherwise ;  and,  indeed,  I  have  not 
done  otherwise,  if  by  your  aid  I  shall  make  no  mistake. 
Wherefore  look  to  it  that  we  may  not  be  found  to 
differ  from  our  forefathers,  that  is,  the  men  of  Rome." 

You  see  that  throughout  this  letter  he  wishes  it  to 
be  understood  that  his  forefathers  were  native  Romans. 
V.  A  speech  of  his,  moreover,  addressed  to  the  senate, 
affords  this  same  assurance  regarding  his  birth.  For 

4  Fictitious,  like  most  of  the  author's  "  sources." 

3 There  was  no  such  office  in  his  time ;  see  note  to  Aur.,  xlii.  2. 

423 


CARUS,  CARINUS  AND  NUMKRIAN 

imperator  esset  cr^atus,  sic  ad   senatoriurn  ordinem 

2scripsit.  inter  cetera:  "  Gaudendum  est  itaque, 
patres  conscript!,  quod  unus  ex  vestro  ordine,  vestri 
etiam  generis,  imperator  est  factus.  quare  adnitemur 
ne  meliores  peregrini  quam  vestri  esse  videaiitur." 

Shoe  quoque  loco  satis  clarum  est  ilium  voluisse  intel- 
legi  se  esse  Romanum,  id  est  Roma  oriundum. 

4  Hie  igitur  per  civiles  et l  militares  gradus,  ut  tituli 
statuarum  eius  indicant,  praefectus  praetorii  a  Probo 
factus  tantum  sibi  apud  milites  amoris  locavit,  ut 
interfecto  Probo  tanto  principe  solus  dignissimus 
videretur  imperio. 

VI.  Non  me  praeteriit  suspicatos  esse  plerosque  et 
eos  in  fastos  rettulisse,  Cari  factione  interemptum 
Probum,  sed  neque>J  meritum  Probi  erga  Carum 
neque  Cari  mores  id  credi  patiuntur,  simul  quia  Probi 
mortem  et  acerrime  et  constantissime  vindicavit. 

2  quid  autem  de  eo  Probus  senserit  indicant  litterae  de 
eius  honoribus  ad  senatum  datae  : 

"  Probus  Augustus  amantissimo  senatui  suo  salutem 
dicit."  inter  cetera:  "  Felix  autem  esset  nostra  res 
publica,  si,  qualis  Carus  est  aut  plerique  vestrum, 

splures  haberem  in  actibus  conlocatos.  quare  eques- 
trem  statuam  viro  morum  veterum,  si  vobis  placeat, 
decernendam  censeo,  addito  eo  ut  j;ublico  sumptu 
eidem  3  exaedificetur  domus  marmoribus  a  me  delatis. 

1  et  om.  in  P.  2  quod  P.  :t  So  S  and  Cas.,  foil,  by 

editors  ;  uel  eidem  P. 


1  None  are  known  to  us.  -  See  note  to  Prob.t  xxi.  3. 

424 


CARDS,  CARINUS,  NUMERIAN   V.  2— VI.  3 

when  he  was  first  made  emperor,  he  wrote  to  the 
senatorial  order  among  other  things  the  following: 
"And  so,  Conscript  Fathers,  you  should  rejoice  that 
one  of  your  own  order  and  your  own  race  has  been 
created  emperor.  Wherefore  we  will  do  our  best  that 
no  foreigner  shall  seem  to  be  a  better  man  than  one 
of  yourselves."  This  passage  also  makes  it  sufficiently 
clear  that  he  wished  to  be  thought  a  Roman,  that  is, 
one  born  in  Rome. 

He,  then,  after  rising  through  the  various  civil  and 
military  grades,  as  the  inscriptions l  on  his  statues 
show,  was  made  prefect  of  the  guard  by  Probus,  and 
he  won  such  affection  among  the  soldiers  that  when 
Probus,  that  great  emperor,  was  slain,  he  alone  seemed 
wholly  worthy  of  the  imperial  power. 

VI.  I  am  not  unaware  that  many  have  suspected 
and,  in  fact,  have  put  it  into  the  records  that  Probus 
was  slain  by  the  treachery  of  Carus.2  This,  however, 
neither  the  kindness  of  Probus  toward  Carus  nor 
Carus'  own  character  will  permit  us  to  believe,  and 
there  is  the  further  reason  that  he  avenged  the  death 
of  Probus  with  the  utmost  severity  and  steadfastness. 
Probus'  opinion  of  him,  moreover,  is  shown  by  a  letter 
written  to  the  senate  with  regard  to  the  honours  con- 
ferred on  him  : 

"  From  Probus  Augustus  to  his  most  devoted  senate, 
greeting."  Among  other  recommendations  :  "  Happy, 
indeed,  were  our  commonwealth  if  I  had  more  men 
engaged  in  the  public  business  similar  to  Carus  or,  in 
fact,  to  most  of  yourselves.  Wherefore  I  recommend, 
if  it  be  your  pleasure,  that  an  equestrian  statue  be 
voted  to  this  man  of  old-time  character,  adding  the 
further  request  that  a  house  be  erected  for  him  at  the 
public  expense,  the  marble  to  be  furnished  by  me. 


CARDS,  CARINUS  AND  NUMERIAN 

decet  enim  nos  tails  integritatem  remunerari  viri "  et 

reliqua. 

VII.  Ac  ne  minima  quaeque  conectam  et  ea  quae 
apud  alios  poterunt  inveniri,  ubi  primum  accepit 
imperium,  consensu  omnium  militum  bellum  Persi- 
cum,  quod  Probus  parabat,  adgressus  est,  liberis 
Caesaribus  nuncupatis,  et  ita  quidem  ut  Carinum  ad 
GalHas  tuendas  cum  viris  lectissimis  destinaret,  secum 
vero  Numerianum,  adulescentem  cum  lectissimum 

2  turn  etiam  disertissimum,  duceret.     et  dicitur  quidem 
saepe  dixisse  se  miserum,  quod  Carinum  ad  Gallias 
principem  mitteret,  neque  ilia  aetas  esset  Numeriani 
ut    illi    Gallicanum,  quod  maxime  constantem    prin- 

3  cipem  quaerit,  crederetur  imperium.     sed  haec  alias  ; 
nam  exstant  etiam  l  litterae  Cari,  quibus  apud  prae- 
fectum  suum  de  Carlni  moribus  queratur,  ut  appareat 
verum  esse  quod  Onesimus  dicit,  habuisse  in  animo 
Carum  ut  Carino  Caesareanum  abrogaret  imperium. 

4  sed    haec,    ut    diximus,    alias    in    ipsius    Carini    vita 
dicenda  sunt.     nunc  ad  ordinem  revertemur. 

VIII.   Ingenti  apparatu  et  totis  viribus  Probi  profli- 
gate magna  ex  parte  bello  Sarmatico,  quod  gerebat, 

1  etiam  Gas. ;  iam  P. 


1See  Prob.,  xx.  1. 

'The  titles  Nobilissimus  Caesar  and  Princeps  luventutis 
appear  ou  their  coins  minted  before  they  were  entitled  Augustus. 

3Cf.  c.  xvii.  6. 

4  See  c.  ix.  4.  This  war  seems  to  have  included  a  campaign 
against  the  Quadi  also,  for  Numerian  (as  Augustus)  issued  coins 
with  the  legend  Triunfu.  (.sic)  Qua d  >r(um)  and  a  representation 
of  his  father  and  himself  in  a  quadriga  with  an  attendant 
Victory  and  captives ;  see  Cohen,  vi2.  p.  378,  no.  91.  It  would 

426 


CARUS,  CARINUS,  NUMERIAN  VII.   1— VIII.  1 

For  it  behooves  us  to  reward  the  uprightness  of  so 
great  a  man,"  and  so  forth. 

VII.  And  so — not  to  include  what  is  of  little  im- 
portance or  what  can  be  found  in  other  writers — as 
soon   as   he   received    the    imperial    power,    by   the 
unanimous  wish  of  all  the  soldiers  he  took  up  the  war 
against  the  Persians  for  which  Probus  had  been  pre- 
paring.1    He  gave  to  his  sons  the  name  of  Caesar,2 
planning  to  despatch    Carinus,   with    some   carefully 
selected  men,  to  govern  the  provinces  of  Gaul,  and 
to   take  along  with   himself   Numerian,   a   most   ex- 
cellent and  eloquent  young  man.     It  is  said,   more- 
over,   that   he   often   declared    that   he   was   grieved 
that  he  had  to  send  Carinus  to  Gaul  as  prince,  and 
that  Numerian  was   not  of  an  age  to   be   entrusted 
with  the  Gallic  empire,  which  most  of  all  needed  a 
steadfast  ruler.     But  of  this  at  another  time  ;  for  there 
is  still  in  existence  a  letter  of  Carus',  in  which  he  com- 
plains to  his  prefect  about  the  character  of  Carinus,  so 
that  it  seems  to  be  true,  as  Onesimus  says,  that  Carus 
intended  to  take  from  Carinus  the  power  of  a  Caesar. 
But  of  this,  as  I  have  already  said,  1  must  tell  later  on 
in  the  Life  of  Carinus  himself.3     Now  we  will  return 
to  the  order  of  events. 

VIII.  With  a  vast  array  and  all  the  forces  of  Probus 
he   set  out  against  the   Persians    after    finishing   the 
greater  part  of  the  Sarmatian  war,4  in  which  he  had 

appear  that  Carus  fought  this  war  on  the  Danube  and  then  set 
out  for  the  East  without  going  to  Rome.  We  are  told  by 
Zonaras  (xii.  30)  that  he  defeated  the  Persians  and  then  re- 
turned to  Rome,  whence  he  set  out  against  the  Sarmatiaus  but 
was  killed  during  a  campaign  against  the  Huns,  or,  as  some 
say,  on  the  river  Tigris,  as  the  result  of  a  stroke  of  lightning ; 
but  this  can  hardly  be  correct,  as  his  reign  of  one  year  was  not 
long  enough  to  permit  of  so  much  activity. 

4-27 


CARUS,  CARINUS  AND  NUMERIAN 

contra  Persas  profectus  nullo  sibi  occurrente  Meso- 
potamiam  Caruscepit  et  Ctesiphontem  usque  pervenit 
occupatisque  Persis  domestica  seditione  imperatoris 

2Persici  nomen  emeruit.  verum  cum  avidus  gloriae, 
praefecto  suo  maxime  urgente,1  qui  et  ipsi  et  filiis  2 
eius  quaerebat  exitium  cupiens  imperare,  longius 
progressus  esset,  ut  alii  dicunt  morbo,  ut  plures 

sfulmine,  interemprus  est.  negari  non  potest  eo 
tempore  quo  periit  tantum  fuisse  subito  tonitruum  ut 
multi  terrore  ipso  exanimati  esse  dicantur.  cum  igitur 
aegrotaret  atque  in  teiitorio  iaceret,  ingenti  exorta 
tempestate  inmani  coruscatione,  inmaniore,  ut  dixi- 

4mus,  tonitru  exanimatus  est.  lulius  Calpurnius,  qui 
ad  memoriam  dictabat,  talem  ad  praefectum  urbis 
super  morte  Cari  epistulam  dedit  : 

5  Inter  cetera  "  Cum,"  inquit,  "  Carus,  princeps 
noster  vere  carus,  aegrotaret,  tanti  turbinis  subito 
exorta  tempestas  est  ut  caligarent  omnia,  neque 
alterutrum  iiosceret  ;  coruscationum  deinde  ac  toni- 
truum in  modum  fulgurum  igniti  sideris  continuata 
vibratio  omnibus  nobis  veritatis  scientiam  sustulit. 

1  urgente  Eyssenhardt,  Peter  ;  iurganteP.         2  filiis 
filii  P,  Z ;  filio  Peter. 


1  He  captured  it,  according  to  all  our  authorities,  and  also 
Seleucia,   according    to    Zonaras,    and    Coche,    according    to 
Eutropius.    The  importance  of  his  successes — aided  by  the  strife 
between  Bahram  II.,  the  Persian  king,  and  his  brother  Hormizd 
— is  shown  by  the  fact  that  all  Mesopotamia  was  under  Roman 
sway  at  the  accession  of  Diocletian ;  see  Mommsen,  Hist.  Rom. 
Prov.  (Eng.  Trans.),  ii.  p.  123. 

2  He  bears  the  title  of  Persicus  Maxirnus  iu  his  inscriptions, 
and  on  his  coins   (after  deification)  those    of    Persicus   and 
Parthicus. 

3Aper ;  see  c.  xii. 

428 


CARUS,  CARINUS,  NUMERIAN  VIII.  2-5 

been  engaged,  and  without  opposition  he  conquered 
Mesopotamia  and  advanced  as  far  as  Ctesiphon l ;  and 
while  the  Persians  were  busied  with  internal  strife  he 
won  the  name  of  Conqueror  of  Persia.2  But  when  he 
advanced  still  further,  desirous  himself  of  glory  and 
urged  on  most  of  all  by  his  prefect,3  who  in  his  wish 
to  rule  was  seeking  the  destruction  of  both  Carus  and 
his  sons  as  well,  he  met  his  death,  according  to  some, 
by  disease,  according  to  others,  through  a  stroke  of 
lightning.4  Indeed,  it  cannot  be  denied  that  at  the 
time  of  his  death  there  suddenly  occurred  such  violent 
thunder  that  many,  it  is  said,  died  of  sheer  fright.  And 
so,  while  he  was  ill  and  lying  in  his  tent,  there  came 
up  a  mighty  storm  with  terrible  lightning  and,  as  I 
have  said,  still  more  terrible  thunder,  and  during  this 
he  expired.  Julius  Calpurnius,  who  used  to  dictate  for 
the  imperial  memoranda,5  wrote  the  following  letter 
about  Carus'  death  to  the  prefect  of  the  city,  saying 
among  other  things : 

"When  Carus,  our  prince  for  whom  we  truly  care, 
was  lying  ill,  there  suddenly  arose  a  storm  of  such 
violence  that  all  things  grew  black  and  none  could 
recognize  another  ;  then  continuous  flashes  of  lightning 
and  peals  of  thunder,  like  bolts  from  a  fiery  sky,  took 
from  us  all  the  power  of  knowing  what  truly  befell. 

4  This  is  the  story  given  by  all  our  authorities,  including 
Zonaras,  though  he  gives  an  alternate  version ;  see  note  to  §  1. 
The  rationalized  version  that  he  died  of  disease  occurs  only  in 
this  vita.    His  death  seems  to  have  taken  place  not  much  later 
than  29  August,  283,  as  there  are  no  Alexandrian  coins  beyond 
liis  first  year;  see  J.  Vogt,  Die  Alexandr.  Munzen,  i.  p.  220  £. 
This  would  agree  with  the  rule  of  tea  months  and  five  days 
assigned  him  by  the  "  Chronographer  of  354." 

5  See  Pesc.  Nig.,  vii.  4  and  note.     Julius  Calpurnius  is  other- 
wise unknown  and,  like  the  letter,  probably  fictitious. 

429 


CARUS,  CARINUS  AND  NUMERIAN 

6  subito  enim  conclamatum  est  imperatorem  mortuum, 
et  post  illud  praecipue  tonitruum  quod  cuncta   ter- 

Truerat.1  his  accessit  quod  cubicularii  dolentes  prin- 
cipis  mortem  incenderunt  tentorium.  unde  unde  fuit,2 
fama  emersit  fulmine  interemptum  eum  quem,  quan- 
tum scire  possumus,  aegritudine  constat  absumptum." 
IX.  Hanc  ego  epistulam  idcirco  indidi  quod  pleri- 
que  dicunt  vim  fati  quandam  esse,  ut  Romanus  prin- 
ceps  Ctesiphontem  transire  non  possit,  ideoque  Carum 
iulmine  absumptum  quod  eos  fines  transgredi  cuperet 

2qui  fataliter  constituti   suiit.     sed   sibi    habeat  artes 

3suas  timiditas,  calcanda  virtutibus.  licet  plane  ac 
licebit,  ut  3  per  sacratissimum  Caesarem  Maximianum 
constitit,  Persas  vincere  atque  ultra  eos  progredi,  et 
futurum  reor,  si  a  nostris  non  deseratur  promissus 
numinum  favor. 

4  Bonum  principem  Carum  fuisse  cum  multa  indicant 
turn  illud  etiam,  quod  statim  ut 3  est  adeptus  im- 
perium,  Sarmatas  adeo  morte  Probi  feroces  ut  in- 
vasuros  se  non  solum  Illyricum  sed  Thracias  quoque 
Italiamque  minarentur,  ita  scienter  bella  partiendo  4 
contudit,  ut  paucissimis  diebus  Pannonias  securitate 
donaverit  occ.sis  Sarmatarum  sedecim  milibus,  captis 
diversi  sexus  viginti  milibus. 

1  quod  .  .  .  terruerat  Purser,  Hohl ;  quo  .  .  .  terruerat  P ; 
quo  .  .  .  territi  erant  Peter.  2  unde  unde  fuit  Purser ;  unde 
fuit  P ;  unde  subito  Peter,  Hohl.  3  ut  2,  foD.  by  Peter ; 

om.  in  P.  4  So  Madvig,  foil,  by  Hohl ;  sic  inter  bella 

pariendi  P. 


1  He  was  warned  by  an  oracle  according  to  Aur.  Victor,  Goes., 
88,4. 

430 


CARUS,  CARINUS,  NUMERIAN  VIII.  6— IX.  4 

For  suddenly,  after  an  especially  violent  peal  which 
had  terrified  all,  it  was  shouted  out  that  the  emperor 
was  dead.  It  came  to  pass,  in  addition,  that  the 
chamberlains,  grieving  for  the  death  of  their  prince, 
fired  his  tent ;  and  the  rumour  arose,  whatever  its 
source,  that  he  had  been  killed  by  the  lightning, 
whereas,  as  far  as  we  can  tell,  it  seems  sure  that  he 
died  of  his  illness." 

IX.  This  letter  I  have  inserted  for  the  reason  that 
many  declare  that  there  is  a  certain  decree  of  Fate 
that  no  Roman  emperor  may  advance  beyond  Ctesi- 
phon,  and  that  Carus  was  struck  by  the  lightning 
because  he  desired  to  pass  beyond  the  bounds  which 
Fate  has  set  up.1  But  let  cowardice,  on  which 
courage  should  set  its  heel,  keep  its  devices  for  itself. 
For  clearly  it  is  granted  to  us  and  will  always  be 
granted,  as  our  most  venerated  Caesar  Maximian  has 
shown,2  to  conquer  the  Persians  and  advance  beyond 
them,  and  methinks  this  will  surely  come  to  pass  if 
only  our  men  fail  not  to  live  up  to  the  promised 
favour  of  Heaven. 

That  Carus  was  a  good  emperor  is  evident  from 
many  of  his  deeds  but  especially  from  this,  that  as 
soon  as  he  received  the  imperial  power  he  crushed 
the  Sarmatians,  who  were  so  emboldened  by  Probus* 
death  that  they  threatened  to  invade  not  only  Illy- 
ricum  but  Thrace  and  Italy  as  well,  and  he  showed 
such  skill  in  breaking  up  the  war  that  in  a  very  few 
days  he  made  the  provinces  of  Pannonia  free  from  all 
fear,  having  killed  sixteen  thousand  Sarmatians  and 
captured  twenty  thousand  of  both  sexes. 

2  An  allusion  to  the  successes  of  Galeriua  Maximianus  against 
Narses,  the  Persian  king,  in  296-297. 

431 


CARUS,  CARINUS  AND  NUMERIAN 

X.  Haec   de  Caro  satis  esse  credo,     veniamus  ad 
Numerianum.     huius  et  iunctior  patri  et  admirabilior 
per  socerum  suum  facta  videtur  historia.     et  quamvis 
Carinus  maior  aetate  fuerit,  prior  etiam  Caesar  quam 
hie l   sit  nuncupatus,  tamen  necesse  est  ut  prius  de 
Numeriano  loquamur,  qui  patris  secutus  est  mortem, 
post   de   Carino,  quern   vir  rei   publicae  necessarius 
Augustus  Diocletianus  habitis  conflictibus  interemit. 

XI.  Numerianus,  Cari  films,  moratus  egregie  et  vere 
dignus  imperio,  eloquentia  etiam  prae pollens,  adeo  ut 
puer  publice  declamaverit  feranturque  illius  scripta 
nobilia,  declamationi  tamen  magis  quam  Tulliano  ad- 

2commodiora  stilo.  versu  autem  talis  fuisse  praedi- 
catur  ut  omnes  poetas  sui  temporis  vicerit.  nam  et 
cum  Olympio  Nemesiano  contendit,  qui  'AA-teim/ca, 
KvvyycTLKa  et  NauTiKa  scripsit  quique  in 2  omnibus 
coloniis  inlustratus  emicuit,  et  Aurelium  Apollinarem 
iamborum  scriptorem,  qui  patris  eius  gesta  in  litteras 
rettulit,  iisdem  quae  recitaverat  editis  veluti  radio 

3solis  obtexit.  huius  oratio  fertur  ad  senatum  missa 
tantum  habuisse  eloquentiae  ut  illi  statua  non  quasi 

lquam  hie  Editor;  qua*  P;  quam  Numerianus  Peter2,  Hohl. 
2  quique  P  corr.,  Hohl ;  quinque  P1 ;  inque  Peter. 


1  Coins  with  the  legends  Divo  Caro  and  Consecratio  show 
that  he  was  deified  ;  see  Cohen,  vi2.  pp.  352-353,  nos.  14-24. 

2M.  Aurelius  Numerius  Numerianus  Augustus  (283-284). 
He  seems  not  to  have  borne  the  title  of  Augustus  until  after 
Cams'  death,  when  he  and  Carinus  held  it  conjointly ;  see 
Cohen,  vi2.  p.  404. 

3  The  author  of  four  Eclogues  written  in  the  manner  of 
Vergil.  Of  the  poems  cited  here  we  have  only  325  lines  of  his 

432 


CARUS,  CARINUS,  NUMERIAN  X.— XI.  3 

X.  This  I  believe  to  be  enough  about  Carus l ;    let 
us  now  pass  on  to  Numerian.      His  history  seems  to 
be  more  closely  connected  with  that  of  his  father  and 
to   have   become   more   noteworthy   because   of  his 
father-in-law  ;   and  although  Carinus  was  older  than 
he  and  received  the  title  of  Caesar  before  him,  it  is 
necessary,  nevertheless,  for  us  to  tell  first  of  Numerian, 
whose  death  followed  that  of  his  father,  and  after- 
wards of  Carinus,  whom  Diocletian  Augustus,  a  man 
indispensable  to  the  state,  met  in  battle  and  put  to 
death. 

XI.  Numerian,2  the  son  of  Carus,  was  of  excellent 
character  and  truly  worthy  to  rule  ;    he  was  notable, 
moreover,  for  his  eloquence,  so  much  so,  in  fact,  that 
even  as  a  boy  he  declaimed  in  public,  and  his  writings 
came  to  be  famous,  though  more  suitable  for  declama- 
tion than  in  keeping  with  Cicero's  style.     In  verse, 
furthermore,  he  is  said  to  have  had  such  skill  that  he 
surpassed  all  the  poets  of  his  time.     In  fact,  he  com- 
peted  with    Olympius  Nemesianus,3   who  wrote   On 
Fishing,  On  Hunting,  and  On  Seamanship,  and  shone 
with  conspicuous  lustre  in  all  the  colonial  towns  ;  and 
as  for  Aurelius    Apollinaris,4  the  writer  of   iambics, 
who  had  composed  an  account  of  his  father's  deeds, 
Numerian,  when  he  published  what  he  had  recited, 
cast  him  into  the  shade  like  a  ray  of  the  sun.    The 
speech,  moreover,  which  he  sent  to  the  senate  is  said 
to  have  been  so  eloquent  that  a  statue  was  voted  him 
not  as  a  Caesar  but  as  a  rhetorician,  to  be  set  up  in 

Cynegetica,  composed  after  the  death  of  Carus  but  before  that 
of  either  of  his  sons,  whose  deeds  he  promises  to  recount  (see 
1.  63  f.). 

4  Unknown. 

433 


CARDS,  CARINUS  AND  NUMERIAN 

Caesari  sed  quasi  rhetori  decerneretur,  ponenda  in 
Bibliotheca  Ulpia,  cui  subscriptum  est :  "  Numeriano 
Caesari,  oratori  temporibus  suis  potentissimo." 

XII.  Hie  patri  comes  fuit  bello  Persico.  quo 
mortuo,  cum  oculos  dolere  coepisset,  quod  illud 
aegritudinis  genus  nimia  utpote  vigilia1  confecto 
familiarissimum  fuit,  ac  lectica  portaretur,  factione 
Apri  soceri  sui,  qui  invadere  conabatur  imperium, 
2occisus  est.  sed  cum  per  plurimos  dies  de  impera- 
toris  salute  quaereretur  a  milite,  contionareturque 
Aper  idcirco  ilium  videri  non  posse,  quod  oculos 
invalidos  a  vento  ac  sole  subtraheret,  foetore  tamen 
cadaveris  res  esset  prodita,  omnes  invaserunt  Aprum, 
cuius  factio  latere  non  potuit,  eumque  ante  signa  et 
principia  protraxere.  tune  habita  est  ingens  contio, 
XIII.  factum  etiam  tribunal.  et  cum  quaereretur  quis 
vindex  Numeriani  iustissimus  fieret,  quis  daretur  rei 
publicae  bonus  princeps,  Diocletianum  omnes  divino 
consensu,  cui  multa  iam  signa  facta  dicebantur  imperii, 
Augustum2  appellaverunt,  domesticos  tune  regentem, 
virum  insignem,  callidum,  amantem  rei  publicae, 
amantem  suorum  et  ad  omnia  quae  tempus  quaesiverat 

1  uigilia  added  in  P  corr.  2  In  P  the  portion  of  the  vita 
which  begins  with  Augustum  and  ends  with  fuisse  in  c.  xv.  5 
is  transposed  and  inserted  in  c.  ii.  2 ;  in  the  Z  codices  it  is  in 
its  proper  place. 


1  See  note  to  Aur.,  i.  7. 

2  He  was  defeated  by  the  Persians,  according  to  Zonaras,  xii. 
30.     The  biographer  omits  the  account  of  his  homeward  march 
across  Asia  Minor,  in  the  course  of  which  he  was  killed.     His 
death  seems  to  have  been  discovered  at  the  Bosphorus  ;  as  thei-e 
are  Alexandrian  coins  of  his  third  year,  it  could  not  have  taken 

434 


CARUS,  CARINUS,  NUMERIAN  XII.   1— XIII.  1 

the  Ulpian  Library  l  with  the  following  inscription : 
"  To  Numerian  Caesar,  the  most  powerful  orator  of  his 
time." 

XII.  He  accompanied  his  father  in  the  Persian 
war,  and  after  his  father's  death,  when  he  had  begun 
to  suffer  from  a  disease  of  the  eyes — for  that  kind  of 
ailment  is  most  frequent  with  those  exhausted,  as  he 
was,  by  too  much  loss  of  sleep — and  was  being  carried 
in  a  litter,  he  was  slain 2  by  the  treachery  of  his 
father-in-law  Aper,  who  was  attempting  to  seize  the 
rule.  But  the  soldiers  continued  for  several  days  to 
ask  after  the  emperor's  health,  and  Aper  kept  ha- 
ranguing them,  saying  that  he  could  not  appear  before 
them  for  the  reason  that  he  must  protect  his  weakened 
eyes  from  the  wind  and  the  sun,  but  at  last  the  stench 
of  his  body  revealed  the  facts.  Then  all  fell  upon 
Aper,  whose  treachery  could  no  longer  be  hidden,  and 
they  dragged  him  before  the  standards  in  front  of  the 
general's  tent.  Then  a  huge  assembly  was  held  and 
a  tribunal,  too,  was  constructed.  XIII.  And  when 
the  question  was  asked  who  would  be  the  most  lawful 
avenger  of  Numerian  and  who  could  be  given  to  the 
commonwealth  as  a  good  emperor,  then  all,  with  a 
heaven-sent  unanimity,  conferred  the  title  of  Augustus 
on  Diocletian,3  who,  it  was  said,  had  already  received 
many  omens  of  future  rule.  He  was  at  this  time  in 
command  of  the  household- troops,  an  outstanding  man 
and  wise,  devoted  to  the  commonwealth,  devoted  to 
his  kindred,  duly  prepared  to  face  whatever  the 

place  until  after  29  August,  284.  He  was  deified,  evidently  by 
order  of  Carinus  ;  for  there  are  coins  of  his  with  the  legends 
Divo  Numeriano  and  Consecratio  ;  see  Cohen,  vi2.  p.  369.  nos. 
10-12 

3  C.  Aurelius  Valerius  Diocletianus  Augustus  (284-805). 

435 


CARUS,  CARINUS  AND  NUMERIAN 

temperatum,  consilii  semper  alti,  nonnumquam  tamen 
effrontis l  sed  prudentia  et  nimia   pervicacia   motus 

2inquieti  pectoris  comprimentis.  hie  cum  tribunal 
conscendisset  atque  Augustus  esset  appellatus,  et 
quaereretur  quemadmodum  Numerianus  esset  occisus, 
educto  gladio  Aprum  praefectum  praetorii  ostentans 
percussit,  addens  verbis  suis,  "  Hie  est  auctor  necis 
Numeriani."  sic  Aper  foeda  vita  2  et  deformibus  con- 

Ssiliis  agens  dignum  moribus  suis  exitum  dedit.  avus 
meus  rettulit  interfuisse  contioiii,  cum  Diocletiani 
manu  esset  Aper  occisus  ;  dixisse  autem  dicebat  Dio- 
cletianum,  cum  Aprum  percussisset :  "  Gloriare,  Aper, 

4'Aeneae  magni  dextra  cadis.'  quod  ego  miror  de 
homine  militari,  quamvis  plurimos  plane  sciam  3  mili- 
tares  vel  Graece  vel  Latine  vel  comicorum  usurpare 

5  dicta  vel  talium  poetarum.  ipsi  denique  comici  ple- 
rumque  sic  milites  inducunt  ut  eos  faciant  vetera  dicta 
usurpare.  nam  et  "Lepus  tute  es,  pulpamentum 
quaeris  ?  "  Livii  Andronici  dictum  est,  multa  aliaque  4 
Plautus  Caeciliusque  posuerunt. 

XIV.  Curiosum  non  puto  neque  satis  vulgare  fabel- 
lam  de  Diocletiano  Augusto  ponere  hoc  convenientem 
loco,  quae  illi  data  est  ad  omen  imperil,  avus  meus 

1  effrontis  editors;  frantic  P;  efrontis  Z.  ^ foeda  uita 

Eyssenhardt,  Hohl  ;  foedauit  P;  foeditate  Peter.  splatie 

sciam  Paucker,  Peter2 ;  plus  quam  P,  Z".          4 aliaque  Peter2; 
alia  quae  P. 


1  See  note  to  Tyr.  Trig.,  xxv.  3.  2  Aeneid,  x.  830. 

3  The  quotation  is  from  Terence,  Eunuchus,  426,  but  as  it  is 
described  in  the  context  as  a  vetus  dictum,  it  may  well  have 
come  from  a  comedy  of  Livius  Andronicus.  It  is  evidently 
an  adaptation  of  the  saying  recorded  by  Diogenianus  (in 

436 


CARUS,  CARINUS,  NUMERIAN  XIII.  2—  XIV.  1 

occasion  demanded,  forming  plans  that  were  always 
deep  though  sometimes  over-bold,  and  one  who  could 
by  prudence  and  exceeding  firmness  hold  in  check 
the  impulses  of  a  restless  spirit.  This  man,  then, 
having  ascended  the  tribunal  was  hailed  as  Augustus, 
and  when  someone  asked  how  Numerian  had  been 
slain,  he  drew  his  sword  and  pointing  to  Aper,  the 
prefect  of  the  guard,  he  drove  it  through  him,  saying 
as  he  did  so,  "  It  is  he  who  contrived  Numerian's 
death.''  So  Aper,  a  man  who  lived  an  evil  life  and 
in  accordance  with  vicious  counsels,  met  with  the  end 
that  his  ways  deserved.  My  grandfather  used  to 
relate1  that  he  was  present  at  this  assembly  when 
Aper  was  slain  by  the  hand  of  Diocletian  ;  and  he 
used  to  say  that  Diocletian,  after  slaying  him,  shouted, 
"  Well  may  you  boast,  Aper,  '  "Tis  by  the  hand  of  the 
mighty  Aeneas  you  perish.'  "'  '2  I  do,  indeed,  wonder 
at  this  in  a  military  man,  although  I  know  perfectly 
well  that  very  many  soldiers  use  sayings  in  both  Greek 
and  Latin  taken  from  the  writers  of  comedy  and  other 
such  poets.  In  fact,  the  comic  poets  themselves  fre- 
quently introduce  soldiers  in  such  a  way  as  to  make 
them  use  familiar  sayings  ;  for  "  You  are  a  hare  your- 
self and  yet  are  you  looking  for  game  ?  ''  is  a  saying 
which  is  taken  from  Livius  Andronicus,3  and  many 
others  were  given  by  Plautus  and  Caecilius. 

XIV.  I  do  not  consider  it  too  painstaking  or  yet 
too  much  in  the  ordinary  manner  to  insert  a  stoiy 
about  Diocletian  Augustus  that  seems  not  out  of  place 
here  —  an  incident  which  he  regarded  as  an  omen  of 

Corpus   Paroemiographorum   Oraecorum),   iv.    12  :    Aaa-tJirovs 
Kpecav  £iri0vfjLf'i  '  firl  rS>v  Trap'  &\\<av  4iri£r)TOvvT<ov   &  Trap' 


4-37 


CARDS,  CARINUS  AND  NUMERIAN 

2  mihi  rettulit  ab  ipso  Diocletiano  compertum.  "  Cum/' 
inquitj  "  Diocletianus  apud  Tungros  in  Gallia  in  qua- 
darn  caupona  moraretur,  in  minoribus  adhuc  locis 
militans,  et  cum  Druiade  quadam  muliere  rationem1 
convictus  sui  cottidiani  faceret,  atque  ilia  diceret, 
'  Diocletiane,  nimium  avarus,  nimium  parcus  es,'  ioco 
non  serio  Diocletianus  respondisse  fertur,  'Tune  ero 

Slargus,  cum  fuero  imperator.'  post  quod  verbum 
Druias  dixisse  fertur,  '  Diocletiane.  iocari  noli,  nam 
XV.  eris  imperator  cum  Aprum  occideris.' :  semper  in 
animo  Diocletianus  habuit  imperil  cupiditatem,  idque 
Maximiano  conscio  atque  avo  meo,  cui  hoc  dictum 
a  Druiade  ipse  rettulerat.  denique,  ut  erat  altus,  risit 

2  et  tacuit.     apros  tamen  in  venatibus,  ubi  fuit  facultas, 

3manu  sua  semper  occidit.  denique  cum  Aurelianus 
imperium  accepisset,  cum  Probus,  cum  Tacitus,  cum 
ipse  Carus,  Diocletianus  dixit,  "  Ego  semper  apros 

4occido,  sed  alter  utitur  pulpamento."  iam  illud 
notum  est  atque  vulgatum,  quod,  cum  occidisset 
Aprum  praefectum  praetorii,  dixisse  fertur,  "  Tandem 

Soccidi  Aprum  fatalem."  ipsum  Diocletianum  idem 
avus  meus  dixisse  dicebat  nullam  aliam  sibi  causam 
occidendi  manu  sua  fuisse  2  nisi  ut  impleret  Druiadis 

6  dictum  et  suum  firmaret  imperium.  non  enim  tarn 
crudelem  se  innotescere  cuperet,  primis  maxime 
diebus  imperii,  nisi  ilium  necessitas  ad  hanc  atroci- 
tatem  occisionis  adtraheret. 

1  curationem  P.        2  With  fuisse  ends  the  portion  of  the  vita 
transposed  in  P  to  c.  ii.  2. 


]Around  mod.  Tongres  in  eastern  Belgium. 

5For  prophecies  by  Druid  women  see  Aur.t  xliv.  4  and  note. 

438 


CARUS,  CARINUS,  NUMERIAN   XIV.   k!— XV.  6 

his  future  rule.  This  story  my  grandfather  related  to 
me,  having  heard  it  from  Diocletian  himself.  "When 
Diocletian,"  he  said,  "while  still  serving  in  a  minor 
post,  was  stopping  at  a  certain  tavern  in  the  land  of 
the  Tungri l  in  Gaul,  and  was  making  up  his  daily 
reckoning  with  a  woman,  who  was  a  Druidess,  she  said 
to  him,  '  Diocletian,  you  are  far  too  greedy  and  far  too 
stingy,'  to  which  Diocletian  replied,  it  is  said,  not  in 
earnest  but  only  in  jest,  '  I  shall  be  generous  enough 
when  I  become  emperor.'  At  this  the  Druidess  said,2 
so  he  related,  '  Do  not  jest,  Diocletian,  for  you  will 
become  emperor  when  you  have  slain  a  Boar  (Aper).' 
XV.  Now  Diocletian  always  had  in  his  mind  a  desire 
to  rule,  as  Maximian 3  knew  and  my  grandfather 
also,  to  whom  he  himself  told  these  words  of  the 
Druidess.  Then,  however,  reticent,  as  was  his  wont, 
he  laughed  and  said  nothing.  Nevertheless,  in  his 
hunting,  whenever  there  was  opportunity,  he  always 
killed  the  boars  with  his  very  own  hand.  In  fact, 
when  Aurelian  received  the  imperial  power,  then 
Probus,  then  Tacitus,  and  then  Carus  himself,  Diocle- 
tian remarked,  "  I  am  always  killing  boars,  but  the 
other  man  enjoys  the  meat."  It  is  now  well  known 
and  a  common  story  that  when  he  had  killed  Aper, 
the  prefect  of  the  guard,  he  declared,  it  is  said,  "  At 
last  I  have  killed  my  fated  Boar."  My  grandfather 
also  used  to  say  that  Diocletian  himself  declared 
that  he  had  no  other  reason  for  killing  him  with  his 
own  hand  than  to  fulfil  the  Druidess'  prophecy  and 
to  ensure  his  own  rule.  For  he  would  not  have 
wished  to  become  known  for  such  cruelty,  especially 
in  the  first  few  days  of  his  power,  if  Fate  had  not 
impelled  him  to  this  brutal  act  of  murder. 

3  i.e.,  Diocletian's  co-ruler. 

4-39 


CARUS,  CARINUS  AND  NUMERIAN 

1  Dictum  est  de  Caro,  dictum  etiam  de  Numeriano, 
XVI.  superest  nobis  Carinus,  homo  omnium  contaminatissi- 

mus,  adulter,    frequens   corruptor    iuventutis    (pudet 
dicere  quod  in  litteras  Onesimus  rettulit),  ipse  quoque 

2  male  usus  genio  sexus  sui.     hie  cum  Caesar  decretis 
sibi  Galliis  atque  Italia,  Illyrico,  Hispaniis  ac  Britan- 
niis  et  Africa  relictus  a  patre  Caesareanum  teneret 
imperium,  sed  ea  lege  ut  omnia  faceret  quae  Augusti 
faciunt,  enormibus  se  vitiis  et  ingenti  foeditate  macu- 

3  lavit,   amicos   optimos    quosque    relegavit,    pessimum 
quemque  elegit  aut  teiiuit,  praefectum  urbi  uiium  ex 
cancellariis  suis  fecit,  quo  foedius  nee  cogitari  potuit 

4aliquando  nee  dici.     praefectum  praetorii  quern  habe- 

5  bat   occidit ;    in   eius   locum   Matronianum,    veterem 
conciliatorem,    fecit,   unum   ex  suis l  notariis,    quern 
stuprorum    et     libidinum    conscium    semper    atque 

6  adiutorem   habuerat.     invito   patre   consul   processit. 
superbas    ad    senatum    litteras    declit.       vulgo   urbis 
Romae,  quasi  populo  Romano,  bona  senatus  promisit. 

1  suis  suggested  by  Peter ;  his  P,  Hohl. 


1 M.  Aurelius  Carinus  Augustus  (283-285).  His  debauchery 
and  cruelty  are  emphasised  by  all  the  sources,  but  this  judge- 
ment may  be  due,  at  least  in  part,  to  the  desire  to  flatter  the 
dynasty  which  succeeded  him  ;  cf.  note  to  Gall.,  i.  1. 

•  He  held  the  title  officially  during  Cams'  lifetime,  for  it 
appears  in  their  inscriptions  and  on  coins  issued  under  their 
joint  names ;  see  Cohen,  vi'2,  p.  364  f.,  nos.  2  and  5-11.  The 
division  of  the  empire  between  the  two  seems  similar  to  that 
between  Valerian  and  Gallienus,  and  it  probably  was  not  with- 
out influence  on  the  subsequent  similar  partition  of  powers  by 
Diocletian  and  Maximian. 

3  The  title  of  an  official  of  considerable  importance  at  the 

440 


CARDS,  CARINUS,  NUMKRIAN  XV.  7— XVI.  6 

We  have  written  of  Cams,  we  have  written,  too,  of 
Numerian,  and  now  there  still  remains  Carinus.1 
XVI.  He  was  the  most  polluted  of  men,  an  adulterer 
and  a  constant  corrupter  of  youth  (I  am  ashamed  to 
relate  what  Onesimus  has  put  into  writing),  and  he 
even  made  evil  use  of  the  enjoyment  of  his  own  sex. 
He  was  left  by  his  father  as  Caesar  in  Gaul  and  Italy 
and  in  Illyricum,  Spain,  Britain,  and  Africa,  all  of 
which  had  been  voted  to  him,  and  he  exercised  there 
a  Caesar's  powers,  but  with  the  permission  to  perform 
all  the  duties  of  an  Augustus.2  Then  he  defiled  him- 
self by  unwonted  vices  and  inordinate  depravity,  he 
set  aside  all  the  best  among  his  friends  and  retained 
or  picked  out  all  the  vilest,  and  he  appointed  as  city- 
prefect  one  of  his  doorkeepers,3  a  baser  act  than 
which  no  one  can  conceive  or  relate.  He  slew  the 
prefect  of  the  guard  whom  he  found  in  office  and  put 
in  his  place  Matronianus,  one  of  his  clerks  and  an  old 
procurer,  whom  he  had  always  kept  with  him  as 
accomplice  and  assistant  in  debaucheries  and  lusts. 
He  appeared  in  public  as  consul  contrary  to  his 
father's  wish.4  He  wrote  arrogant  letters  to  the 
senate,  and  he  even  promised  the  senate's  property 
to  the  mob  of  the  city  of  Rome,  as  though  it,  forsooth, 
were  the  Roman  people.  By  marrying  and  divorcing 


Byzantine  court.  The  fact  that  there  is  no  mention  of  an 
imperial  cancellarius  prior  to  the  fifth  century  has  been  used 
by  Seeck  as  an  argument  for  his  theory  that  the  Hist.  Aug. 
is  the  work  of  a  fifth-century  "forger";  see  Vol.  ii.  Intro., 
p.  x.  The  point  of  the  present  passage,  however,  seems  to  Jie 
in  the  low  position  of  the  cancellarius,  i.e.,  as  actually  a  door- 
keeper. 

4  Since  he  was  consul  ordinarius  conjointly  with  Cai'us  in 
283,  this  statement  is  hardly  credible. 

441 


CARUS,  CARINUS  AND  NUMERIAN 

7  uxores  ducendo  ac  reiciendo  novem  duxit  pulsis 
plerisque  praegnantibus.  mimis,  meretricibus,  panto- 
mimis,  cantoribus  atque  lenonibus  Palatium  replevit. 

Sfastidium  subscribendi  tantum  habuit  lit  impurum 
quendam,  cum  quo  semper  meridie  iocabatur,  ad  sub- 
scribendum  poneret,  quern  obiurgabat  plerumque 
XVII.  quod  bene  suam  imitaretur  manum.  habuit  gemmas 
in  calceis,  nisi  gemmata  fibula  usus  non  est,  balteo 
etiam  saepe  gemmato.1  regem  denique  ilium  Illyrici 

2  plerique  vocitarunt.    praefectis  numquam,  numquam  2 
consulibus    obviam    processit.       hominibus    improbis 
plurimum  detulit  eosque  ad  convivium  semper  vocavit. 

3  centum  libras  avium,  centum  piscium,  mille  diversae 
carnis  in  convivio  suo  frequenter  exhibuit.     vini  pluri- 
mum effudit.     inter  poma  et  melones  natavit.     rosis 

4  Mediolanensibus  et  triclinia  et  cubicula  stravit.     bal- 
neis  ita  frigidis  usus  est,  ut  solent  esse  cellae  supposi- 

5  toriae,  frigidariis  semper  nivalibus.     cum  hiemis  tern- 
pore  ad  quendam  locum  venisset,  in  quo  fontana  esset 
pertepida,  ut  adsolet  per  hiemem  naturaliter,  eaque 
in    piscina    usus    esset,    dixisse  balneatoribus    fertur, 
"Aquam  mihi  muliebrem  praeparastis."3     atque  hoc 

6  eius  clarissimum  dictum  effertur.     audiebat  pater  eius 
quae    ille    faceret,    et   clamabat,    "  Non    est    meus." 

1  So  Petschenig,  Hohl ;  balteum  .  .  .  gemmatum  P,  Peter. 
3  numquam  ins.  by  Gruter;  om.  in  P.  3 praeparastis 

Petschenig,  Hohl ;  praeparatis  P,  27,  Peter. 


1  Only  one  is  known,  Magnia  Urbica  Augusta,  whose  likeness 
appears  on  Carinus'  coins  as  well  as  on  her  own ;  see  Cohen 
vi2.  p.  405-408. 

442 


CARUS,  CARTNUS,  NUMERIAN  XVT.  7— XVII.  6 

he  took  nine  wives  in  all,1  and  he  put  away  some 
even  while  they  were  pregnant.  He  filled  the  Palace 
with  actors  and  harlots,  pantomimists,  singers  and 
pimps.  He  had  such  an  aversion  for  the  signing  of 
state-papers  that  he  appointed  for  signing  them  a  cer- 
tain filthy  fellow,  with  whom  he  used  always  to  jest 
at  midday,  and  then  he  reviled  him  because  he  could 
imitate  his  writing  so  well.  XVII.  He  wore  jewels 
on  his  shoes,2  used  only  a  jewelled  clasp  and  often 
a  jewelled  belt  also.  In  fact,  in  Illyricum  most 
people  hailed  him  as  king.  He  would  never  come 
forward  to  meet  the  prefects  or  consuls.  He  granted 
favours  most  of  all  to  the  base,  and  always  invited 
them  to  banquets.  At  one  of  his  banquets  he  often 
served  one  hundred  pounds  of  birds,  one  hundred  of 
fish,  and  one  thousand  of  meat  of  different  kinds,  and 
he  lavished  on  his  guests  vast  quantities  of  wine. 
He  swam  about  among  apples  and  melons  and 
strewed  his  banqueting-halls  and  bedrooms  with 
roses  from  Milan.  The  baths  which  he  used  were 
as  cold  as  the  air  of  rooms  that  are  under  the 
ground,  and  his  plunge-baths  were  always  cooled 
by  means  of  snow.  Once,  when  he  came  in  the 
winter  to  a  certain  place  in  which  the  spring-water 
was  very  tepid — its  wonted  natural  temperature  dur- 
ing the  winter — and  he  had  bathed  in  it  in  the  pool, 
he  shouted  to  the  bath -attendants,  it  is  said.  "  This 
is  water  for  a  woman  that  you  have  given  me  "  ;  and 
this  is  reported  as  his  most  famous  saying.  When  his 
father  heard  of  all  that  he  did,  he  exclaimed,  "  He  is 
no  son  of  mine,"  and  at  last  he  determined  to  appoint 

2  Also  told  to  the  discredit  of  Elagabalus,  as  it  was  to  the 
credit  of  Severus  Alexander  that  he  removed  them  ;  see  Heliog., 
xxiii,  4;  Alex.,  iv.  2. 

443 


CARUS,  CARINUS  AND  NUMERIAN 

statuerat  denique  Constantium,  qui  postea  Caesar  est 
factus,  tune  autera  praesidatum  Dalmatiae  adminis- 
trabat,  in  locum  eius  subrogare,  quod  nemo  tune  vir 
melior  videbatur,  ilium  vero,  ut  Onesimus  dicit, 
7  occidere.  longum  est  si  de  eius  luxuria  plura  velim 
dicere.  quicumque  ostiatim  cupit  noscere,  legat  etiam 
Fulvium  Asprianum  usque  ad  taedium  gestorum  eius 
universa  dicentem. 

XVI II.  Hie  ubi  patrem  fulmine  absumptum,  fratrem 
a  socero  interemptum,  Diocletianum  Augustum  appel- 
latum  comperit,  maiora  vitia  et  scelera  edidit,  quasi 
iam  liber  ac l  frenis  domesticae  pietatis  suorum 

2  mortibus  2  absolutus.     nee  ei  tamen  defuit  ad  vindi- 
candum  sibimet  imperium  vigor  mentis,     nam  contra 
Diocletianum    multis    proeliis    conflixit,    sed    ultima 
pugna  apud  Margum  commissa  victus  occubuit. 

3  Hie  trium  principum  fuit  finis,  Cari,  Numeriani  et 
Carini.     post  quos  Diocletianum  et  Maximianum  prin- 
cipes  di 3  dederunt,  iungentes  talibus  viris  Galerium 
atque    Constantium,    quorum    alter    natus    est,    qui 

1  ac  Lenze  ;  a  P,  Peter,  Hohl.  2  mortibus  Gas. ;  moribus 

P,  27.        8  di  ins.  by  Egnatius  ;  om.  in  P  and  27. 


1  i  e.,  Constantius  I.  (Chlorus).     There  seems  to  be  no  reason 
to  believe  this  statement. 

2  Otherwise  unknown. 

3  The  vita  omits  all  mention  of  his  campaigns  against  the 
Germans  and  in  Britain,  as  the  result  of  which  he  assumed  the 
cognomina  Germanicus  Maximus  and  Britannicus  Maximus. 

4  After  being  called  from  Rome  by  the  news  of  Diocletian's 
assumption  of  the  power  he  overthrew  near  Verona  a  usurper 
named  M.  Aurelianus  Julianus  (so  his  coins,  Cohen,  vi8.  pp.  410- 
411  :  Sabinus  Julianus  according  to  Epit.,  38,  6  and  Zosimus, 
i.  73). 

444 


CARUS,  CARINUS,  NUMERIAN  XVII.  7-XVIII.  8 

Constantius l — afterwards  made  Caesar  but  at  that 
time  serving  as  governor  of  Dalmatia — in  the  place  of 
Carinus,  for  the  reason  that  no  one  even  then  seemed 
to  be  better,  and  he  even  planned,  as  Onesimus  relates, 
to  put  Carinus  to  death.  It  would  be  too  long  to  tell 
more,  even  if  I  should  desire  to  do  so,  about  his  excesses. 
If  anyone  wishes  to  learn  all  in  detail,  he  should  read 
Fulvius  Asprianus  'J  also,  who  tells  the  whole  tale  of 
his  deeds  even  to  the  point  of  boredom.3 

XVIII.  When  he  learned  that  his  father  had  been 
killed  by  lightning  and  his  brother  slain  by  his  own 
father-in-law,  and  that  Diocletian  had  been  hailed  as 
Augustus,  Carinus  committed  acts  of  still  greater  vice 
and  crime,  as  though  now  set  free  and  released  by 
the  death  of  his  kindred  from  all  the  restraints  of 
filial  duty.  He  did  not,  however,  lack  strength  of 
purpose  for  claiming  the  imperial  power.4  For  he 
fought  many  battles  against  Diocletian,  but  finally, 
being  defeated  in  a  fight  near  Margus,5  he  perished. 

We  have  now  come  to  the  end  of  the  three  em- 
perors, Carus,  Numerian  and  Carinus,  after  whom  the 
gods  gave  us  Diocletian  and  Maximian  to  be  our 
princes,  joining  to  these  great  men  Galerius  and  Con- 
stantius, the  one  of  whom  was  born  to  wipe  out  the 


6  At  the  mouth  of  the  river  of  the  same  name  (mod.  Morava), 
a  tributary  of  the  Danube  below  Belgrade.  The  scene  of  the 
battle  is  described  in  Eutropius,  ix.  20  as  between  Viminacium 
(Kostolacz,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Morava)  and  Aureus  Mons 
(Oresac)  about  25  m.  further  west.  According  to  the  Epitome 
and  Zosimus,  Carinus  was  killed  by  a  tribune  whose  wife  he  had 
seduced,  according  to  Eutropius,  he  was  betrayed  by  his  army. 
As  he  assumed  the  consulship  (for  the  third  time)  on  1  Jan., 
285,  the  battle  was  after  that  date. 

445 


CARUS,  CARINUS  AND  NUMERIAN 

acceptarn  ignominiam  Valeriaiii  captivitate  deleret, 
4alter,  qui  Gallias  Romanis  legibus  redderet.  quattuor 
sane  principes  mundi  fortes,  sapientes,  benigni  et 
admodum  liberales,  unum  in  rem  publicam  sentientes, 
perreverentes l  Roman!  senatus,  moderati,  populi 
amici,  persancti,2  graves,  religiosi  et  quales  principes 
6  semper  oravimus.  quorum  vitam  singulis  libris 
Claudius  Eusthenius,  qui  Diocletiano  ab  epistulis 
fuit,  scripsit,  quod  idcirco  dixi  ne  quis  a  me  rem 
tantam  requireret,  maxime  cum  vel  vivorum  principum 
vita  non  sine  reprehensione  dicatur. 

XIX.  Memorabile  maxime  Cari  et  Carini  et  Numer- 
iani  hoc  habuit  imperium,  quod  ludos  populo  Romano 
novis  ornatos  spectaculis  dederunt,  quos  in  Palatio 
2  circa  porticum  stabuli  pictos  vidimus,  nam  et  neuro- 
baten,  qui  velut  in  ventis  cothurnatus  ferretur,  ex- 
hibuit,  et  toichobaten,  qui  per  parietem  urso  eluso 
cucurrit,  et  ursos  mimum  agentes  et  item  centum 
salpistas  unocrepitu  concinentes  et  centum  cerataulas,3 
choraulas  centum,  etiam  pythaulas  centum,  panto- 
mimos  et  gymnicos  mille,  pegma  praeterea,  cuius 
flammis  scaena  conflagravit,  quam  Diocletianus  postea 

1  perreiierentes  Petscheuig,  Hohl ;  spe  reuerent  P;  semper 
reuerentes  Gruter,  Peter.  2  persancti  Gruter  ;  pescate  P. 

*ceratau.as  Salm. ;  capitaulas  P. 


1  By  his  victories  over  the  Persians ;  see  note  to  c.  ix.  3. 

2  By  his  victories  over  the  Franks  and  the  Alamani  and  other 
Germans  and  his  suppression  of  the  revolts  of  the  British  pre- 
tenders Carausius  and  Allectus. 

3  Unknown. 

4  Otherwise  unknown,  unless  it  be  the  place  that  is  mentioned 
in  the  title  Comes  domesticorum  et  stabuli  sacri  in  an  inscription 
of  Stilicho  from  Borne  ;  see  C.I.L.,  vi.  1731  =  Dessau,  Ins.  Sel., 
1278. 

446 


CARUS,  CARINUS,  NUMERIAN  XVIII.  4  -XIX.  2 

disgrace  incurred  by  Valerian's  capture,1  the  other, 
to  bring  again  the  province  of  Gaul  under  the  laws 
of  Rome.'"3  Four  rulers,  indeed,  of  the  world  were 
they,  brave,  wise,  kindly,  and  wholly  generous,  all  of 
one  mind  toward  the  commonwealth,  very  respectful 
to  the  Roman  senate,  moderate,  friends  of  the  people, 
revered,  earnest,  and  pious,  and,  in  fact,  such  em- 
perors as  we  have  always  desired.  Their  lives  have 
been  related,  each  in  a  separate  book,  by  Claudius 
Eusthenius,3  imperial  secretary  to  Diocletian — a  fact 
which  I  mention  in  order  that  none  may  demand  so 
great  a  work  from  me,  especially  since  the  biographies 
even  of  living  emperors  cannot  be  written  without 
incurring  blame. 

XIX.  The  most  noteworthy  event  of  the  rule  of 
Carus,  Carinus  and  Numerian  was  the  series  of  games 
that  they  gave  the  Roman  people,  distinguished  by 
some  novel  spectacles,  a  painting  of  which  we  have 
seen  in  the  Palace  near  the  portico  of  the  stables.4 
For  there  was  exhibited  a  rope-walker,  who  in  his 
buskins  seemed  to  be  walking  on  the  winds,  also  a 
wall-climber,  who,  eluding  a  bear,  ran  up  a  wall,  also 
some  bears  which  acted  a  farce,  and,  besides,  one 
hundred  trumpeters  who  blew  one  single  blast  to- 
gether, one  hundred  horn-blowers,  one  hundred 
flute-players,  also  one  hundred  flute-players  who 
accompanied  songs,  one  thousand  pantomimists  and 
gymnasts,  moreover,  a  mechanical  scaffold,5  which, 
however,  burst  into  flames  and  burned  up  the 
stage — though  this  Diocletian  later  restored  on  a 


5  A  scaffold  suddenly  raised  aloft  and  opened  to  exhibit  per- 
formers; they  are  described  in  Seneca,  Epist.,  88,  22  and 
Juvenal,  iv.  122. 

44? 


CARUS,  CARINUS  AND  NUMERIAN 

magnificentiorem  reddidit.     mimos  praeterea  undique 

Sadvocavit.  exhibuit  et  ludum  Sarmaticum,  quo  dul- 
cius  nihil  est.  exhibuit  Cyclopea.  donatum 1  est 
Graecis  artificibus  et  gymnicis  et  histrionibus  et 
musicis  aurum  et  argentum,  donata  et  vestis  serica. 

XX.  Sed  haec  omnia  nescio  quantum  apud  populum 
gratiae  habeant,  nullius  sunt  momeiiti  apud  principes 

2bonos.  Diocletiani  denique  dictum  fertur,  cum  ei 
quidam  largitionalis  suus  editionem  Cari  laudaret, 
dicens  multum  placuisse  principes  illos  causa  ludorum 
theatralium  ludorumque  circensium  ;  "Ergo,"  inquit, 

3"bene  risus  est  in  imperio  suo  Carus.''  denique  cum 
omnibus  gentibus  advocatis  Diocletianus  daret  ludos, 
parcissime  usus  est  liberalitate,2  dicens  castiores  esse 
oportere  ludos  spectante  censore. 

4  Legat  hunc  locum  lunius  Messalla,  quern  ego 
libere  culpare  audeo.  ille  enim  patrimonium  suum 
scaenicis  dedit,  heredibus  abnegavit,  matris  tunicam 
dedit  mimae,  lacernam  patris  mimo,  et  recte,  si  aviae 
pallio  aurato  atque  purpureo  pro  syrmate  tragoedus 

Suteretur.  inscriptum  est  adhuc  in  choraulae  pallio 
tyrianthino,  quo  ille  velut  spolio  nobilitatis  exsultat, 


1  adornatum  P.         2  usus  est  liber alit ate  27;  ausus  libeitate 
P ;  est  usus  liberalitate  Peter. 


1  Probably  in  celebration  of  Cams'  victory  over  the  Sarma- 
tians  (see  c.  viii.  1 ;  ix.  4),  but  the  writer  seems  to  be  thinking 
of  the  Ludi  Sarmatici  which,  according  to   the  Calendar  of 
Philocalus  of  A.D.  354  (see  C.I.L.,  i2.  p.  276  f.),  were  held  regu- 
larly on  25  Nov.-l  Dec.,  in  honour,  apparently,  of  the  victories 
of  Constantine  I.  or  Constantius  II. 

2  See  note  to  Gall.,  viii.  3. 

44-8 


CARUS,  CARTNUS,  NUMERTAN  XIX.  3— XX.  5 

more  magnificent  scale.  Furthermore,  actors  were 
gathered  together  from  every  side.  They  were  given 
also  Sarmatian  games,1  than  which  nothing  affords 
greater  pleasure,  and,  besides,  a  Cyclops-performance.2 
And  they  bestowed  on  the  Greek  artists  and  gym- 
nasts and  actors  and  musicians  both  gold  and  silver 
and  they  bestowed  on  them  also  garments  of  silk. 

XX.  But  although  all  these  things  have  a  certain 
charm  for  the  populace,  they  are  of  no  importance  in 
a  good  emperor.  In  fact,  a  saying  of  Diocletian's  is 
current,  uttered  when  one  of  his  treasury-officials3 
was  speaking  to  him  with  praise  of  Cams'  exhibition, 
saying  that  he  and  his  sons,  while  emperors,  had 
gained  great  favour  by  means  of  theatrical  spectacles 
and  spectacles  in  the  circus.  "  And  so,"  he  remarked, 
"Carus  caused  great  laughter  during  his  rule."  In 
fact,  when  Diocletian  himself  presented  spectacles, 
after  inviting  all  nations  thereto,  he  was  most  sparing 
in  his  liberality,  declaring  that  there  should  be  more 
continence  in  games  when  a  censor  was  looking  on. 

I  should  like  this  passage  to  be  read  by  Junius 
Messalla,4  with  whom  I  will  dare  to  find  fault  frankly. 
For  he  has  cut  off  his  natural  heirs  and  bestowed  his 
ancestral  fortune  on  players,  giving  a  tunic  of  his 
mother's  to  an  actress  and  a  cloak  of  his  father's 
to  an  actor — and  rightly  so,  I  suppose,  if  a  gold  and 
purple  mantle  of  his  grandmother's  could  be  used  as 
a  costume  by  a  tragic  actor  !  Indeed,  the  name  of 
Messalla's  wife  is  still  embroidered  on  the  violet 
mantle  of  a  flute-player,  who  exults  in  it  as  the  spoils 

3  The  term  largitiones  came  to  mean,  in  the  later  empire, 
the  public  treasury,  since  largesses  from  public  funds  depended 
entirely  on  the  emperor's  generosity. 

4  Unknown. 

449 


CARUS,  CARINUS  AND  NUMRRIAN 

Messallae  nomen  uxoris.  iam  quid  lineas  petitas 
Aegypto  loquar?  quid  Tyro  et  Sidone  tenuitate  per- 
lucidas,  micantes  purpura,  plumandi  difficultate  per- 

6nobiles  ?  donati  sunt  ab  Atrebatis  birri  petiti,  donati 
birri  Canusini,  Africani,  opes  in  scaena  non  prius 
XXI.  visae.  et  haec  quidem  idcirco  ego  in  litteras  rettuli, 
quod  futures  editores  pudore  tangeret,  ne  patrimoiiia 
sua  proscriptis  legitimis  heredibus  mimis  et  balatroni- 
bus  deputarent. 

2  Habe,  mi  amice,  meum  munus,  quod  ego,  ut  saepe 
dixi,  non  eloquentiae  causa  sed  curiositatis  in  lumen 
edidi,  id  praecipue  agens  ut,  si  quis  eloquens  vellet 
facta  principum  reserare,  materiam  non  requireret, 

Shabiturus  meos  libellos  ministros  eloquii.  te  quaeso, 
sis  contentus  nosque  sic  voluisse  scribere  melius  quam 
potuisse  contendas. 


*See  Gall.,  vi.  6. 

2  Mod.  Canosa  in  Apulia.  The  wool  of  this  region  was 
famous,  and  a  pippos  Kai/vo-eTi/os  is  valued  in  the  Edict  of  Dio- 
cletian at  4000  denarii  (about  $25). 


CARUS,  CARINUS,  NUMERIAN   XX.  6— XXI.  3 

of  a  noble  house.  Why,  now,  should  I  speak  of  those 
linen  garments  imported  from  Egypt  ?  Why  of  those 
garments  from  Tyre  and  Sidon,  so  fine  and  trans- 
parent, of  gleaming  purple  and  famed  for  their 
embroidery-work?  He  has  presented,  besides,  capes 
brought  from  the  Atrabati l  and  capes  from  Canusium2 
and  Africa,  such  splendour  as  never  before  was  seen 
on  the  stage.  XXI.  All  of  this  I  have  put  into 
writing  in  order  that  future  givers  of  spectacles  may 
be  touched  by  a  sense  of  shame  and  so  be  deterred 
from  cutting  off'  their  lawful  heirs  and  squandering 
their  inheritances  on  actors  and  mountebanks. 

And  now,  my  friend,  accept  this  gift  of  mine, 
which,  as  I  have  often  said,  I  have  brought  out  to  the 
light  of  day,  not  because  of  its  elegance  of  style  but 
because  of  its  learned  research,  chiefly  with  this  pur- 
pose in  view,  that  if  any  gifted  stylist  should  wish  to 
reveal  the  deeds  of  the  emperors,  he  might  not  lack 
the  material,  having,  as  he  will,  my  little  books  as 
ministers  to  his  eloquence.  I  pray  you,  then,  to  be 
content  and  to  contend  that  in  this  work  I  had  the 
wish  to  write  better  than  I  had  the  power. 


INDEX  OF  NAMES 


ABBREVIATIONS 


A  ...  Aurelian.  Go 

AC  .      .  Avidius  Cassius.  H 

Ae  .  .  .  Aelius.  HP 

AP  .  .  .  Antoninus  Pius.  M 

C  .  .  .  Commodus.  MA 

CA  .  .  .  Clodius  Albinus.  M-B 

Ca  .  .  .  Carus.  OM 

Cc  .  .  .  Caracalla.  P 

Cl  .  .  .  Claudius.  PN 

D  .  .  .  Diadumenianus.  S 

DJ  .  .  .  Didius  Julianus.  SA 

E  .  .  .  Elagabalus.  T  . 

F  .  .  .  Firmus,  Saturninus,    Pro-         TT  . 

culus,  Bonosus.  V  . 

Ga  .  .  .  Gallienus.  Va  . 
Ge  .  .  .  Geta. 


Gordian. 

Hadrian. 

Pertinax. 

Maximmus. 

.  M.  Aurelius  Antoninus. 
.  Maximus  and  Balbinus. 
,  Opellius  MacrinuSi 

Pro  bus. 

Pescennius  Niger. 

Septimius  Severus. 

Severus  Alexander- 
Tacitus. 

Tyranni  Triginta, 

Lucius  Verus. 

Valerian. 


Names  of  Roman  emperors  and  pretenders  are  in  capital  letters, 
words  Roma,  Romanus,  Graecus  and  Graecanicus  have  been  omitted. 


The 


Ababa :  mother  of  Maximinus  M  i,  6. 

Abgarus,  King  (pretender)  of  Osrho- 
ene:  relations  of  Antoninus  Pius 
with  AP  9,  6. 

Abgarus  IX,  King  of  Osrhoene:  con- 
quered by  Severus  S  18,  i. 

Ablavius  Murena,  prefect  of  guard  : 
letter  of  Valerian  to  Cl  15. 

Abraham :  statue  of  in  chapel  ot 
Severus  Alexander  SA  29,  2. 

Academia:  place  in  Hadrian's  villa 
near  Tibur  H  26,  5. 

Achaia  :  Hadrian  in  H  13,  1-2  :  revolt 
of  quelled  AP  5,  5  :  Annia  Faustina 
killed  in  C  7,  7 :  Valens  proconsul 
of  Ga  2,  2 ;  TT  19,  i :  Piso  in  Ga 
2,  2 :  pestilence  in  cities  of  Ga  5, 
5 :  Goths  defeated  in  Ga  6,  I :  in- 
vaded by  Goths  Ga  13,  8  :  Messalla 
governor  of  Cl  16,  I. 


Achilleis:  poem  of  Statius,  imitated 
by  Gordian  I.  Go  3,  3. 

Achilles  :  statue  of  in  chapel  of  Sev- 
erus Alexander  SA  31,  4 :  Maxi- 
minus likened  to  M  4,  9 ;  Alexander 
at  tomb  of  P  i,  2. 

Achilleus  :  relative  of  Zenobia,  made 
ruler  ot  Palmyra  A  31,  2. 

Acholius  :  master  of  ceremonies  under 
Valerian  A  12,  4  :  work  on  Severus 
Alexander  cited  SA  14,  6;  4&,  7; 
64,5. 

Adiabeni :  conquered  by  Severus  S 
9,  9 :  made  tributary  S  18,  i. 

Adiabenicus :  cognomen  borne  by 
Severus  89,  10:  by  Aurelian  A 

3°.5- 

Aebutianus:  prefect  of  the  guard, 
lulled  by  Commodus  C  6,  12. 

453 


INDEX  OF  NAMES 


A«lia,  Pons,  at  Rome:  built  by 
Hadrian  H  19,  n. 

Aelianus :  see  Celsus. 

Aelius :  name  given  to  month  C  12, 2. 

Aelius  Aurelius  Applaustus  Mem- 
phius,  L.  (Agrippus),  actor : 
brought  by  L.  Verus  from  Syria  V 
8,  10 ;  killed  by  Commodus  C  7,  2. 

Aelius  Bassianus :  proconsul  of  Africa, 
letter  to  CA  4,  5-7. 

Aelius  Celsus :  killed  by  Severus  S 
13,2. 

Aelius  Cesettianus,  city-prefect : 
speech  of  T  7,  2-3. 

Aelius  Corduenus:  succeeded  in 
command  by  Niger  PN  4,  4. 

Aelius  Decius  Triccianus :  accom- 
plice in  murder  of  Caracalla  Cc 
6,7. 

Aelius  Gordianus:  counsellor  of 
Severus  Alexander  SA  68,  i. 

Aelius  Hadrianus :  great-uncle  of 
Hadrian,  prophesied  his  rule  H  2,  4. 

Aelius  Hadrianus  Afer,  P. :  father  of 
Hadrian  H  i,  2. 

Aelius  lunius  Cordus :  cited  CA  5, 
10;  7,  2:  11,2;  M  4,  i;  6,  8;  12, 
7;  27,7;  28,  10;  29,  10;  31,4;  Go 
4,6;  5,6;  12,  i;  14,  7;  i?,  3!  19. 
8;  21,  3-4;  22,2;  26,  2;  31,6;  33, 
4;  M-B  4,  2;  12,4:  criticized  OM 
1,3-5;  M-B  4,  5. 

Aelius  Lampridius :  Vopiscus  will 
imitate  P  2,  7. 

Aelius  Maurus  :  cited  S  20,  i. 

Aelius  Sabinus  :  cited  M  32,  i. 

Aelius  Scorpianus,  consul :  speech  of 

P.  ir,  5- 

Aelius     Serenianus :     counsellor    of 

Severus  Alexander  SA  68,  i. 
Aelius   Stilo :    killed   by   Severus    S 

13,  5- 

AELIUS  VERUS:  original  names 
H  23,  JO-ii ;  Ae  2,  i.  6;  6,  6 :  an- 
cestry Ae  2,  7-8 ;  V  i,  7.  9  :  adopted 
by  Hadrian  H  23,  10-11 ;  Ae  i,  2; 
2,1.6;  3,  L  8;  AP  4,  i;  V  i,  6; 
CA  2,  5 :  honours  and  offices,  H 
23,  12-13;  Ae3,  2-3;  6,  i;  V  i,  8: 
first  to  receive  title  of  Caesar  Ae 
i,  2;  2,  i;  V  i,  6:  Hadrian's 
affection  for  Ae  3,  4:  prowess  in 
province  Ae  3,  5-6:  Hadrian's 
regret  for  adoption  H  23,  14;  Ae 
1,  7;  4i  1-6;  6,  2-3  :  ill-health  and 

434 


Aelius  Verus  —  cont inued. 
death  H  23,  15-16;  Ae  4,  7-8;  6, 
5-6  :  appearance  and  accomplish- 
ments Ae  5,  1-2 :  pleasures  Ae  5, 
3-n  :  father  of  L.  Verus  Ae  2,  9; 
5,  12;  6,  9;  7,2;  AP  4,5;  V  i,  6: 
statues  and  temples  for  Ae  7,  i : 
daughter  betrothed  to  M.  Aurelius 
MA  4,  5 ;  6,  2:  burial  V  u,  i: 
received  purple  robe  from  Hadrian 
CA  2,  5 :  reviled  by  Egyptians  F 
8,8. 

Aelius  Xiphidius,  prefect  of  treasury: 
letter  of  Valerian  to  A  12. 

Aemilia,  Via :  supplies  of  in  charge  of 
Pertinax  HP  2,  2. 

Aemilia  Clara :  mother  of  Didius 
Julianus  DJ  i,  2. 

AEMILIANUS:  seized rulein Egypt 
Ga  4,  i;  5,  6;  6,  4:  TT  22,  3-7: 
defeated  and  killed  Ga  4,  a;  TT 
22,  8;  26,  4  :  supported  at  Rome 
Ga  9,  i :  planned  expedition 
against  Indi  TT  22,  8  :  called  Alex- 
ander or  Alexandrinus  TT  22,  7. 

Aemilianus  we  Asellius  :  Casperius  : 
Cornelius  Scipio. 

Aemilius,  Pons,  at  Rome :  Hlaga- 
balus'  body  thrown  from  E  17,  2. 

Aemilius  luncus :  consul,  exiled  by 
Commodus  C  4,  n. 

Aemilius  Laetus,  Q. :  prefect  of  the 
guard,  dissuaded  Commodus  from 
burning  Rome  C  15,  7  :  accomplice 
in  murder  of  Commodus  C  17,  1-2; 
HP  5,  i :  made  Pertinax  emperor 
HP  4,  5-6:  5,  1-2:  conspired  with 
soldiers  to  kill  Pertinax  HP  10,  8— 
ii,  13  :  saved  Didius  Julianus  from 
Commodus  DJ  6,  2 :  death  DJ  6, 
2  :  had  Severus  appointed  to  com- 
mand  of  army  in  Germany  S  4,  4. 

Aemilius  Papinianus  :  friend  or  rela- 
lative  of  Severus  Cc  8,  2-3 :  con- 
silium  included  Ulpian  and  Paulus 
PN  7,  4;  SA  26,  6:  Caracalla 
entered  Palace  leaning  on  arm  of 
Cc  3,  2 ;  advised  harmony  between 
Caracalla  and  Geta  Cc  8,  3  :  advised 
against  murder  of  Geta  Cc  8,  4 : 
refused  to  write  speech  for  Caracalla 
excusing  murder  of  Geta  Cc  8,  5-6: 
murder  of  S  21,  8;  Cc  4,  i ;  8,  1-8; 
Ge  6,  3 :  murder  of  son  of  Cc  4,  2. 


INDEX  OF  NAMES 


Aemilius     Parthenianus,     historian : 

cited  AC  5,  i. 
Aeneas:    Diocletian  likened   himself 

to  Ca  13,  3. 
Aetieid:  quoted  H  2,  8;  Ae  4,  1-3  ; 

CA  5,  2.  4;  OM  12,9;  D8,7;  SA 

4,  6 ;   M  27,  4 ;    Go  20,  5 ;   TT  24, 
3;   Cl  10,  4-6;   T  5,  i;   Ca  13,  3: 
imitated  by  Gordian  I.  Go  3,  3. 

Aethiopia :  omen  given  by  soldier 
from  S  22,  4-5;  women  from  E 

32,5- 

Aetius:  son-in-law  of  Severus,  en- 
riched and  made  consul  S  8,  1-2. 

Aetna :  ascent  of  by  Hadrian  H  13,  3. 

Afer :  used  by  oracle  to  designate 
Severus  PN  8,  1-2. 

Afer :  see  Aelius  Hadrianus :  Septi- 
mius :  Terentius. 

Afranius  Hannibalianus :  trained  by 
Probus  P  22,  3. 

Africa :  Hadrian  in  and  generosity  to 
H  13,  4;  22,14:  pretended  journey 
of  Commodus  to  C  9,  i  :  Pertinax 
proconsul  of  HP  4,  i;  DJ  2,  3; 
Didius  Julianus  proconsul  of  DJ 
2,  3:  Severus  a  native  of  S  i,  i ; 
CA  5,  5:  Severus  in  S  2,  2-9: 
legions  sent  to  by  Severus  in  fear 
that  Niger  would  seize  S  8,  7 ;  PN 

5.  4-5  ;  people  of  honoured  Severus 
as  god  S  13,  8  :  Severus  had  accent 
of  S  19,  9 :  Septizonium  visible  to 
people  coming  from   S  24,  3 :   Al- 
binus  a  native  of  CA  i,  3;  10,  6; 
12,  8 :  spent  boyhood  in  CA  5,  I : 
Aelius  Bassianus  proconsul  of  CA 
4,  5  :  originally  conquered  by  the 
senate  CA  13,  6:  Macrinus  in  OM 
4,  3-5 :  Caelianus  a  native  of  D  8, 
9  :  revolt  and  defeat  of  Gordians  in 
M    13,   6;  14,  2-4;  19,  2-3;    Go   7, 
2— 9,  8;  10,  i ;  n,  4;  15— 16;  17,1; 
20,   4;  34,  i;  M-B  9,  5:  anger  of 
Maximinus  at  people  of  M  17,  7; 
18,   i.  3;   Go  13,    3-4;    14,    1-3-  7: 
Gordian  I.  proconsul  of  M  13,  6; 
14,  2  ;  16,  I ;  Go  2,  4  ;  5  ;  7,  2  ;  17, 
I :   Balbinus  proconsul  of  M-B  7, 
2:  revolt  against  Gordian  III.  sup- 
pressed   Go    23,    4-5 :     people    of 
subject  to  Romans  Va  1,4:  desired 
rescue  of  Valerian  Va  3,  2 :    Mac- 
rianus'  valour  in  TT  12, 17  :  Vibius 
Passienus  proconsul  of,  made  Celsus 


Africa — continued. 
emperor  in  TT  29,  1-2 :  clothing 
supplied  to  proconsul  of  allotted 
to  Claudius  Cl  15,4:  carpets  from 
A  12,  i :  linen  tunics  from  A  48,  5  : 
danger  of  revolt  in  after  Aurelian's 
death  T  3,  6 :  Roman  emperor 
destined  to  drive  barbarians  from 
T  15,  2:  Probus'  victories  in  P  9, 
1-2 ;  12,  3 :  Firmus  in  command  of. 
frontier  of  F  3,  i :  recovered  by 
Saturninus  F  9,  5 :  Saturninus 
studied  in  F  10,  4 :  under  rule  of 
Carinus  Ca  16,  2:  capes  from  Ca 
20,  6. 

Africana,  Classis  :  organized  by  Com- 
modus C  17,  7 :  names  given  to  C 
17,  8. 

Africanus :  Hadrian's  caution  for  F 
8,  10. 

Africanus  :  bestowed  as  cognomen  on 
Gordian  I.  Go  9,  3-4 ;  17,  2. 

Africanus  :  see  Cornelius  Scipio. 

Agaclytus :  influencial  freedman  of 
M.  Aurelius  and  L.  Verus  MA  15, 
2 ;  V  9,  3 :  married  to  widow  of 
Libo  V  9,  4  :  alleged  conspiracy  of 
L.  Verus  against  M.  Aurelius  re- 
vealed by  V  10,  5. 

Agricola :  see  Calpurnius. 

Agrippa :  see  Marcius. 

Agrippae,  Lavacrum,  at  Rome:  re- 
stored by  Hadrian  H  19,  10. 

Agrippae,  Templum,  at  Rome :  re- 
paired by  Antoninus  Pius  AP  8,  2. 

Agrippianae,  Saepta,  at  Rome: 
restored  by  Hadrian  H  19,  10: 
Basilica  Alexandrina  near  SA  26,  7. 

Agrippina  (Cologne) :  Victorinus  and 
son  killed  at  TT  6,  3  :  their  tombs 
at  TT  7,  2  :  Proculus  and  Bonosus 
seized  power  at  P  18,  5. 

Agrippinus :  see  Casperius. 

Agrippus:  see  Aelius  Aurelius 
Apolaustus  Memphius,  L. 

Ajax  :  Maximinus  likened  to  M  4,  9. 

Alamanni :    conquered   by  Caracalla 
Cc  10,  6  :  Roman  emperor  destined 
to  rule  T   15,  2:   driven  back  by 
12,  3 :   by   Proculus   F 


Probus  P 

13,  3- 
Alamannia : 

TT  8,  ii. 
Alamannicus :  cognomen  assumed  by 

Caracalla  Cc  10,  6. 


made   to  fear   Romans 


455 


INDEX  OF  NAMES 


Alani :  defeated  under  Antoninus  Pius 
AP  5,  5  :  warred  against  Rome  MA 
22,  i:  Maximinus'  mother  one  of 
M  i,  5 :  friendly  relations  with 
Maximinus  M  4,  5 :  defeated 
Gordian  III.  Go  34,4:  led  as  cap 
tives  in  Aurelian's  triumph  A  33, 
4 :  booty  taken  from  by  Probus  P 
8,3- 

Alba,   town  in    Italy :    villa    of    M. 

Aurelius  at  AC  9,  8.  n  :  soldiers  at 

angered  by  murder  of  Geta  Cc  2, 

7-8 ;  Ge  6,  1-2. 

Alba,  district  of  Germany :  Germans 

driven  beyond  by  Probus  P  13,  7. 
Albani,  people  of  Transcaucasia: 
Hadrian's  friendly  relations  with 
H  20,  13 :  offered  aid  for  rescue  of 
Valerian  Va4,  i :  revered  Aurelian 
A  41,  10. 

Albanus,  Mons,  in  Italy:  soldiers 
from  killed  Maximinus  and  son 
M  23,  6. 

Albingauni,    town    in    N.W.,  Italy : 
Proculus   born    in    F    12    i :     his 
descendants  lived  in  F  13,  5. 
Albini,   family  of:    Clodius   Albinus 
descended  from  CA  4,  i.  7  :  prowess 
of  during  the  Republic  CA  13,  5. 
Albinus :     see     Ceionius :     Clodius : 

Nummius :  Pescennius. 
Albis,    river    of    Germany :     Chauci 

lived  on  DJ  i,  7. 

Albus :    used  by  oracle  to  designate 
Clodius  Albinus   PN   8,    1-3;    CA 
i,  4. 
Alcyonat:  poem  of  Cicero,  imitated 

by  Gordian  I.  Go  3,  2. 
Alexander :    name    given    to    Aemi- 

lianus  TT  22.  7. 
Alexander  of  Cotiaeum,  grammarian  : 

teacher  of  M.  Aurelius  MA  2,  3. 
Alexander  the  Great :  died  without 
naming  successor  H  4,  9;  opinion 
of  Philip  concerning  MA  27,  n  : 
admired  by  Caracalla  Cc  2,  1-2 : 
Severus  Alexander  born  in  temple 
of  and  on  date  of  death  of  SA  5, 
1-2;  13,1:  called  Magnus  after 
many  achievements  SA  u,  4 : 
parents  of  SA  13,  3-4 :  Severus 
Alexander  in  costume  of  SA  25,  9 : 
life  of  studied  and  imitated  by 
Severus  Alexander  SA  30,  3  :  statue 
of  in  private  chapel  oi  Severus 

456 


Alexander  the  Great— continued. 
Alexander  SA  31,  5  :  praises  of  en- 
joyed by  Severus  Alexander  SA 
35,  i  :  contest  in  honour  of  SA  35, 
4  :  drinking  in  honour  of  SA  39,  i  : 
Severus  Alexander's  desire  to  outdo 
SA  50,  4 :  died  violent  death  SA 
62,  3  :  Severus  Alexander  criticized 
for  desire  to  imitate  SA  64,  3  :  por- 
trait of  worn  by  descendants  of 
Macrianus  TT  14,  3-5 :  efficacy  of 
portrait  of  TT  14,  6 :  at  tomb  of 
Achilles  P  i,  2. 

Alexander:  see  lulius. 

Alexandria :  daughter  of  Avidius 
Cassius,  allowed  to  go  free  by  M. 
Aurelius  MA  26,  12 ;  AC  9,  3. 

Alexandria :  riots  at  H  12,  i : 
Museum  at  H  20,  2:  Maecianus 
slain  at  MA  25,  4;  AC  7,  4: 
leniency  of  M.  Aurelius  to  MA  26, 
1.3:  crystal  cups  from  used  by 
L.  Verus  V  5,  3 :  actors  and  musi- 
cians from  V  8,  n  :  grain  from  C 
17,  7 :  Severus  at  and  granted 
rights  to  S  16,  9;  17,  2-3:  Cara- 
calla's  cruelty  at  Cc  6,  2-3  :  people 
of  ridiculed  Severus  Alexander  SA 
28,  7 ;  riot  at  caused  Aemilianus  to 
declare  himself  emperor  TT  22,  3  : 
fasces  not  allowed  to  be  brought 
into  TT  22,  10-11 :  Zenobia  versed 
in  history  of  TT  30,  22 :  letter  of 
senate  to  council  of  T  18,  6 :  seized 
by  Firmus  F  3,  i :  Hadrian's 
opinion  of  F  8,  5-8 :  Saturninus 
acclaimed  emperor  in  F  9,  1-2. 

Alexandria  :  name  given  to  Carthage 
by  Commodus  C  17,  8. 

Alexandriana,  Aqua :  brought  into 
Rome  by  Severus  Alexander  SA 

25,  3- 
Alexandriana,     purpura:     used     by 

Severus  Alexander  SA  40,  6. 
Alexandrianae,  ficus :  showed  omen 

of  death  of  Severus  Alexander  SA 

60,4. 
Alexandriani,    Sodales:    decreed   lor 

Severus  Alexander  SA  63,  4. 
Alexandrian:     poem    in    praise    of 

Severus    Alexander,    imitated    by 

Gordian  I.  Go  3,  3. 
Alexandrina,     Basilica :     begun     by 

Severus  Alexander  SA  26,  7. 


INDEX  OF  NAMES 


Alexandrinum,  opus :  first  used   by 

Severus  Alexander  SA  25,  7. 
Alexandrinus :  name  given  to  Aemili- 

anus  TT  22,  7. 
Allius  Fuscus :  killed  by  Commodus 

C7.6. 
Alma  Mons :   planted  with  vines  by 

Pro  bus  P  1 8,  8. 
Alpes    Cottiae :     added    to    Empire 

under  Nero  A  21,  n. 
Alpes  Maritimae :  Proculus  a  native 

of  F  12,  i. 

Alps :  cheese  from  AP  12,  4  :  crossed 
by  M.  Aurelius  and  L.  Verus  MA 
14,  6;  V  9,  7:  crossed  by  Maxi- 
minus  and  army  M  21,  3:  Maxi- 
mus  planned  to  defend  country  as 
far  as  M-B  12,  3 :  vines  planted 
as  tar  as  A  48,  2. 

Altinum,  town  in  Italy :  L.  Verus 
died  in  V  9,  n. 

Amazon :  Commodus  and  Marcia  in 
garb  of  C  n,  9:  signet  of  Com- 
modus  CA  2,  4 :  Gothic  women 
dressed  as  A  34,  i. 

Amazonius :  name  given  to  Com- 
modus C  ii,  9  :  to  monlh  December 
C  11,8. 

Ambarvalia :  celebration  of  A  19,  6 ; 
20,  3. 

Ambibulus:  see  Eggius. 

Amburbium  :  celebration  of  A  2O,  3. 

Aminniae,  name  of  grapes :  omen 
given  in  T  17,  3. 

Amphitheatrum  at  Rome  (Colos- 
seum) :  restored  by  Antoninus  Pius 
AP  8,  2 :  by  Elagabalus  E  17,  8 : 
by  Severus  Alexander  SA  24,  •  3  : 
women  from  E  32,  9:  repair  of 
discussed  in  senate  M-B  i,  4 : 
spectacle  of  Probus  in  P  19,  5-7. 

Anacharsis :  famed  for  philosophy  A 

3,5-  . 
Ancharius,  Q.,  governor  of  the  East: 

with  Valerian  at  Byzantium  A  13, 

i. 
Anchialus,  city  on  Black  Sea  :  Goths 

attempted  to  plunder  Cl  12,  4. 
Ancilia:  plan  to  remove  to  temple  of 

Elagabalus  E  3,  4. 
Andro :    teacher  of  M.  Aurelius  MA 

2,  2. 

Andronicus :  see  Livius. 
Aninius  Macer,  orator  :   teacher  of  M. 

Aurelius  MA  2,  4. 


Annia  Cornificia  Faustina:   sister  of 

M.  Aurelius  MA  i,  8. 
Annia  Faustina:  daughter  of  Antoni- 
nus Pius  Ae  6,  9;  AP  i,  7;  10,  2: 
betrothed  to  Lucius  Verus  Ae  6,  9 ; 
V  2,  3  :  married  to  M.  Aurelius  AP 
i,7;  10,2;  MA  i,  8;  6,6;  V  2,  3: 
received  title  of  Augusta  MA  20,  7 : 
unwilling  to  have  Lucilla  married 
to  Claudius  Pompeianus  MA  20,  7  : 
accused  of  having  encouraged 
Avidius  Cassius  to  revolt  MA  24,  6  ; 
AC  7,  i;  9,  9;  ii,  i  :  death  MA 
26,  5  :  honours  after  death  MA  26, 
6-9 :  reputed  amours  and  lovers 
MA  19,  1-7;  23,  7;  26,  5;  29,  1-2; 
C  8,  i :  M.  Aurelius  refused  to 
divorce  MA  19,  8-9:  refused  to 
believe  rumours  about  MA  23,  7; 
26,  5  :  alleged  amour  with  L.  Verus 
and  murder  of  Verus  V  10,  i : 
frustrated  alleged  conspiracy  of 
Verus  against  M.  Aurelius  V  10,  5  : 
correspondence  with  M.  Aurelius 
concerning  revolt  of  Avidius  Cassius 
AC  9,  7-8;  9,  n — 10,  10;  n,  3-8: 
dream  at  birth  of  Commodus  C  i, 
3 :  temple  abolished  by  Caracalla 
Cc  ii,  6-7. 

Annia  Fundania  Faustina :  cousin  of 
M.  Aurelius,  killed  by  Commodus 
C7.7. 

Annia  Galeria  Faustina :  wife  of 
Antoninus  Pius  AP  i,  6 :  aunt  of 
M.  Aurelius  MA  i,  8:  stories  con- 
cerning character  of  AP  3,  7 :  re- 
ceived title  of  Augusta  AP  5,  2 : 
death  and  honours  AP  6,  7-8 : 
orphan  girls  endowed  in  memory 
of  AP  8,  i :  urged  Antoninus  Pius 
to  protect  his  family  AC  10,  i. 
Annia  Lucilla,  daughter  of  M.  Aure- 
lius :  married  to  L.  Verus  MA  7,  7 ; 
9,  4-6 ;  V  2,  4 ;  7,  7 :  married  to  Ti. 
Claudius  Pompeianus  after  Verus1 
death  MA  20,  6 :  received  title  of 
Augusta  MA  20,  7:  said  to  have 
murdered  L.  Verus  V 10, 3  :  jealousy 
of  Fabia  V  10,  3  :  in  conspiracy  to 
kill  Commodus  C  4,  i ;  8,  3  :  exiled 
C  4,  4  :  killed  C  5,  7. 
Annius  Arrianus,  L. :  consulship  of 

Go  29,  i. 

Annius  Cornicula  :  praised  Gallienus 
Gai7,3. 

467 


INDEX  OF  NAMES 


Annius  Florus,  P. :  Hadrian's  ex- 
change of  epigrams  with  H  16,  3-4. 

Annius  Fuscus :  father  of  Pescennius 
Niger  PN  i,  3. 

Annius  Libo,  M. :  uncle  of  M. 
Aurelius  MA  i ,  3. 

Annius  Libo,  M. :  cousin  of  M. 
Aurelius,  legate  of  Syria,  said  to 
have  been  killed  by  L.  Verus  V  9, 
2 :  widow  married  to  Agaclytus  V 

9.  3- 

Annius  Milo,  T. :  mules  of  F  6,  4. 

Annius  Severus :  consul,  father-in-law 
of  Gordian  I.  Go  2,  2;  6,  4. 

Annius  Verus :  great-grandfather  of 
M.  Aurelius  MA  i,  4. 

Annius  Verus :  original  name  of  M. 
Aurelius  MA  i,  10;  5,  5. 

Annius  Verus,  M. :  father-in-law  of 
Antoninus  Pius  AP  i,  6:  grand- 
father of  M.  Aurelius  MA  1,2:  M. 
Aurelius  born  in  second  consulship 
and  reared  in  house  of  MA  i,  5-7  i 
consulship  of  HP  15,  6. 

Annius  Verus,  M. :  father  of  M. 
Aurelius  MA  i,  i. 

Annius  Verus,  M. :  son  of  M.  Aurelius, 
received  title  of  Caesar  MA  21,  3; 
C  i,  10. 

Antaeus :  Maximinus  likened  to  M 
6,  9. 

Antimachus :  poet  imitated  by 
Hadrian  H  16,  2. 

Antinous,  favourite  of  Hadrian : 
death  and  consecration  of  H  14,  5- 
8  :  reviled  by  Egyptians  F  8,  8. 

Antioch,  city  in  Syria:  Hadrian  at 
H  5,  9-10 :  people  of  hated  by 
Hadrian  H  14,  i :  fire  at  AP  9,  2  : 
L.  Verus  at  MA  8,  12;  V  7,  1-3: 
Claudius  Pompeianus  a  native  of 
MA  20,  6 :  loved  and  supported 
Avidius  Cassius  AC  6,  6 ;  7,  8 ;  9, 
i :  punished  by  M.  Aurelius  MA 
25,  8-u;  AC  9,  i:  M.  Aurelius  at 
MA  26,  i  :  Pertinax  at  HP  i,  6: 
punished  by  Severus  for  support  of 
Niger  S  9,  4-5;  Cc  i,  7:  Severus 
at  S  16,  8  :  rights  restored  to  Cc  i, 
7 :  Macrinus  overthrown  at  OM 
8,  4;  10,  i:  coins  with  name  of 
Diadumenianus  struck  at  D  2,  6 : 
people  of  ridiculed  Severus  Alex- 
ander SA  28,  7 :  Alexander  sup- 
pressed mutiny  at  SA  53 — 54 : 

458 


Antioch,  city  in  Syria — continued. 
Alexander  returned  to  SA  55,  2 : 
recaptured  from  Persians  by 
Gordian  III.  Go  26,  5-6;  27,  5: 
captured  by  Cyriades  TT  2,  2 : 
Aurelian  at  A  5,  3 :  captured  by 
Aurelian  A  25,  i :  letter  of  senate 
to  people  of  T  18,  6. 

Antiochianus :  prefect  of  the  guard, 
prevailed  upon  soldiers  not  to  kill 
Elagabalus  E  14,  8. 

Antiochianus :  see  Flavius. 

Antipater :  see  Caelius :  Gallus. 

Antistius :  favourite  slave  of  Aurelian 
A  50,  3. 

Antistius  Burrus,  L.,  nephew  of  Corn- 
modus  :  accused  by  Pertinax  of 
treason  HP  3,  7 :  killed  by  Cleander 
C6,  ii. 

Antistius  Capella :  teacher  of  Com- 
modus  C  i,  6. 

Antium,  town  in  Italy :  aqueduct  in 
repaired  by  Antoninus  Pius  AP  8, 3. 

Antius :  see  Antonius. 

Antonini :  Severus  dreamed  of  being 
placed  among  S  22,  2 :  Niger  be- 
loved by  PN  12,  6:  Albinus  intro- 
duced to  CA  6,  i :  list  of  OM  3,  3-4  : 
Caracalla  given  by  gods  in  the 
place  of  OM  6,  2 :  revered  above 
gods  D  7,  4 :  Elagabalus  last  of 
and  disgraced  name  of  OM  7,  8; 
E  i,  7;  2,  4;  18,  i;  33,  8;  34,  6; 
SA  2,  2  :  name  of  revered  by  Con- 
stantine  E  2,  4 :  temples  of  to  be 
dedicated  by  Severus  Alexander 
SA  7,  5 ;  8,  3 ;  10,  7  :  admired  and 
praised  by  Gordian  I.  Go  4,  7 : 
Claudius  more  beloved  than  Cl  18, 
4 :  Probus  to  be  preferred  to  T  16, 
6 ;  P  22,  4 :  under  Probus  no  longer 
desired  P  12,  2. 

Antoninianae,  caracallae :  presented 
by  Caracalla  to  populace  S  21,  11; 
Cc  9,  7-8 ;  D  2,  8. 

Antoninianae,  paenulae:  presented 
by  Macrinus  to  populace  D  2,  8. 

Antoninianae,  Plateae,  at  Rome: 
paved  by  Elagabalus  E  24,  6. 

Antoninianae,  Thermae,  at  Rome: 
built  by  Caracalla  S  21,  11 ;  Cc  9, 
4.  5.  9 ;  E  17,  8-9 :  portico  of  begun 
by  Elagabalus  E  17,  9 :  completed 
by  Severus  Alexander  E  17,  9;  SA 
25,6. 


INDEX  OF  NAMES 


Antoniniani  (-ae),  pueri  and  puellae : 
endowed  by  Macrinus  D  3,  10. 

Antoniniani  Sodales :  decreed  for 
Antoninus  Pius  AP  13,  4;  MA  7, 
ii  (wrongly  called  Aureliani) :  for 
L.  Verus  MA  15,4:  for  M.  Aure- 
lius  MA  18,  8;  HP  15,  4  (wrongly 
called  Marciani) :  called  Helviani 
in  honour  of  Pertinax  HP  15,  4; 
S  7,  8 :  decreed  for  Caracalla  Cc 
11,6. 

Antoninianus:  name  given  by  Mac- 
rinus to  edict  D  2,  9:  to  military 
standards  D  3,  i. 

Antoninianus :  name  of  coin  A  9,  7 ; 
12,  i ;  P4,  5;  F  15,  8. 

A  ntoninias :  poem  written  by  Gord- 
ian  I.  Go  3,  3. 

Antoninorum,  Sepulchrum :  see 
Hadriani,  Sepulchrum. 

Antoninus :  son  of  M.  Aurelius,  died 
at  age  of  four  C  i,  2-4. 

Antoninus :  plebian,  had  omen  of 
death  of  Geta  Ge  3,  5. 

Antoninus :  boy  who  gave  omen  of 
death  of  Geta  Ge  3,  8. 

Antoninus  (as  imperial  name) :  re- 
garded as  imperial  title  OM  3,  7. 9 : 
assumed  by  M.  Aurelius  MA  7,  6 ; 
OM  3,  4;  D  6,  5;  SA  10,  5:  by 
Verus  (incorrect)  MA  7,  7;  OM 
3,  4 ;  D  6,  6 ;  SA  10,  5  :  by  Severus 
(incorrect)  OM  3,  6;  D  6,  3 :  by 
Pertinax  (incorrect)  OM  3,  6;  D 
6,  3  :  by  Didius  Jul'anus  (incorrect) 
OM  3,  6;  D  6,  3:  conferred  on 
Caracalla  S  10,  3-6;  PN  8,  5 ;  Cc 
i,  i;  Ge  i,  4;  OM  3,  4!  D  6,  8; 
SA  10,  5  :  on  Geta  (incorrect)  S  jo, 
5;  16,  4;  19,  2;  Cc  i,  i;  Ge  I, 
5-7;  2,  2-3;  5,  3;  OM  3,  4;  D  6, 
9 :  Severus  wished  to  make  equi- 
valent of  Augustus  S  19,  3  ;  Ge  2, 
2 :  cherished  by  all  like  Augustus 
Cc  9,  2 :  borne  by  four  emperors 
before  Geta  Ge  2,  5 :  assumed  by 
Macrinus  OM  2,  i ;  3,  6  :  bestowed 
on  Diadumenianus  Cc  8,  10;  OM 
2,5—3,9;  5,  i ;  6,  6;  7,  5;  10,  6; 
14,2-3;  D  1—2;  6,10;  7,1-5-7;  8, 
i;  Ei,  4;  3,  i;  8,4;  SA  9,  3;  10, 
5:  assumed  by  Elagabalus  Cc  9, 
a;  OM3,  4;  7,6;  8,4;  9,6;  D  9, 
4;  E  1,5.7;  3,  i;  9,2];  17,  4=  re- 
fused by  Severus  Alexander  SA  5, 


Antoninus — continued, 
3;  6,  i — ii,  2;  12,  4:  wrongly 
supposed  to  have  been  borne  by 
the  Gordians  OM  3,  5 ;  D  6,  3 ; 
E  18,  I ;  34,  6-7 ;  Go  4,  7-8 ;  5,  3 ; 
9,  5  ;  17,  *•  5  :  declined  in  greatness 
OM  7,  7-8 :  a  beloved  and  revered 
name  S  20,  3;  21,  n;  OM  6,  7; 
7,7;  D.6,  1-2;  7,  i;  E  i,  5:  gen- 
eral desire  for  emperor  of  the  name 
OM  3,  9;  D  i,  2.  4. 

Antoninus :  proposed  as  name  for 
September  AP  10,  i. 

Antoninus,  Temple  of,  at  Rome: 
built  AP  13,  4:  Patruinus  mur- 
dered near  Cc  4,  2. 

Antoninus  Gallus,  consul :  letter  of 
Valerian  to  A  8,  2-5. 

ANTONINUS  PIUS:  names  H  24, 
i ;  AP  i,  i  :  family  and  birth  AP 
i,  1-8:  childhood  AP  i,  8-9:  char- 
acter AP  2,  i.  2.  7.  8;  13,  4;  MA 
29,  6 ;  D  7,  4 :  cognomen  Pius  and 
reasons  for  bestowal  H  24,  3-5  ;  Ae 
6,9;  AP2.3-8;  5,2;  PN  8,  5;  E 

7,  10 ;  SA  9,  i :  early  career  AP  2, 
9-n :    omens  of  rule  AP  3,   1-5 : 
proconsul  of  Asia  AP  3,  2.  3,  6;  4, 
3 :  death  of  daughter  AP  3,  6 :  in 
Hadrian's    consilium    AP    3,    8: 
adoption  by  Hadrian  H  24,  i ;  Ae 
6,9;  AP4.I-6;  MAS,  i;  V  2,  2; 
A    14,    6 :    adopted    M.    Aurelius 
and  L.  Verus  H  24,  I ;   Ae  2,  9  ; 
5,12;  6,  9;  7,2;  AP  4,  5;  MA  5, 
1-7;   V  3,  6;    S  20,  i;  SA  10,  5: 
colleague  of  Hadrian  in  imperial 
powers  AP  4,  7 :  largesses  to  people 
AP  4,  9 ;  8,  i.  ii ;  V  3,  i :  remitted 
crown-gold  AP  4,   10:    deference 
to_Hadrian  AP  5,  i :  second  consul- 
ship  MA  5,6:  honours  for  Hadrian 
H  24,  5 ;  27,  2-3 ;  AP  2,  5 ;  5,  1-2 ; 

8,  2 ;  V  3,  i :  honours  for  wife  and 
relatives  AP  5,  2  :  accepted  honor- 
ary races  AP  5,  2:  continued  offi- 
cials in  posts  AP  5,3;  8,  6-7  :  con- 
quests and  suppression  of  revojjs 
AP  5,  4-5 ;   12,  2 :   repressed   pro- 
curators AP  6,  1-2 :   clemency  AP 
6,  3;   AC   ii,  6:   moderation  AP 
6,  4 :  deference  to  senate  AP  6,  5  ; 
8,    ip :     accepted    tide    of    Pater 
Patriae   AP    6,    6 :     honours    for 
Faustina  AP  6,  7-8 :  offices  for  sons 

459 


INDEX  OF  NAMES 


Antoninus  Pius — continued. 

AP  6,  9-10 ;  10,  3 :  consultations 
with  friends  AP  6,  11-12:  care  for 
provinces  AP  7,  i.  2.  n;  10,  7: 
treatment  of  conspirators  AP  7, 
3-4:  simplicity  of  life  AP  7,  5-6: 
administration  of  finances  AP  7, 
7-10 :  in  Campania  AP  7,  11 :  pres- 
tige abroad  AP  7,  12 :  donatives 
to  soldiers  AP  8,  i ;  10,  2  :  endow- 
ment for  orphans  AP  8,  i :  public 
works  AP  8,  2-4 :  declined  legacies 
AP  8,  5 :  prefects  of  guard  under 
AP  8,  7-9  :  disasters  and  prodigies 
during  principate  AP  9,  1-5 : 
foreign  relations  AP  9,  6-10:  re- 
fused honorary  names  of  months 
AP  10,  i :  remark  concerning  Apol- 
lonius AP  10,  4 :  affection  for  M. 
Aurelius  AP  10,  5 ;  MA  6,  7-10 : 
relations  with  L.  Verus  V  3,  6-7 : 
rewards  for  prefects  AP  10,  6 : 
spectacles  AP  10,  9 :  treatment  of 
friends  and  freedmen  AP  n,  i : 
amusements  AP  n,  2:  interest  in 
oratory  and  philosophy  AP  n, 
2-3  :  affability  AP  11,4-8:  legisla- 
tion AP  12,  i :  administrative 
measures  AP  12,  3  :  death  AP  12, 
4-7 :  commended  Empire  to  M. 
Aurelius  AP  12,5;  MA  7,  3:  will 
AP  13,  1-2 :  burial,  deification  and 
honours  AP  13,  3-4  ;  MA  7,  10-11  : 
conspiracy  of  Avidius  Cassius 
against  AC  1,5:  could  not  be  over- 
thrown by  rebels  AC  8,  6  :  Pertinax 
under  rule  of  HP  i,  6  :  example  of 
good  son  by  adoption  S  21,  4: 
admired  by  Niger  PN  12,  i :  ad- 
vanced Severus  and  admired  by 
him  Ge  2,  3-4  :  details  concerning 
related  by  Cordus  OM  1,4:  sup- 
posed oracle  concerning  OM  3,  1-2  : 
Diadumenianus  born  on  birthday 
of  D  5,  4:  example  of  good  ruler 
E  1,2;  A  42,  4 :  revered  by  Con- 
stantine  E  2,  4 :  praised  in  poem 
by  Gordian  I.  Go  3,  3  :  old  when 
made  emperor  T  5,  i. 

Antoninus:     see    Arrius:     Aurelius: 
Petrpnius. 

Antonius  Antius  Lupus,  M. :   killed 
by  Commodus  C  7,  5. 

Antonius  Balbus :  killed  by  Severus 
S  13,  2- 

460 


Antonius  Saturninus,  L. :  acclaimed 
emperor  by  soldiers  PN  9,  2 ;  SA  i , 
7  :  no  life  of  written  by  Suetonius 
FI.I. 

Anubis :  statue  of  carried  by  Corn- 
modus  C  9,  4.  6;  PN  6,  9;  Cc  9, 
ii :  statue  of  showed  prodigy  C 
16,  4. 

Apamea,  city  in  Syria:  grapes  rrom 
£  21,  2. 

Aper :  father-in-law  of  Numerian, 
killed  him  Ca  12:  killed  by  Dio- 
cletian Ca  12,  2 — 13,  3 ;  15,4:  pre- 
fect of  guard  Ca  13,  2 ;  15,  4. 

Aper :  se-e  Flavius :  Septimius : 
Trpsius :  Vectius. 

Apicius  Caelius :  works  read  by 
Aelius  Veius  Ae  5,  9;  banquets 
imitated  by  Elagabalus  E  18,  4; 
20,  5  ;  24,  3- 

Apis:  appeared  after  interval  of 
many  years  H  12,  I. 

Apolaustus  :  see  Aelius  Aurelius. 

Apollinares,  Ludi :  banquet  of 
Severus  Alexander  on  SA  37,  6; 
meeting  of  senate  on  M-B  i,  i. 

Apollinaris  :  see  Aurelius  :  Sulpicius. 

Apollo :  statue  of  MA  6,  9 :  temple 
ot  in  Babylonia  V  8,  2  :  oracles  of 
PN  8,  i-6;  CA  i,  4;  5,  4;  said  by 
Maximinus'  soldiers  to  have  fought 
against  them  M  22,  2 :  thanks 
rendered  to  M  26,  2 :  aid  of  sought 
A  19,  4 :  omen  given  by  statue  of 

T  17,  5- 

Apollo,  Temple  of,  in  Rome  :  senators 
acclaimed  Claudius  in  Cl  4,  2. 

Apollodorus,  architect :  designed 
Colossus  of  Luna  for  Hadrian  H 
19,  13. 

Apollonius,  rhetorician  teacher  ot 
L.  Verus  V  2,  5. 

Apollonius  of  Chalcedon,  philoso- 
pher :  patience  of  Antoninus  Pius 
with  AP  10,  4:  teacher  of  M. 
Aurelius  MA  2,  7  ;  3  i :  of  L.  Verus 

V  2,  5: 

Apollonius  Syrus,  philosopher :  cited 

H2,  9. 

Apollonius  of  Tyana  :  statue  of  in 
private  chapel  of  Severus  Alex- 
ander SA  29,  2 :  appearance  of  to 
Aurelian  made  him  more  merciful 
A  24,  3-6;  25,  i :  greatness  of  A 
24,7-9- 


INDEX  OF  NAMES 


Appenninus,  Mons,  in  Italy :  Per- 
tinax  born  on  HP  i,  2 :  oracles 
given  to  Claudius  on  Cl  10,  4-5 : 
to  Aurelian  on  F  3,  4. 

Appia,  Via :  Geta  buried  on  Ge  7,  2. 

Apuleius,  L :  writer  of  Milesiae  CA 

12,  12. 

Apuleius  Rufinus :    consul  with  Se- 

verus  S  4,  4. 
Apulia,  district  of  Italy  :  L.  Verus  in 

V  6,  9  :  Tetricus  supervisor  of  TT 

24.5. 

Aquileia,  city  in  Italy  :  M.  Aurelius 
and  L.  Verus  at  MA  14,  2 ;  V  9, 
7-10 :  resisted  siege  by  Maximinus 
M  21,  6—22,  6;  28,  4;  33,  i;  M-B 

11,  3;    12,  2-3;    15,  4;    16,   5.  7: 
Maximinus    killed    at    M    23,    6; 
M-B  ii,  2 :   army  fed  with  provi- 
sions from  M  24,  3  :  news  of  Maxi- 
minus' death  sent  from   to  Rome 
M  25,  2 :  memorial  of  Maximinus 
near  M  28,   8 :   question   whether 
Maximus  went  to  M  33,  3 :  letter 
of  senate  to  council  of  T  18,  6 : 
Carus  in  list  of  council  of  Ca  4,  4. 

Aquilius :  centurion,  sent  to  kill 
SeverusDJ  5,  8;  PN  2,6. 

Aquilo :  name  given  by  Aelius  Verus 
to  messenger  Ae  5,  10. 

Aquinum,  town  in  Italy :  grandfather 
of  Pescennius  Niger  official  at  PN 

if  3- 

Arabia :  Hadrian  in  H  14,  4 :  pro- 
digies in  AP  9,  4-5 :  pestilence  in 
AP  9,  4  :  victory  of  Avidius  Cassius 
in  AC  6,  5 ;  Severus  in  S  9,  9 : 
legion  in  declared  for  Albinus  S 

12,  6:   governor  of  implicated  in 
conspiracy  but  pardoned  D  8,  4. 

Arabianus :  punishment  of  urged  by 
Diadumenianus  D  9,  i. 

Arabianus :  see  Claudius  :  Claudius 
Severus:  Flavius:  Septimius. 

Arabicus:  cognomen  conferred  on 
Severus  89,10;  assumed  by  Cara- 
calla  Cc  10,  6. 

Arabs :  conquered  by  Severus  S  18, 
i :  war  of  Macrinus  against  Eudae- 
mones  OM  12,  6 :  subject  to  Zen- 
obia  TT  30,  7:  served  under 
Aurelian  A  ii,  3:  Eudaemones 
marched  in  Aurelian's  triumph  A 

07      A 

Arad'io :  killed  by  Probus  P  9,  3. 


Aratus  :  Cicero's  translation  of  imita. 
ted  by  Gordian  I.  Go  3,  2. 

Area  Caesarea,  city  in  Syria :  Severus 
Alexander  born  at  SA  i,  2;  5,  I : 
omen  at  SA  13,5. 

Archimea :  omen  at  M  31,  3. 

Archontius  Severus :  conversation 
with  F  2,  i. 

Arcia,  town  in  Italy :  memorial  of 
Maximinus  near  M  28,  8. 

Arellius  Fuscus:  speech  of  TT  21, 
3-4:  proconsul  of  Asia  A  40,  4. 

Arellius  Fuscus :  cited  TT  25,  2. 

Areopagus :  Gallienus  wished  to  join 
Ga  ii,  5. 

Argunt  (?)  King  of  Scythians  ; 
attacked  neighbours  Go  31, 1. 

Aristomachus :  tribune,  withheld 
colours  when  soldiers  wished  to 
kill  Elagabalus  E  14,  8. 

Aristotle :  works  of  studied  by  Gor- 
dian I.  Go  7,  i :  famed  for  philo- 
sophy A  3,  5. 

Armenia :  victory  of  Pnscus  in  MA 
9,  i :  recovered  by  generals  of 
L.  Verus  V  7,  i :  victory  of  Avidius 
Cassius  in  AC  6,  5 :  victory  of 
Palmatus  in  SA  58,  i. 

Armeniacus :  cognomen  borne  by 
M.  Aurelius  and  L.  Verus  MA  9, 
i ;  V  7,  2 :  by  Aurelian  A  30,  5. 

Armenians:  permitted  by  Hadrian 
to  have  king  H  21,  ii :  saved  by 
Antoninus  Pius  from  Parthian  in- 
vasion AP  9,  6 :  served  under  Niger 
PN  4,  2 :  war  of  Caracalla  against 
Cc  6,  i :  war  of  Macrinus  against 
OM  12,  6 :  in  army  of  Severus 
Alexander  SA  61,  8;  TT  32,  3 : 
letter  of  king  of  Va  3 :  subject  to 
Zenobia  TT  30,  7 :  Zenobia  drank 
with  TT  30,  18:  hated  by  Maxi- 
minus made  Titus  emperor  TT  32, 
3  :  served  under  Aurelian  An,  3  : 
sent  aid  to  Zenobia,  intercepted  by 
Aurelian  A  27,  4 ;  28,  i.  4  :  revered 
Aurelian  A  41, 10. 

Arria  Fadilla :  mother  of  Antoninus 
Pius  AP  i,  4. 

Arrianus :  see  Annius  :  Herodianus. 

Arrius    Augur :     consulship   of    MA 

i,  5- 

Arrius  Antoninus :  grandfather  of 
Antoninus  Pius  AP  i,  4. 

461 


INDEX  OF  NAMES 


Arrius  Antoninus,  C. :  accused  of 
treason  by  Pertinax  HP  3, 7 :  killed 
by  Oleander  C  7,  i. 

Axtabanus  V.,  King  of  the  Parthians  : 
avenged  slaughter  of  Parthians 
and  granted  peace-  to  Romans  OM 

8,3- 
Artabassis:     delivered    company    ot 

Persians  to  Romans  P  4,  i. 
Artavasdes :  letter  of  Va  3. 
Artaxanses  :  recaptured  from  Persians 

by  Gordian  III.  Go  26,  6. 
Artaxata,  city  in  Armenia :  captured 

by  M.  Statius  Priscus  MA  9,  i. 
Artaxerxes,   King  of   the    Persians: 

defeated  by  Severus  Alexander  SA 

55,  i ;  56,  7- 
Articuleius  Paetus,   Q. :    consulship 

ofHs.i. 
Ascanius :  Diadumenianus  likened  to 

D8.7. 

Asclepiodotus :  see  lulius. 

Asellio :  see  Marcius. 

Asellius  Aemilianus  :  general  of  Niger 
declared  a  public  enemy  S  8,  13 : 
PNs.7:  defeated  PN  5,  7:  Severus 
refused  to  pardon  S  8,  15  :  defeated 
and  killed  S  8,  16. 

Asellius  Claudianus:  killed  by^  Se- 
verus S  13,  i. 

Asia :  Hadrian  in  H  13,  i.  6  :  Antoni- 
nus Pius  proconsul  of  AP  3,  2-3.  6 ; 
4,  3 :  earthquake  in  AP  9,  i  :  L. 
Verus  in  V  6,  9 :  Arrius  Antoninus 
proconsul  of  C  7,  i :  Sulpicius  Cras- 
sus  proconsul  of  C  7,  7 :  persons 
killed  in  by  Commodus  €7,7: 
Caracalla  in  Cc  5,  8 :  legate  of  im- 
plicated in  conspiracy  but  par- 
doned D  8,  4  :  Balbinus  proconsul 
of  M-B  7,  2  :  subject  to  Romans  Va 
1,5:  Macrianus  in  Ga  2,  5  :  earth- 
quake in  Ga  5,  3 ;  6,  5  :  invaded 
by  Goths  Ga  6,  2.  5;  7,  3;  13,  8; 
Cl  8,  i :  Faltonius  Probus  and 
Arellius  Fuscus  proconsuls  of  A 
40,  4. 

Asinius  Lepidus  Praetextatus,  C. : 
consulship  of  Go  26,  3. 

Asinius  Quadratus,  historian;  cited 
V8,  4;  AC  i,  2. 

Aspnanus :  see  Fulvius. 

Assyrii :  Constantina  wife  of  tribune 
of  Cl  13,  3. 

462 


Astacus  :  old  name  of  Nicomedia  Ga 
4,8. 

Astyanax :  see  Maeonius. 

Ateius  Sanctus,  orator:  teacher  of 
Commodus  C  i,  6. 

Atellanae,  fabulae:  produced  by 
Hadrian  H  26,  4. 

Athenaeum,  place  in  Rome  :  Pertinax' 
visit  to  interrupted  HP  u,  3: 
visited  by  Severus  Alexander  SA 
35,  2 :  Gordian  I  debated  in  Go 

3,  4- 

Athenaeus :  defended  Byzantium 
against  Goths  Ga  13,  6. 

Athenio :  Maximinus  likened  to  M 
9,  6. 

Athens :  Hadrian's  generosity  and 
offices  held  in  H  13,  i;  19,  1-2: 
Temple  of  Jupiter  Olympius  and 
altar  to  Hadrian  H  13,6:  part  of 
named  Hadrianopolis  H  20,  4 : 
M.  Aurelius  at  MA  27,  i :  L.  Verus 
at  V  6,  9 :  Severus  at  S  3,  7 : 
Gallienusat  Ga  n,  3-5:  people  of 
defeated  Goths  Ga  13,  8 :  Plato 
born  at  A  3,  4 :  amnesty  proclaimed 
by  people  of  A  39,  4 :  letter  of 
senate  to  council  of  T  18,  6. 

Atherianus :  see  lulius. 

Atilius  Severus:  consul,  exiled  by 
Commodus  C  4,  n. 

Atilius  Titianus :  conspired  against 
Antoninus  Pius  AP  7,  3. 

Atrebati,  in  Gaul :  cloaks  from  Ga  6, 
6  :  capes  from  Ca  20,  6. 

Attalus :  condemned  by  Arrius  An- 
toninus C  7,  i. 

Attianus :  see  Caelius. 

Atticus  :  see  Claudius :  Vettius. 

Attidius  Cornelianus :  governor  of 
Syria,  defeated  by  Vologaesus  MA 
8,6. 

Aufidius  Victorinus,  C. :  fellow- 
student  of  M.  Aurelius  MA  3,  8 : 
sent  to  repel  invasion  of  Chatti 
MA  8,  8. 

Augur :  see  Arrius. 

Augusta  (as  imperial  name) :  con- 
ferred on  Faustina  the  elder  AP  5, 
2:  on  Flavia  Titiana,  but  refused 
by  Pertinax  HP  5,  4:  6,  9:  on 
Manlia  Scantilla  and  Didia  Clara 
PJ  3,  4 ;  4i  5  '•  taken  from  Didia 
Clara  DJ  8,  9;  held  by  Victoria 


INDEX  OF  NAMES 


Augusta,  Historia:  written  by 
Tacitus  T  10,  3. 

AUGUSTUS :  title  of  Pater  Patriae 
granted  to  him  late  H  6, 5  :  military 
discipline  relaxed  after  H  10,  3 : 
temple  of  at  Tarraco  restored  by 
Hadrian  H  12,  3 :  could  not  be 
overthrown  by  rebels,  according  to 
Marcus  Aurelius  AC  8,  6  :  clemency 
of  AC  ii,  6:  temple  of  at  Tarraco 
dreamed  of  by  Severus  83,  4 : 
donative  of  to  soldiers  cited  as 
precedent  by  troops  of  Severus  S 
7,  6 :  unsuccessful  in  adoption  of 
son  S  21,  3  :  admired  by  Niger  PN 

12,  i :  example  of  good  ruler  E  i, 
2 ;  A  42,  4 :  gave  name  to  all  later 
emperors  SA  10,  4  :  erected  statues 
of  famous  men   SA  28,  6 :   resem- 
blance of  Gordian  I  to  Go  21,   5: 
equalled  in  moderation  by  Claudius 
Cl  2,   3 :   pomerium  extended   by 
A  21 ,  1 1 :  list  of  emperors  after  A 
42,  3-4 :  Probus  compared  with  P 
22,  4 :  Rome  weakened  until  time 
of,  made  strong  by  Ca  3,  i. 

Augustus  (as  imperial  name) :  held 
conjointly  by  M.  Aurelius  and  L. 
Verus  H  24,  2 ;  Ae  5,  12-13  ;  MA  7, 
6 ;  conferred  on  L.  Verus  MA  7,  5  : 
held  by  Antonines  SA  10,  4 :  con- 
ferred on  Pertinax  HP  5,  5 :  on 
Didius  Julianus  DJ  4,  5  :  on  Cara- 
calla  S  18,  9;  Cc  11,  3:  not  held 
by  Diadumenianus  D  10,  4 :  con- 
ferred on  Severus  Alexander  SA  i, 
3;  8,  i :  on  Maximinus  M  8,  i :  on 
Gordians  M  14,  3-5;  15,  7;  18,  2 ; 
Go  4,  2;  ii,  10 ;  16,  4;  17,  i  ;~I9. 
7;  34,  i;  M-B  i,  i:  on  Maximus 
and  Balbinus  M  20,  2 ;  Go  22,  i ; 
on  Gordian  III  Go  22,  5  :  on  Philip 
Go  31,  3 :  held  by  Decii  Va  6,  8 : 
conferred  on  Valerian  the  younger 
Va  8,  i ;  Ga  14,  9  :  on  Odaenathus 
Ga  12,  i :  assumed  by  Cyriades 
TT  2,  3  :  conferred  on  Postumus 
the  younger  TT  4,  i :  on  Tetricus 
TT  24,  i :  on  Tacitus  T  4,  3 :  on 
Probus  P  10,  4;  ii,  4;  12,  8:  on 
Firmus  F  2,  i :  on  Diocletian  Ca 

13,  1-2;  18,  i. 

Aurelia,  Via :  Lorium  situated  on 
AP  i,  8:  vines  planted  along  A 
48,  2. 


Aurelia  Fadilla,  daughter  of  M. 
Aurelius  :  illness  of  AC  10,  6. 

Aurelia  Messalina  :  mother  ofClodius 
Albinus  CA  4,  3. 

AURELIAN  :  foremost  of  emperors 
£35,2:  extended  Empire  SA  64,  i : 
bravest  of  emperors  T  4,  5  :  restored 
world  to  Roman  sway  A  i,  5;  32, 
4 ;  41 ,  7 :  life  of  written  by  Vopiscus 
P  i,  5 ;  F  i,  4 :  life  of  little  known 
A  i,  5-9;  birthplace  and  parents  A 
3 ;  4,  1-2 ;  24,  3  :  omens  of  future 
rule  A  4,  3-5.  6 :  legate  to  King  of 
Persians  A  5,  5  :  appearance  and 
habits  A  6,  i :  severity  to  soldiers 
A.  6,  2 ;  7,  3 — 8,  5  :  military  posts 
and  campaigns  under  Valerian  A 
6,  2;  7,  i;  10,  2-3 ;  n,  1-7:  wars 
against  Sarmatians  A  6,  3-4 ;  7,  2 ; 
18,  2 :  against  Franks  A  7,  1-2 : 
against  Persians,  A  7,  2 ;  35,  4;  41, 
9;  T  13,  3 :  greatness  A  II,  10: 
feared  by  Valerian  A  8,  5 :  allow- 
ance, supplies  and  gifts  to  A  9,  i. 
6-7;  12,  i-2;  13,  2-4:  deputy  of 
Ulpius  Crinitus  and  adopted  by 
himAio,2-3;  11,1-2;  12,3 — 15,2; 
38,  2:  consulship  A  ii,  8;  12,  i; 

15,  3 ;  victories  over  Goths  A  13,  2 ; 

16,  i.  4;.  17,  i— 18,  i;  22,2;  41,  8; 
P  6,  6 :  interview  with  Valerian  at 
Byzantium  A   13,   i — 15,  i ;   com- 
mander of  cavalry  under  Claudius 
A  18,  i :  letters  of  A  7, 5-8 ;  20,  4-8 ; 
23,  4-5;   26,  3-9;   31,  5-9;  38,  3-4; 
42,2-4;  P  6,  6;  F  15, 6-8:  message 
to  senate  TT  30,  4-11 :  letters  ot 
Valerian  concerning  A  8 — 9;    12; 
letters  of  Valerian  and  Claudius  to 
An;  17, 2-4  :  made  emperor  A  16, 
i;   37,  6;   Ca  15,  2:  said  to  have 
killed  Aureolus  A 16, 2  :  war  against 
Suebi  A  18,  2  :  repelled  invasion  of 
Marcomanni  A  18,  3 — 21,  5 ;  41,  8 : 
ordered    consultation    of  Sibylline 
Books  A 18,  5—20,  8 :  cruelty  A  21, 
5-91  3i,  4-5;  36,  2;  39,  8;  44,1-2; 
P  8,  i :  relations  with  senate  A  21, 
6 ;  37,  4 ;  39,  8 :  extended  walls  of 
Rome  and  pomerium  A  21,  9;  39, 
2 :    marched    through    Byzantium 
and  recovered   Bithynia  A  22,  3 : 
captured  Tyana  A  22,  5 — 24,  3  ;  25, 
I ;   Apollonius  appeared   to  A  24, 
2-6 ;   25,  i :    matchless  purple  gar- 

463 


INDEX  OF  NAMES 


Aurelian— continued. 

ment  received  by  A  29:  war  against 
Zenobia  TT  30,  3 ;  A  22,  i ;  25,  2— 
28,  4;  35,  4;  41,9:  letters  and  con- 
versation with  Zenobia  TT  30,  23 ; 
A  26,  6 — 27,  6 :  granted  Zenobia's 
life  TT  30,  27;  A  30,  2:  killed 
Longinus  A  30,  3:_defeated  Carpi 
A  30,  4 :  cognomina  A  30,  4-5  : 
victories  in  Thrace,  Illyricum  and 
Europe  A  22,  2 ;  31,  4;  32,  1-2; 
41,  8;  F  5,  i:  crushed  revolt  of 
Palmyrenes  A  31,  1-6:  restored 
Temple  of  Sun  at  Palmyra  A  31, 
7-9 :  defeated  Tetricus  in  Gaul  TT 
24,  2-3;  A  32,  3;  41,  8:  triumph 
over  Zenobia  and  Tetricus  TT  24, 
4-5 ;  25,  2 ;  3°,  3-4-  24-26 ;  A  30,  2  ; 
32,  4—34,  6 ;  39,  i ;  spectacles  given 
by  A  34,6:  honoured  Tetrici  and 
friendship  for  them  TT  24,  5;  25, 
2-4;  A  39,  1-2:  Firmus  revolted 
against  in  Egypt  A  32,  2-3 ;  F  i,  4; 
2,  i-3;  3,  i;  5:  gifts,  food,  wine 
and  clothing  for  populace  A  35,  i- 
2;  47;  48:  built  Temple  of  the 
Sun  at  Rome  and  enriched  it  A  i, 
3;  25,  5;  35.  3;  39,  2-6:  good 
legislation  A  35,  3  :  in  Gaul  A  35, 
4 :  saved  Vindelici  from  invasion 
A  35,  4  ;  41,  8 :  in  Illyricum  A  35, 
4  :  killed  A  35,  5—37,  2 ;  40,  2;  41, 
i.  12;  T  2,  4;  P  13,  5;  Ca  3,  7: 
tomb  and  temple  A  37,  2-3 :  mur- 
derers of  punished  A  37,  2-3  ;  T  13, 
i ;  P  13,  2 :  general  grief  at  death 
of  A  37,  3  :  length  of  reign  A  37,  4  : 
deified  A  37,  4;  41,  2.  13:  freed 
world  from  crime  A  37,  7 :  mur- 
dered niece  (or  nephew)  A  36,  3 ; 
39,9:  revolt  of  mint- workers  under 
A  38,  2-4 :  burned  records  of  debts 
and  punished  false  accusers  and 
dishonest  officials  A  30,  3-5  :  formed 
province  of  Dacia  Transdanuvina 
A  39,  7 :  interregnum  after  death 
of  A  40;  T  i,  i ;  2;  14,  5 :  no  one 
more  fortunate  or  useful  than  A 
41,  6:  revered  by  eastern  nations 
A  41,  10:  enriched  temples  A  41, 
n  :  descendants  A  42, 1-2  :  example 
of  good  ruler  A  42,  4 :  neither  good 
nor  bad  ruler  A  44,  i :  Diocletian's 
opinion  of  A  44,  2  :  prophecy  given 
to  related  by  Diocletian  A  44,  3-5  : 

464 


Aurelian — continued. 
used  taxes  from  Egypt  for  food  of 
Rome  A  45,  i ;  47,  i :  public  \vorks 
A  45,  2 ;  49,  2 :  generosity  to 
friends  A  45,  3 :  sumptuary 
measures  A  45,  4—46,  6 ;  49,  7-8 ;  T 
11,6:  increased  boatmen  A  47,  3  : 
promoted  viticulture  A  48,  2 : 
residence  A  49,  i :  harshness  to 
servants  A  49,  3-5:  established 
senaculum  A  49,  6:  simplicity  of 
life  A  49,  9 — 50,  4 :  rule  fortunate 
A  50,  5  :  beloved  by  people,  feared 
by  senate  A  50,  5  :  disapproved  of 
statue  cf  Gallienus  Ga  18,  4 : 
honours  for  proposed  by  Tacitus 
T  9,  2.  5  :  Probus  to  be  preferred 
to  T  16,  6 :  Probus'  achievements 
under  P  6,  i.  5  :  planned  to  make 
Probus  emperor  P  6,  7 :  under 
Probus  no  longer  desired  P  12,  2  : 
planned  to  make  throne  for  Jupiter 
F  3,  4 :  Firmus  competed  in 
drinking  with  generals  of  F  4,  4-5  : 
proclamation  of  concerning  Firmus 
F  5,  3-6 :  made  Saturninus  com- 
mander of  eastern  frontier  and 
forbade  to  visit  Egypt  F  7,  2 ;  9,  i : 
knew  character  of  Gauls  F  7,  3 : 
put  down  people  of  Lugdunum  F 
13,  i :  remark  of  concerning 
Bonosus  F  14,  3 :  gave  wife  and 
wedding-gifts  to  Bonosus  F  15,  4-8 : 
a  vigorous  prince  Ca  i,  2. 

Aurelianus  :  influenced  Niger  to  per- 
sist in  rebellion  PN  7,  i. 

Aurelianus :  tribune,  captured  with 
Valerian  A  6,  2. 

Aurelianus :  proconsul  of  Cilicia, 
great-grandson  of  Aurelian  A  42,  2. 

Aurelianus :  see  Pescennius. 

Aurelianus  :  name  of  coin  P  4,  5. 

AURELIUS  ANTONINUS,  M. : 
pre-eminent  in  purity  of  life  MA 
i,  i :  devoted  to  philosophy  MA 
i,  i;  4,  10;  6,  5;  8,  3;  16,  5;  AC 
3,  6-7;  14,  5;  D  7,  4;  SA  9,  i: 
family  and  birth  MA  i,  1-6 ;  edu- 
cation and  teachers  AP  10,  4 ;  MA 
i,  7;  2,  i — 3,  9:  sister  MA  i,  8: 
married  to  Faustina  AP  i,  7;,io, 
2;  MA  i,  8;  6,  6;  V  2,  3  :  original 
names  MA  i,  9-10:  affection  of 
Hadrian  for  MA  4,  1-2;  16,  6-7: 
early  honours  MA  4,  2-6 :  betrothal 


INDEX  OF  NAMES 


Aurelius  Antoninus — continued. 
to  daughter  of  L.  Ceionius  Com- 
modus  MA  4,  5 ;  6,  2 :  generosity 
to  sister  and  her  son  MA  4,7;  7,  4  : 
amusements  MA  4,  8-9:  adopted 
by  Antoninus  Pius  H  24,  I ;  Ae  5, 
12;  6,  9;  7,  2;  AP  4,  5;  MA  5, 
i-7;  i9,9;  Va,  a;  Sao,  i;  SA  10, 
5 :  relations  with  Antoninus  Pius 
AP  io,  5;  MA  5,  7-8;  6,  7-10-  7, 
2-3 :  career  of  office  AP  6,  9 :  MA 
5,  6 ;  6,  i.  3.  4 :  colleague  or  An- 
toninus Pius  in  imperial  powers 
MA  6,  6 :  birth  of  daughter  MA  6, 
6 :  lack  of  greed  MA  7,  i :  made 
emperor  AP  12,  5  ;  MA  7,  3  :  made 
L.  Verus  co-emperor  MA  7,  5-6; 
V  3,  8 — 4,  3  :  assumed  name  Anton- 
inus MA  7,  6;  OM  3,  4;  D  6,  5: 
added  honour  to  name  OM  7,  7 : 
married  Lucilla  to  L.  Verus  MA 
7,7;  9,4-6;  V  2,  4;  7i  7-  endow- 
ment for  orphans  MA  7,  8 :  dona- 
tive to  soldiers  MA  7,  9  :  honours 
for  Antoninus  Pius  MA  7,  10-11 : 
leniency  MA  8,  i ;  13,6:  overflow 
of  Tiber  under  MA  8,  4-5  :  wars 
and  invasions  MA  8,  6—9,  i ;  21,  i- 
2;  22,  i.  io.  ii :  consideration  for 
L.  Verus  MA  8,  io.  n.  13  ;  15,  3  ; 
V  4,  ii ;  5,  6;  6,  7:  cognomina 
MA  9,  1-2 ;  12,  9 :  finally  accepted 
title  of  Pater  Patriae  MA  9,  3;  12, 
7 :  care  for  status  of  citizens  MA 
9,  7-9 :  deference  to  senate  MA  io, 
i-io;  12,  7;  29,4:  legislation  MA 
9,  9;  io,  2;  ii,  8-10 :  administra- 
tive measures  MA  io,  io— ii,  7 ;  23, 
i — 24,  2;  27,  6  :  moderation  MA  12, 
1-7.  9.  12 :  offered  the  corona  civica 
MA  12,  8:  triumphs  MA  12,  8-n ; 

16,  2;    17,  3;  27,  3;  C  2,  4:   wars 
with  Marcomanni  MA  12, 13 — 14,  7 ; 

17,  1-4;  21,  6—22,  2;  V  9,  7-10;  C 
2-5 ;  E  9,  1-2 :    pestilence   MA  13, 
3-6;    17,   2;  21,  6:   criticism  and 
slander  of  MA  9,  5 ;  15,  i.  5.  6 ;  22, 
5 ;  23,  5 ;  29,  3-7 ;  V  io,  2 ;  n,  2-3  : 
relations  with  freedmen  MA  15,  2; 
V  9,  6 :  honours  for  L.  Verus  MA 
I5i   3-4i   20,  i:   honours  for  rela- 
tives   MA    16,   i ;    20,   5 ;    29,   8 : 
honours  for    Commodus    MA  16, 
1-2;  17,  3;  22,  12;  C  i,  10—2,  5: 
virtues  in  rule  as  sole  emperor  MA 


Aurelius  Antoninus — continued. 

16,  3-5  :  care  for  provinces  MA  17, 
i ;    22,    9 :     auction    to    replenish 
treasury  MA  17,  4-5;  ai,  9;  E  19, 
i :    granted  pomp   to  commoners 
MA  17,  6 ;  E  19,  i :  spectacles  MA 

17,  7 ;   27,   5 :   refused   to  divorce 
Faustina  or  believe  rumours  con- 
cerning her  MA  19,  9;  23,  7;   26, 
5  :  regard  for  reputation  MA  20,  5  ; 
22,  5 ;   29,   5  :   married   Lucilla  to 
Claudius  Pompeianus  MA  20,  6-7  : 
loss  of  son  Verus  aud  honours  for 
him   MA  21,  3-5 :    settled   Marco- 
manni in  Italy  MA  22,  2 ;   24,   3 : 
consulted  with  friends  MA  22,  3-4  : 
erected  statues  of  nobles  MA  22,  7 : 
largesses  to  people  MA  22,  12 ;  27, 
5.  8 :  planned  to  make  new  provin- 
ces in   north    MA  24,  5 ;  27,   io : 
revolt  of  Avidius  Cassius  MA  15, 
6;  21,2;  24,6—25,  4;  AC  7,  1-9; 
C  2,  2;  F  i,  i :  leniency  to  parti- 
sans and  children  of  Cassius  MA 

25,  5-10 ;  26,  3.  10-13;  AC  8,  2—9, 
4;  ii,  4—12,  io ;  13,  6-7:  in  Syria 
MA  25,  11—26,  i ;  C  2,  3  :  negotia- 
tions    with     oriental     kings     and 
beloved  in  eastern  provinces  MA 

26,  1-2 :  in  Egypt  MA  26,  3 ;  C  3, 
3 :  honours  and  temple  for  Faustina 
MA  26,  5-9 :   at   Athens,  initiated 
into  Eleusinian  Mysteries  MA  27, 
ii ;   Ga  ii,   4:    assumed  toga   in 
Brundisium  MA  27,  3 :  at  Lavinium 
MA  27,  4 :   made  Commodus  col- 
league in  tribunician  power   MA 

27,  5 ;  AC  13,  4 :  opinion  concern- 
ing Commodus  MA  27,  n  ;  28,  io : 
quoted   Plato   MA  27,  7:  married 
Commodus  to  daughter  of  Bruttius 
Praesens  MA  27,  8:  death  MA  18, 
i;  27,  9.  11-12;   28,  1-9:    beloved 
and  honoured  MA  18,2-8;  19,  10- 
12:     patience    toward    Faustina's 
lovers  MA  29,  1-3 :  Fabia  tried  to 
marry  MA  29,  io :  rumours  of  dis- 
sensions with   L.  Verus  V  9,  1-2: 
correspondence    concerning  revolt 
of  Avidius  Cassius  AC  i,  6 — 2,  8; 
5,  5-i2;  9,  7-8;  9,  ii— io,  io ;  n, 
3-8 :  speech  to  senate  and  acclama- 
tions  AC    12,    i — 13,   5 :    deemed 
happy  had  he  not    eft    son    like 
Commodus   MA  18,   i ;    S  21,  5 : 

465 


INDEX  OF  NAMES 


Aurelius  Antoninus — continued. 
suspected,  then  promoted  Pertinax 
HP  2,  4-9 :  promoted  Didius  Juli- 
anus  DJ  i,  5 :  promoted  Severus 
S  i,  5;  3,  i.  3:  example  of  good 
son  by  adoption  S  21,  4:  letter 
concerning  Niger  PN  4,  1-3 : 
Niger's  advice  to  PN  7,  2-3 :  ad- 
mired by  Niger  PN  12,  i :  details 
concerning  related  by  Cordus  OM 
i,  4:  example  of  good  ruler  E  i, 
2 ;  A  42,  4  :  revered  by  Constantine 
E  2,  4 :  wrong  done  to  by  Elaga- 
balus  SA  7,  3  :  praised  by  Gordian 
I  Go  3,  3  :  equalled  in  kindness  by 
Victorinus  TT  6,  6  :  in  righteous- 
ness by  Claudius  Cl  2,  3 :  Rome 
happy  under  Ca  3,  4. 

Aurelius  Antoninus,  M. :  see  Cara- 
calla :  Elagabalus. 

Aurelius  Apollinaris  :  accomplice  in 
murder  of  Caracalla  Cc  6,  7. 

Aurelius  Apollinaris :  poetry  of 
eclipsed  by  Numerian's  Ca  n,  2. 

Aurelius  Cleander,  M.,  chamberlain 
of  Commodus  :  influence  over  Corn- 
modus  C  6,  3.  5-12  :  appointed  pre- 
fect of  the  guard  C  6,  12  :  death  C 
7,  i :  debaucheries  C  7,  3 :  public 
bath  built  by  C  17,  5. 

Aurelius  Festivus,  Aurelian's  freed- 
man  :  cited  F  6,  2. 

Aurelius  Fulvus  :  father  of  Antoninus 
Pius  AP  i,  3. 

Aurelius  Fulvus,  T. :  grandfather  of 
Antoninus  Pius  AP  i,  2. 

Aurelius  Gordianus,  consul :  pre- 
sided over  meeting  of  senate  A  41,  3. 

Aurelius  Nemesianus :  accomplice  in 
murder  of  Caracalla  Cc  6,  7. 

Aurelius  Olympius  Nemesianus,  M. : 
Numerian  competed  with  Ca  n,  2. 

Aurelius  Philippus :  teicher  of  Sev- 
erus Alexander  SA  3,  2. 

Aurelius  Probus :  superintendent  of 
imperial  dye-works  SA  40,  6. 

Aurelius  Verus,  biographer  of  Trajan  : 
cited  SA  48,  6. 

Aurelius  Victor  (with  cognomen 
Pinius),  historian :  statements  of 
concerning  Macrinus  OM  4,  2-4. 

Aurelius  Zoticus:  power  of  under 
Elagabalus  E  10,  2-5. 

Aureoli,  Pons,  place  in  Italy :  Aure- 
olas killed  and  buried  at  TT  n,  4.5. 

466 


AUREOLUS :  rebellion  against  Gal- 
lienus  Ga  2,6;  3,  i;  14,  6-7;  TT 
ii,  i;  12,  2:  took  over  army  of 
Macrianus  Ga  2,  7;  TT  n,  2;  12, 
14;  14,  i :  held  Illyricum  Ga  3,  3  ; 
5,  6:  Gallic nus  made  peace  with 
Ga4,6;  21,5;  TT  11,3;  Cl  5,  i; 
A  16,  i :  aided  Gallienus  against 
Postumus  Ga  7,  I :  supported  at 
Rome  Ga  9,  i :  promoted  by  Val- 
erian TT  10, 14  :  found  favour  with 
Gallienus  Cl  5,  i:  defeated  by 
Claudius,  killed  and  buried  TT  11, 
4-5 ;  Cl  5,  1-3 ;  A  16,  1-2 :  Domiti- 
anus  general  of  TT  12,  14 :  not 
trusted  by  Ballista  TT  18,  i : 
soldiers  sent  by  to  seize  Quietus 
killed  Ballista  TT  18,  3  :  Zenobia's 
contempt  for  TT  30,  23  :  Claudius 
besought  to  save  from  Cl  4,  4 : 
praised  by  Callus  Antipater  Cl  5,  4. 

Aurunculeius  Cornelianus  :  killed  by 
Severus  S  13,  2. 

Austrogothi :  invasion  of  under 
Claudius  Cl  6,  2. 

Autronius  lustus  :  letter  to  T  19,  1-2. 

Autronius  Tiberianus :    letter    of  T 

AVIDIUS  CASSIUS:  ancestry  AC 
i,  1-4  :  hatred  for  principate  AC  i, 
4 :  alleged  conspiracies  against 
Antoninus  Pius  and  L.  Verus  AC 

1,  5-6:  character  AC  3,  4-5;  13,  9- 
10:   severity  in  military  discipline 
AC  3,  8 — 6,  4 :  in  command  of  army 
in  Syria  AC  5,  4 — 6,  4 :  as  legate  of 
L.   Verus  victorious  against  Par- 
thians  V  7,  i :  stormed  Seleucia  V 
8,    3-4 :     victorious    in    Armenia, 
Arabia  and  Egypt  MA  21,  2;  AC 
6,  5-7 :  beloved  and  supported  by 
people    of    Antioch     MA    25,    8; 
AC  6,  5-6;  7,  8;  9,  i :  attempt  to 
seize  the  imperial  power  MA  15,  6; 
21,  2;  24,  6—25,  4;  AC  7,  1-8;  C 

2,  2;  CA  6,  2;  10,  9-10;  SA  i,  7; 
F  i,  i :  death  MA  25,  2-3;  AC  7, 
8-9;  8,  i :  leniency  of  M.  Aurelius 
toward  MA  25,  5—26,  i;    26,  10- 
13;  AC  8,  2—9,  4;  ii,  4—12,  10 ; 
13,  6-7:  descendants  of  killed   by 
Commodus  AC  13,  7 :  correspond- 
ence of   M.    Aurelius    concerning 
revolt  AC  i,  6—2,  8;  5,  5-12;  9,  7- 
8;  9,  u— 10,  10;  ii,  3-8:  speech 


INDEX  OF  NAMES 


Avidius  Cassius — continued. 
of  M.  Aurelius  in  the  Senate  con- 
cerning partisans  of  AC  12,  3-10: 
letter  to  son-in-law  AC  14,  2-8 : 
Pertinax  in  Syria  during  revolt 
of  HP  2,  10 :  senators  opposed  to 
CA  12,  10 :  life  of  written  by 
Marius  Maximus  F  i,  i. 

Avidius  Heliodorus:  son  of  Avidius 
Cassius,  banished  by  M.  Aurelius 
MA  26,  ii. 

Avidius  Nigrinus,  C. :  conspiracy 
against  Hadrian  and  death  H.  7, 
1-2 :  father-in-law  of  Aelius  Verus 
H  23,  10. 

Avidius  Severus :  grandfather  ot 
Avidius  Cassius  AC  i,  i. 

Avitus :  see  Elagabalus :  Gallonius : 
Lollianus. 

Avulnius  Saturninus,  commander  of 
Scythian  frontier :  with  Valerian  at 
Byzantium  A  13,  i. 

Axomitae :  marched  in  Aurelian's 
triumph  A  33,  4  :  revered  Aurelian 
A  41,  10. 


Babylon :  captured  by  generals  of 
L.  Verus  V  7,  i. 

Babylonia:  pestilence  said  to  have 
originated  in  V  8,  2 :  Caracalla  in 
Cc  6,  4. 

Bactriani :  kings  of  sent  envoys  to 
Hadrian  H  21,  14:  offered  aid  for 
rescue  of  Valerian  Va  4 ,  i' :  marched 
in  Aurelian's  triumph  A  33,  4 : 
revered  Aurelian  A  41 ,  10. 

Baebius  Longus :  fellow-student  of 
M.  Aurelius  MA  3,  8. 

Baebius  Macer,  prefect  of  city  :  spared 
by  Hadrian  H  5,  5. 

Baebius  Macer,  prefect  of  guard  :  with 
Valerian  at  Byzantium  A  13,  i. 

Baebius  Macrianus,  rhetorician :  tea- 
cher of  Severus  Alexander  SA  3,  3. 

Baebius  Maecianus :  introduced  Al- 
binus  to  Antonines  CA  6,  i. 

Baetica :  see  Hispania. 

Baiae,  town  in  Italy :  Celsus  mur- 
dered at  H  7,  2 :  Hadrian  died  at 
H  25,  5-6;  AP  5,  i  ;  MA  6,  i : 
buildings  of  Severus  Alexander  at 
SA  26,  9-10 :  Tacitus  at  when  made 
emperor  T  7,  6:  senator's  retire- 
ment to  T  19,  5. 


BALBINUS:  origin  M-B  7,  i.  3; 
16,  i :  career  or  office  M-B  7,  a; 

15,  2 :  appearance  and  tastes  M-B 
7,  4-5  :  character  M  20,  i ;  M-B  i, 
2;   2,  7;   7,  6-7;    15,  i;    16,  4 :  on 
commission  of   twenty   to   oppose 
Maximinus,   made    emperor    with 
Maximus  M  20,  1-3.  8 ;   32,  3  •  33, 
3;  Go  10,  1-2;    19,  9;  22,  I;  M-B 
1,2—3,  3;  8,  i ;  13,  2;  15,5;  16,  6: 
riots  in  Rome  against  M  20,  6 ;  Go 
22,   7-9;    M-B  9,  1-4;    10,  4-8:  re- 
ceived news  of  death  of  Maximinus 
M    25,   3 :    sacrifices  on  news    of 
death  of  Maximinus  M  24,  7 ;  M- 
B   n,  4:  acknowledged  by  army 
of  Maximinus  M  24,  2-3  :  jealousy 
of  Maximus  M-B  12,   5  :   honours 
and  acclamations  in  senate  M  26 ; 
M-B  12,  9;  13,  1-2:  established  in 
Palace  M  24,  8;   26,  7:   ill-will  of 
soldiers  toward  M-B  12,  9;  13,  2-3. 
5  :  excellent  rule  of  M-B  13,  4;  15, 
1-2 :     plan  for    campaign    against 
Germans  M-B  13,  5  :  quarrels  with 
Maximus    M-B    14,  i  :    killed    by 
soldiers  Go  22,  5 ;  M-B  14,  2-8 ;  15, 
4 ;  16,  4 :  length  of  rule  Go  22,  5 ; 
M-B  15,  7  :  house  of  at  Rome  M-B 

1 6,  i :  letter  congratulating  MB  17. 
Balbus :    see    Antonius :    Cornelius : 

lunius. 

BALLISTA:  Valerian's  prefect  XT 
12,  i :  defeated  Persians  Va  4,  4 : 
helped  to  make  Macrianus  and  sons 
emperors  Ga  i,  2;  TT  14,  i: 
Macrianus'  prefect  Ga  3,  2;  TT  ia, 
6 ;  14,  i  :  betrayed  Quietus  Ga  3, 
2-4 :  seized  imperial  power  TT  15, 
4 ;  18,  i.  3  :  speeches  of  TT  12,  3-6. 
9-10:  pardoned  after  Quietus1 
death  TT  18,  i :  did  not  trust 
Gallienus,  Aureolus  or  Odaenathus 
TT  18,  i:  killed  TT  18,  2-3.  12: 
character  TT  18,  4 :  opinion  ot 
Valerian  concerning  TT  18,  5-11. 

Bardaici :    hooded  cloaks  from   HP 

8,3- 

Bassianus  :     see    Aelius :    Caracalla : 

Valerius. 
Bassus :  prefect  of  the  city,  successor 

appointed  by  Severus  S  8,  8. 
Bassus :  consulship  of  TT  9,  i. 
Bassus:  Lives  of  Firmus,  etc.,  ad* 

dressed  to  F  a,  i. 

t-67 


INDEX  OF  NAMES 


Bassus :  see  Cerronius. 

Bastarnae:  war  against  Rome  MA 
22,  i :  settled  in  Thrace  by  Probus 
P  18,  i. 

Belenus,  god  worshipped  at  Aquileia : 
prophecy  of  M  22,  i. 

Belgica :  see  Gallia. 

Bellona:  worshippers  maltreated  by 
Commodus  C  9,  5  :  omen  at  temple 
of  S  22,  6. 

Benacus  (Lake  Garda) :  descendants 
of  Probus  lived  near  P  24,  i. 

Bessi :  warred  against  Rome  MA  22, 1. 

Bithynia:  Didius  Julianus  governor 
of  DJ  2,  2  :  Heraclitus  sent  to  take 
possession  of  PN  5,  2;  troops  in 
commanded  by  Albinus  CA  6,  2 : 
Macrinus  and  Diadumenianus 
killed  in  OM  10,  3 ;  15,  i :  Maximus 
proconsul  of  M-B  5,  8:  Balbinus 

tovernor  of  M-B  7,  2  :  invaded  by 
cythians  (Goths)  Ga  4,  7;_  n,  i: 
descendants  of  Censorinus  lived  in 
TT  33,  5 :  recovered  by  Aurelian 
A  22,  3. 

Blemmyae(-es) :  marched  in  Aurelian's 
triumph  A  33,  4  :  revered  Aurelian 
A  41,  10 :  defeated  by  Probus  P  17, 
2-3.  6  :  Probus'  triumph  over  P  19, 
2.  8  :  Firmus1  relations  with  F  3,  3. 

Boeotia  :  Goths  retreated  through  Ga 

13,8. 

Boionia  Procilla :  grandmother  of 
Antoninus  Pius  AP  I,  4. 

Boius :  see  Fulvius. 

Bona  Dea,  Temple  of,  at  Rome: 
built  by  Hadrian  H  19,  n. 

Bonitus :  reported  favourably  about 
Regalianus  TT  10,  n. 

Bononia  (Bologna) :  tomb  of  Censor- 
inus near  TT  33,  4. 

BONOSUS  :  Vopiscus  will  write  life 
of  P  18,  6;  24,  7;  F  i,  4;  13,  6: 
origin  and  parentage  F  14,  i :  early 
career  and  habits  F  14,  2-5  :  seized 
imperial  power  in  Germany,  de- 
feated by  Probus,  committed  suicide 
P  -18,  4-5.  7;  F  15,  i-2 :  wife  and 
sons  F  15,  3-8. 

Bonus :  see  Rupilius. 

Boreas :  name  given  by  Aelius 
Verus  to  messenger  Ae  5,  10. 

Bosphorus  (Cimmerian) :  Rhoe- 
metalces  restored  to  kingdom  of 
AP  9,  8. 

4-68 


Britain:  Hadrian  in  H  n,  2:  wail 
built  in  H  11,2:  war  in  under  M. 
Aurelius  MA  22,  I :  under  Corn- 
modus  C  6,  2;  13,  5 :  Pertinax 
served  in  HP  2,  i :  revolt  in 
checked  by  Pertinax  HP  3,  5-10 : 
Albinus  commander  of  troops  in 
CA  13,  4:  troops  in  not  feared  by 
Julianus  DJ  5,  i :  Heraclitus  sent 
to  hold  S  6,  10 :  wall  built  in  by 
Severus  S  18,  2 :  tribes  in  subdued 
by  Severus  S  19,  I :  Severus  died 
in  S  19,  i ;  24,  i :  omen  in  S  22, 
4-5  :  peace  established  in  S  23,  3  : 
conquered  by  Julius  Caesar  CA 
13,  7:  Severus  Alexander  killed 
in  (incorrect)  SA  59,  6 :  stags  from 
painted  in  Domus  Pompeiana  Go 
3,  7 :  seized  by  Proculus  and 
Bonosus  P  18,  5 :  under  rule  of 
Carinus  Ca  16,  2. 

Britannicus:  cognomen  given  to 
Commodus  C  8 ,  4 :  to  Severus  S 
18,2. 

Britons:  revolts  of  H  5,  2;  MA  8, 
7-8;  C  6,  2  :  Hadrian  among  H  16, 
3 :  defeat  of  and  turf  wall  built 
AP  5,  4 :  allowed  by  Probus  to 
plant  vines  P  18,  8:  Bonosus 
descended  from  F  14,  i. 

Brocchus :  set.  lunius. 

Brundisinus :  see  Maecius. 

Brundisium,  town  in  Italy :  M. 
Aurelius  accompanied  daughter  to 
MA  9,  5 :  M.  Aurelius  assumed 
toga  and  ordered  soldiers  to  do  so 
at  MA  27,  3  :  Severus  at  on  way  to 
Syria  S  15,  2. 

Bruttii,  district  of  Italy :  Tetricus 
supervisor  of  TT  24,  5. 

Bruttius  Praesens,  C. :  daughter 
married  to  Commodus  MA  27,  8 : 
second  consulship  C  12,  7. 

Bucolici,  tribe  in  Egypt :  attacked 
Egypt  and  defeated  by  Avidius 
Cassius  MA  21,  2 ;  AC  6,  7. 

Burburus :  challenged  Firmus  to 
contest  in  drinking  F  4,  5. 

Buri :  warred  against  Rome  MA 
22,  T. 

Biirrus:  see  Antisiius. 

Busiris :  Maximiims  likened  to  M 
8,5- 


INDEX  OF  NAMES 


Byzantium  :  occupied  by  Niger  S  8, 
12 :  punished  by  Severus  for 
support  of  Niger,  rights  restored 
through  intervention  ot  Caracalla 
Cc  i,  7:  Gallienus'  soldiers  plun- 
dered and  were  punished  Ga  6,  8-9  ; 
7,  2.  4  :  key  of  the  Pontus  Ga  6,  8  : 
people  of  defeated  Goths  Ga  13,^6 ; 
Cl  9,  7  :  Valerian's  interview  with 
Ulpius  Crinitus  and  Aurelian  at  A 
10,  3;  13,  i — 15,1:  Aurelian  at  A 
22,  3 :  Aurelian  murdered  near  A 
35,5- 

Cadusii,   tribe  of  Media:    Caracalla 

among  Cc  6,  4 :   letter  of  King  of 

Va2. 
Caecilius :  eunuch  of  Faustina  AC 

10,9. 
Caecilius  Metellus  Numidicus,  Cj. : 

example     followed     by     Hadrian 

H  10,  2. 

Caecilius  Metellus  Pius,  Q. :  example 
of  loyalty  SA  8,  5. 

Caecilius :  see  Statius. 

Caelestinus  :  cited  Va  8,  i. 

Caelestis,  goddess :  oracles  given  by 
HP  4,  2;  OM  3,  i  :  Celsus  made 
emperor  in  robe  of  TT  29,  i. 

Caelianus,  rhetorician:  teacher  of 
Diadumenianus  D  8,  9. 

Caelius :  see  Apicius. 

Caelius,  Mons,  at  Rome :  M.  Aurelius 
born  on  MA  i,  5 :  Commodus 
moved  to  C  16,  3  :  dinner  served 
to  Elagabalus  on  E  30,  4 :  house 
of  Tetrici  on  TT  25,  4. 

Caelius  Antipater,  L.,  historian : 
preferred  to  Sallust  by  Hadrian  H 
16,  6. 

Caelius  Attianus :  guardian  of 
Hadrian  H  i,  4;  9,  3:  friendship 
for  Hadrian  H  4,  2:  advice  to 
Hadrian  on  his  accession  H  5,  5 : 
escorted  ashes  of  Trajan  H  5,  9 : 
promoted  by  Hadrian  from  prefect 
of  guard  to  senator  H  8,  7 : 
Hadrian's  jealousy  of  and  deposi- 
tion H  9,  3-4 :  Hadrian  owed  his 
principate  to  H  9,  6  :  regarded  as 
enemy  by  Hadrian  H  15,  2. 

Caelius  Felix  :  killed  by  Commodus 
C7.6. 

Caenophruriuiri,  place  in  Thrace : 
Aurelian  murdered  near  A  35,  5. 


Caesar  (as  imperial  name):  origin 
Ae  2,  3 :  used  for  heir  of  emperor 
Ae  i,  i;  OM  i,  i:  conferred  on 
Aelius  Verus  H  23,  n  ;  Ae  i,  2 ;  2, 
i.  6:  AP  4,  i;  V  i,  6:  on  M. 
Aurelius  MA  6,  3 :  on  L.  Verus 
MA  7,  5 :  on  sons  of  M.  Aurelius 
MA  12,  8;  C  i,  10:  on  Commodus 
MA  16,  i;  17,  3;  C  i,  10;  n,  13: 
refused  by  Pertinax  for  son  HP  6, 
9:  conferred  by  Commodus  on 
Albinus  S  6,  9;  CA  2,  1—3,  3;  6, 
4-5!  I3i  4-io:  conferred  on  Cara- 
calla S  10,  3 ;  14,  3 ;  16,  3 :  on 
Geta  S  16,  3  ;  Ge  5,  3 :  offered  by 
Severus  to  Albinus  CA  1,2;  7,  3-4 ; 
10,  3  :  conferred  on  Diadumenianus 
OM  10,  4 ;  D  2,  5 :  on  Severus 
Alexander  OM  4.,  i ;  E  5,  i ;  10,  i ; 
SA  i,  2;  2,  4;  8,  i ;  64,  4:  taken 
from  Alexander  E  13,  I :  given  by 
Alexander  to  father-in-law  SA  49, 
3 :  conferred  on  Gordian  III  M  16, 
7;  20,  2;  Go  22,  2-5;  M-B  3,  3-5; 
8,  3 :  on  Maximinus  the  younger 
M  22,  6 :  on  Valerian  the  younger 
Va  8,  i ;  Ga  14,  9  :  won  by  Cyriades 
TT  2,  2 :  conferred  on  Postumus 
the  younger  TT  4,  i :  on  Victorinus 
the  younger  TT  6,  3 ;  7,  i  :  on 
Tetricus  the  younger  TT  24,  i ; 
25,  i  :  Valerian  planned  to  appoint 
Ulpius  Crinitus  as  A  10,  2 :  con- 
ferred on  Probus  P  12,  b :  on 
Carinus  Ca  7,  i ;  10 ;  16,  2  :  Carus 
planned  to  take  powers  of  from 
Carinus  Ca  7,  3;  17,  6:  conferred 
on  Numerian  Ca  7,  I ;  10 :  on 
Constantius  Ae  2,  2;  Ca  17,  6  :  on 
Galerius  Ae  2,  2. 

Caesarea,  city  in  Cappadocia :  cap- 
tured by  Cyriades  TT  2,  2. 

Caesars:  custom  of  family  of  CA  5, 
6 :  Theoclius  writer  of  times  oi  A 
6,  4. 

Caesonini :  Calpurnia  descended 
from  TT  32,  5. 

Caesonius  Vectilianus :  report  ol  to 
M.  Aurelius  AC  5,  5. 

Caieta,  town  in  Italy:  harbour  re- 
paired by  Antoninus  Pius  AP  8,  3  : 
reputed  amours  of  Faustina  at  MA 

19.  7- 

Calabria,  district  of  Italy:  Teuicus 
supervisor  of  TT  24,  5. 

469 


INDEX  OF  NAMES 


Calenus  :  fellow-student  of  M.  Aure- 
lius MA  3,  8. 

CALIGULA:  M.  Aurelius  feared 
that  Commodus  would  resemble 
MA  28, 10 :  L.  Verus  imitated  vices 
of  V  4,  6 :  deserved  to  die,  accord- 
ing to  M.  Aurelius  AC  8,4:  bio- 
graphy by  Suetonius  C  10,  2  :  man 
who  had  same  birthday  as  killed 
by  Commodus  C  10,  2 :  example 
of  evil  ruler  E  i,  i ;  A  42,  6  :  vices 
of  practised  by  Elagabalus  E  33, 
i :  removed  by  tyrannicide  E  34,  i. 

Callicrates  of  Tyre :  cited  A  4,  2. 

Calpurnia  :  wife  of  pretender  Titus 
TT  32,  5-6. 

Calpurnius  :  wrote  letter  to  Faustina 
AC  10,  9. 

Calpurnius  Agricola :  sent  to  quell 
revolt  in  Britain  MA  8,  8. 

Calpurnius  Crassus  Frugi  Licinianus, 
C. :  spared  by  Hadrian  H  5,  5  : 
murdered  H  5,  6. 

Calpurnius  Piso,  C. :  attempt  to 
seize  principate  now  forgotten  PN 
9,  2  :  conspiracy  of  suppressed  CA 
12,  10. 

Calpurnius  Piso,  L. :  consulship  of 
C  12,  1-3. 

Calpurnius  Scipio  Orfitus,  Ser. :  con- 
sulship of  C  ii,  14. 

Calpurnius :  see  lulius. 

Calvisius  Tnllus,  P. :  twice  consul, 
grandfather  of  M.  Aurelius  MA  i,  3. 

Camilli :  Claudius  resembled  Cl  i,  3. 

Camillus  :  see  Furius  :  Ovinius. 

Campania :  Hadrian's  visit  and  gen- 
erosity to  H  9,  6 :  visit  of  Anton- 
inus Pius  to  AP  7,  ii :  M.  Aurelius 
in  MA  10,  7 :  spectacles  given  by 
Gordian  I  in  Go  4,  6 :  peaches 
from  CA  ii,  3  :  Tetricus  supervisor 
of  TT  24,  5  :  Tacitus  in  when  made 
emperor  T  7,  5. 

Campus  Martius,  at  Rome :  theatre 
in  destroyed  by  Hadrian  H  9,  i : 
a  lunatic's  harangue  in  MA  13,6: 
Basilica  Alexandrina  near  SA  26, 
7 :  heads  of  Maximinus  and  son 
burned  in  M  31,  5 :  portico  in 
planned  by  Gordian  III  Go  32,  6: 
public  meeting  in  T  7,  2 :  spectacle 
in  Cl  13,  7. 

Camsisoleus :  general  of  Gallienus, 
defeated  Trebellianus  TT  26,  4. 

470 


Candidus  :  see  lulius  :  Vespronius. 

Caninia,  Lex:   observed  by  Tacitus 

,  T  10,  7. 

Caninius  Celer,  orator :  teacher  of 
M.  Aurelius  MA  2,  4 :  of  L.  Verus 

„  V  2,  5. 

Cannabas  (or  Cannabaudes):  leader  of 
Goths,  killed  by  Aurelian  A  22,  2. 

Canopus :  place  in  Hadrian's  villa 
near  Tibur  H  26,  5. 

Canus :  see  Sulpicius. 

Canusium,  town  in  Italy :  L.  Verus 
ill  at  MA  8,  ii;  V  6,  7 :  capes 
from  Ca  20,  6. 

Capelianus :  defeated  Gordians  in 
Africa  M  19 ;  20,  7 ;  Go  15 — 16. 

Capella :  see  Antistius. 

Cap i to,  prefect  of  guard:  letter  of 
Probus  to  P  10,  6-7. 

Capito :  see  Egnatius. 

Capitolinus  :  see  Cornelius  :  lulius. 

Capitolium,  in  Rome  :  oath  sworn  in 
by  M.  Aurelius  MA  29,  4 :  vows 
fulfilled  in  by  Pertinax  HP  5,  4: 
visit  of  Didius  Julianus  to  DJ  4,  6 : 
visit  of  Severus  to  S  7,  i :  visited 
by  Severus  and  Plautianus  S  14,  7 : 
by  Caracalla  Cc  3,  2 :  by  Elaga- 
balus  E  15,7:  dinner  served  to 
Elagabalus  on  E  30,  4  :  ceremonial 
robes  of  emperors  kept  in  SA  40, 
8 :  Go  .,,  4 ;  P  7,  4-5 :  visited  by 
Severus  Alexander  SA  43,  5 ;  57,  i : 
soldiers  killed  on  Go  22,  8  :  visited 
by  Maximus  and  Balbinus  M-B  3, 
2 ;  8,  2.  4 :  by  Gallienus  Ga  8,  i.  5  : 
statue  of  Claudius  on  Cl  3,  4: 
temple  of  Jupiter  on  A  29,  i :  Aure- 
lian's  triumphal  procession  to  A 
33.  3 ;  34.  5 :  filled  with  gifts  by 
Aurelian  A  41,  n  :  statue  of  Aure- 
lian voted  for  T  9,  2  :  Tacitus'  en- 
dowment for  repair  of  T  10,  5 : 
amphora  kept  on  M  4,  I. 

Cappadocia:  slaves  from  used  by 
Hadrian  H  13,  7 :  horses  from 
given  away  by  Gordian  I  Go  4,5: 
invaded  by  Scythians  (Goths)  Ga 
ii,  i. 

Capreae :  Lucilla  killed  in  C  5,  7. 

Capua,  town  in  Italy :  M.  Aurelius 
escorted  L.  Verus  to  MA  8,  10; 
V  6,  7:  journey  of  Faustina  to 
AC  10,  7 :  plan  to  arm  gladiators 
at  DJ  8,  3. 


INDEX  OF  NAMES 


CARACALLA  (L.   Septimius    Bas- 
sianus;   M.  Aurelius  Antoninus): 
origin  of  name  S  21,  u  ;  Cc  9,  7-8; 
D  2,   8:    Severus  deemed   happy 
had  he  not  had  son  like  S  21,  6: 
birth  and  parentage  S  3,  9;  20,  2; 
21,  7;    Cc  6,  6;   10,  i:   childhood 
S  4,  6;  Cc  i,  3-8:  character  S  20, 
3;  Cc  2,  1-3;   5,   2;   9,    3;    "•   5; 
Ge  7,  4-6 ;  SA  9,  i :  received  title 
of  Caesar   S  10,  3 ;    14,  3 ;    16,  3  : 
received  name  Antoninus  S  10,  3- 
6;  PN8,  5;  Cci.i;  Gei,4;  OM 
3,  4 ;  D  6,  8 ;  SA  IO,  5  :   received 
imperial  insignia  from  Senate  S  14, 
3  :  married  daughter  of  Plautianus 
S  14,  8  :  made  consul  S  14,  10;  16, 
8  :  acclaimed  colleague  of  Severus 
S  16,  3 ;  Ge  5,  3  :  received  triumph 
over  Jews    S   16,   7 :    attempt    of 
soldiers  to  make  emperor  S  18,  9- 
ii ;    Cc   ii,   3-4:    omen  given   by 
statue  of  S  22,  3  :  sent  greetings  to 
Albinus  CA  7,  4 :  Severus  planned 
to  make  joint  ruler  with  Geta  S  20, 
1-2 ;  23,  3-6 ;  CA  3,  5 ;  7,  2 ;  Cc  2, 
7;  Ge  I,  3-7;  6,  i  :  caused  Severus 
to    be  deified    S  19,  4 :   murdered 
Geta  S  20,  3  ;   21,  7  ;   23,  7  ;    Cc  2, 
4-6 ;  8,  5  ;  10,  4-6 ;  Ge  2,  8  ;  6,  i  : 
asked  Papinian  to  have  murder  of 
Geta  excused  Cc8,  5-6  :  opposed  by 
soldiers  at  Alba  Cc  2, 7-8 ;  Ge  6,  i  -2 : 
donatives  to  soldiers,  Cc  2,  8  ;  Ge  6, 
2  :    appearance   before   senate  and 
first  acts    of  rule   Cc  2,  9 — 3,  2 : 
murders  S  21,  8;  Cc3,  3—4,  9;  5,  i  ; 
8,  i.  4.  8 ;  Ge  6,  3-6 ;  7, 6  :  arrogance 
Cc4,io:  acts  of  cruelty  and  oppres- 
sion 821,9;  Cc  5,  3.  7;  Ge4,  2.  5  : 
hated  S  21,  11 ;  Cc  5,  2 ;  9,  3  ;  OM 
2,   3-4;    7,   1-3:    journey   through 
Gaul,    Raetia,    Dacia,    Thrace    to 
Asia  Cc  5,  1-8:   cognomina  Cc  5, 
5-6 ;  6,  5  ;  10,  5-6 ;  Ge  6,  6  :  love  of 
hunting    Cc    5,    9 :     war    against 
Parthians    Cc   6,  1-6 :    cruelty  at 
Alexandria  Cc  6,  2-3 :    murdered 
Cc  6,  6—7,  2 ;  8,  9 ;  OM  2,  i.  5 ;  3, 
8;  4,7-8;  D  i,  i;  E  2,  3 ;  M  4,  4 : 
length  of  life  and  rule   Cc  9,  i : 
public  works  S  21,  11-12  ;  Cc  9,  4- 
9;  E  17,  8-9;  gifts  to  populace  S 
21,  i ;  Cc  9,  7-8 ;  OM  5,  3  :  interest 
in  cult  of  Isis  Cc  9,  10-11  :  burial 


Caracalla — continued. 

Cc  9,  12 :  deification  and  other 
honours  Cc  n,  5-6;  OM  5,  1-3; 

6,  8 ;